RELIGIOON, ÕIGUS JA POLIITIKA ISLAMIS Islamism Kui Fundamentalistlik Ideoloogia

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RELIGIOON, ÕIGUS JA POLIITIKA ISLAMIS Islamism Kui Fundamentalistlik Ideoloogia RELIGIOON, ÕIGUS JA POLIITIKA ISLAMIS Islamism kui fundamentalistlik ideoloogia Bassam Tibi Tolkinud˜ Kalle Kasemaa 21. sajandil astuvad religioonid maailma näitelavale modernismi kriisi märgi all; kahjuks mitte uue elu saanud ususüsteemidena, vaid eelkõige religioossel alusel seisvate ideoloogiatena, mis sel- lelt aluselt lähtudes esitavad poliitilisi nõudmisi. Seetõttu teki- tavad need uued poliitilised religioonid konflikte maailmapoliiti- kas. Esiplaanil on religiooniga põhjendatud nõue jumalavalitsuse järele. Seda nähtust võib täheldada peaaegu kõigi “raamatureli- gioonide” puhul ning seda nimetatakse religioosseks fundamen- talismiks. Lähem uurimine näitab, et moodsa aja kriisita poleks sellist nähtust saanud tekkida, sest religioosne fundamentalism, millest postmodernistid oma kultuurilise relativismi raames aru ei saa, seab vastuseks sellele kriisile tagasipöördumise religiooni juurde. Politiseeritud religioonid väljendavad religioosset uus- absolutismi poliitilisel kujul. Tegemist on maailmavaatega, mis Religion, Recht und Politik im Islam. Der Islamismus als eine fundamentalistische Ideologie. — Religiöser Fundamentalismus: Analysen und Kritiken. Hrsg. von S. Alkier, H. Deuser, G. Linde. Tübingen: Narr Francke Attempto Verlag, 2005, S. 131–153. Avaldame autori ja kirjastuse nõusolekul. 1403 Religioon, õigus ja poliitika islamis Bassam Tibi ei salli mingit relatiivsust. Diskursiivne dialoog kultuurilise rela- kuulutavad absoluutset tõde. Seega on seletuse lähtepunktiks as- tivismi ja religioosse uusabsolutismi vahel on kujuteldamatu, kui jaolu, et religioosne fundamentalism toetub pühadele tekstidele. mitte lausa välistatud. Ometi ei või religioosse fundamentalismi tekstiusku ajada segi või Arutelu asjalikkuse huvides on tarvis sisuliselt tegelda selle samastada religioosse ortodoksia skripturalismiga. Religioosne nähtusega ning näidata ja selgitada, millest on tingitud sakraal- ortodoksia ja religioosne fundamentalism usuvad küll ühtemoodi suse tagasitulek politiseeritud religiooni kujul (Pfleiderer, Stege- pühadesse kirjadesse, kuid nad erinevad üksteisest otsustavalt. Re- mann 2004; vrd minu peatükk seal: lk 223–253). Pole vaja eriti ligioosne fundamentalism on kujutlus poliitilisest korrast, orto- pingutada taipamaks, et tegemist pole religioosse renessansiga. doksia aga religioosne dogmatism, mis võib muutuda poliitiliseks Politiseeritud religioonid esindavad religioosset fundamentalismi, ideeks, kuid ei tarvitse. Fundamentalism on modernismi sünnitis, mis paneb ühte patta religiooni, õiguse ja poliitika. See on kõiki religioosne ortodoksia aga on valdavalt traditsionalism. Funda- religioone hõlmav globaalne nähtus, mis 20. sajandi viimasest mentalismil on järgmised kesksed tunnused: kolmandikust saadik on kõikjal ilmsiks saanud; kuid ühenduses 1. seda iseloomustab moodsalt — ja väga valikuliselt — nähtud Lääne-vastase hoiakuga, mida sealjuures väljendatakse, on isla- tuginemine ilmutuslikule religiooniürikule; mil eriline koht. Selle põhjuseks on islami universalism, mis politiseeritult toob kaasa kujutluse