DOCSLIB.ORG

CEPS Policy Brief Policy Studies No

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
CEPS Policy Brief Policy Studies No Centre for European CEPS Policy Brief Policy Studies No. 68/April 2005 A Spreading Danger Time for a New Policy towards Chechnya Fiona Hill, Anatol Lieven and Thomas de Waal Summary The ongoing conflict in and around Chechnya is helping to feed the wider international jihadi movement, and is endangering the West as well as Russia. The next “soft target” of North Caucasian terrorism could be a Western one. Mutual recriminations over the conflict have badly damaged relations between Russia and the West. While most of the blame for this lies with Russian policies, the Western approach to the issue has often been unhelpful and irresponsible. Denunciations of Russian behaviour have not been matched by a real understanding of the Chechen conflict or a real commitment to help. In their own interest, Western countries need urgently to address the crisis in the North Caucasus. This requires them to recognize the seriousness of the threat, to open a real dialogue on cooperation with Russia rather than simply making criticisms, and to make a serious economic contribution to the region. Thinking ahead for Europe Fiona Hill is a Senior Fellow at the Brookings Institution in Washington, D.C. and has researched, published, and commented extensively on Russian and Eurasian affairs and on international strategic and energy issues. Anatol Lieven is a Senior Associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. From 1990 to 1996 he was a correspondent for the Times (London) in the former Soviet Union, and covered the first Chechen War as a reporter. Thomas de Waal is Caucasus editor at the Institute for War and Peace Reporting. This paper is reprinted by kind permission of the publisher from A Spreading Danger: Time for a New Policy toward Chechnya, Anatol Lieven (Washington, DC; Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2005) (http://ww.carnegieendowment.org). The views expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the institutions with which they are associated nor those of CEPS. Unless otherwise indicated, the views expressed are attributable only to the authors in a personal capacity and not to any institution with which they are associated. Available for free downloading from the CEPS website (http://www.ceps.be) Contents Relations at an Impasse ............................................................................................................................1 A Broader Problem in the North Caucasus ..............................................................................................1 A Flawed Foreign Response.....................................................................................................................2 The Need for New Perceptions ................................................................................................................3 New Western Approaches........................................................................................................................3 Related Resources ....................................................................................................................................5 A Spreading Danger Time for a New Policy towards Chechnya CEPS Policy Brief No. 68/April 2005 Fiona Hill, Anatol Lieven and Thomas de Waal Relations at an Impasse neighbouring North Ossetia, Ingushetia, Daghestan, Kabardino-Balkharia, and Karachaevo-Cherkessia. In 2004, Western countries’ dealings with Russia over the war in Chechnya reached an impasse, full of mutual The North Caucasus has a long history of communal strife suspicion and denunciation. If this situation is allowed to that erupted again in the 1990s. The bloodiest episode was continue, any positive Western contribution to the a conflict between ethnic Ingush and Ossetians over a land improvement of conditions in the North Caucasus will dispute that took more than 600 lives in 1992. The region is remain virtually impossible, and the situation there is likely also chronically underdeveloped, with high unemployment to become increasingly dangerous for Russia and the West. and poverty rates, and low average wages and per capita incomes. The principal blame for the tension with the West over Chechnya lies with Russian policy. However, the Western These socioeconomic problems are breeding instability and approach to the conflict has too often been unhelpful and radicalism. Radical Islamist influence has risen since the irresponsible. On the Russian side, first the Yeltsin and then mid- 1990s, when militant groups entrenched themselves in the Putin administrations have grossly mismanaged the