islami maailmakorrast. Osa 2. seda kujundab religiooni politiseerumine, mille tõttu eksperte räägib koguni külmast sõjast religiooni ja ilmalikkuse 3. selle olemuseks on usk Divine Order’isse kui jumalavalitsusse; vahel (Juergensmeyer 1994). Esimesel kohal seisab seejuures is- 4. õigus muutub alati Jumala seaduseks (ˇsari’a muslimitel, ha- lami väljakutse, nii nagu see avaldus terroriaktides 11.9.2001 New lakha juutidel) ning on sel kombel fundamentalismi koostis- Yorgis ja 11.3.2004 Madridis. osaks; 5. fundamentalism on religioosseks vastuseks ilmalikule kultuu- rilisele modernismile; I. SISSEJUHATUS: RELIGIOOSNE FUNDAMENTALISM — 6. fundamentalism pole traditsionalism, vaid on “traditsiooni MÕISTE JA SISU ISLAMI KONTEKSTIS leiutamine”, ning lõpuks 7. on see modernism, kuid poolik modernism, sest see jaotab Rääkides politiseeritud religioonist kui religioosse fundamenta- modernismi väärtusteks ja vahenditeks — esimestest ütleb see lismi ilmingust, tuleb täpsema vaatluse alla võtta väide, et is- lahti, teised võtab omaks. lam iseenesest on poliitiline religioon. Seejuures on kasulik vaa- data American Academy of Arts and Sciences poolt 1989–1993 Kogemus näitab, et fundamentalismi puudulik diskursiivsus tõs- läbiviidud suure interdistsiplinaarse ja interreligioosse Fundamen- tatab küsimuse “Kuidas diskuteerida fundamentalistidega, kaota- talism Project’i tulemusi, mida teostasid teoloogid Martin Marty mata seejuures mõistust”, nagu H. Schleichert oma raamatu peal- ja Scott Appleby. Selle tulemusel valminud viieköiteline teos, kirjaks pani (Schleichert 1997). Vale oleks aga arvata, nagu olek- mis Saksamaal kahjuks vähe tähelepanu on äratanud,1 sisaldab sid fundamentalistid irratsionaalsed. Muidugi võib neile omis- religioosse fundamentalismi seletust. Keskne on viitamine re- tada “mõistuse varjutust” Max Horkheimeri mõttes (Horkheimer ligiooni “vundamentidele”, mille puhul on tegemist tekstidega, 1947), ent siiski on neile omane ühele sihile suunatud ratsionaal- millest usutakse, et need on Jumala poolt ilmutatud ning seepärast sus. Nende maailmavaade ühendab instrumentaalse traditsiona- lismi keskaegse teoloogia politiseerimisega, milles pühi tekste 1Ilmunud Chicago University Press’i väljaandel 1991–1995, iseära- käsitletakse selektiivselt ja skripturalistlikult. nis kd 1: Fundamentalisms Observed, Chicago, 1991, ning kd 2: Fun- Just seoses islamiga ajendab hüpotees, et religioosne funda- damentalisms and Society, Chicago, 1993. mentalism on moodsa aja nähtus ning kujutab endast religiooni po- 1404 1405 Religioon, õigus ja poliitika islamis Bassam Tibi litiseerimist, analüüsima laialt levinud arusaama, nagu oleks islam Eespool mainiti, et poliitilistel religioonidel on omad korraku- oma loomult poliitiline religioon. Ma vaidlen vastu nii salafisti- jutlused, mis on ühitamatud religioosse pluralismiga, kuna need dele∗ kui islamistidele: islam pole poliitiline religioon. Seda kinni- on totalitaarsed. Mis puudutab islamit, siis siin on kaks teine- tab islami ja islamismi erinevuste analüüs. Selle põhjendamiseks teist välistavat arusaama: al-islam al-sijasi (poliitiline islam) vas- tuleb uurida religiooni selle vahekorras poliitikaga; seepärast tandina euroislamile, mille järgi on võimalik laicit´e∗ ning avatud küsin ma, kas islam on paljalt religioosne uskumus või on ta ole- ühiskonna demokraatlik pluralism. Milline neist võimalustest is- muslikult poliitiline religioon. See probleem ei puuduta mitte lami migrantide poolt Euroopas omaks võetakse ning rakendust ainult islamitsivilisatsiooni asendit radikaalselt muutuvas ja polii- leiab, on asi, mis otsustavalt puudutab Euroopa tulevikku ja iden- tiliselt ebastabiilses maailmas, mis seisab küsimuse ees, kas tema titeeti. Siin tekib küsimus usuvabaduse piiridest: nõuda vabadust tulevikku määrab kujutlus demokraatlikust rahust tsivilisatsioo- ja sallivust islamile kui usule ei tähenda selle aktsepteerimist po- nide vahel või islamistide poolt 21. sajandi lõpu jaoks taotletava liitilise religioonina. Olen oma uurimustes jõudnud järeldusele, pax islamica ülemvõim. et islamism on uus totalitarism ning seepärast ei saa selle kohta Islami sisserände tõttu puudutab see probleem iseäranis Euroo- käia usuvabaduse reegel (Tibi 2004). pat. Ameerika islamiekspert John Kelsay kõneleb selles seoses “sektantliku enklaavi” tekkimisest “Lääne kultuuris, mis asub Läänes, aga pole selle osa” (Kelsay 1993: 118). Ka Bernard II. ISLAM JA SAKRAALSUSE TAGASITULEK Lewis∗∗ teatab, et “Euroopa on 21. sajandi lõpuks islamlik” (Die Welt 28.7.2004, lk 6). Küsimus, kui fundamentalistlik islam on, Küsimust, kas islam on poliitiline religioon, mis oleks seotud s.t kas see poliitilise religioonina määrab islami diasporaa orien- poliitilise korraga, on uurinud Al-Azhari∗∗ õpetlane Ali Abdel- tiirid, kätkeb jaatava vastuse korral Euroopa jaoks alarmeerivat Raziq, kes leidis, et keskaegne islam tegi vahet ˇsari’a/õiguse ja ohupotentsiaali, sest islami migrandid, kelle arv pidevalt kasvab, sijasa/riigivalitsemise vahel. Raziqi töö ilmus 1925, pärast islami kujutavad islami poliitilise mõistmise korral endast getot, mille kalifaadi lõppu 1924. a ning pärast esimese ilmaliku riigi, Türgi elanikud, kui nad kord ülekaalu saavutavad, püüavad Euroopas tekkimist islami maailmas. Kuid mõni aasta hiljem sõnastati is- oma korda maksma panna. Kui aga islam on vaid religioosne lamistlik õpetus, mis kuulutab, et islam on “din wa-daula/usu ja usk, siis on islami migrantidel võimalik saada võrdväärtuslikeks riigi ühtsus”, ning seda loetakse poliitilise islami sünniks. Selle eurooplasteks, kes ühendavad oma teistsuguse usu Euroopa koda- aluseks on “Muslimivennaskonna” liikumise rajamine Kairos kondsusega; see on kujutlus euroislamist vastandatuna fundamen- 1928, mis oli esimeseks fundamentalistlikuks liikumiseks islamis. talismile. Teisisõnu: siin pole tegemist akadeemilise probleemiga, Väär on seda iseloomustada paljalt “konservatiivsena”. Enamik vaid Euroopa jaoks elutähtsa küsimusega. Ajaloolane Bernard tänapäevaseid islamistlikke organisatsioone on selle vennaskonna Lewis ning mina ennustame Euroopale vägivalda ja katastroofe, harud, ning see on nüüd ka Saksamaal esindatud. Saksamaal kui islami euroopastumine peaks karile jooksma. on sellel liikumisel haru, mis tegutseb nimetuse all “Islamische Gemeinschaft Deutschlands” ning mida põhiseaduse kaitse peab ∗ põhiseadusevaenulikuks. Vennaskonna rajajaks 1928 oli Hasan Religioosne ortodoksia islamis. Mõiste tuleneb araabia sõnast sa- al-Banna, kuid selle vaimseks
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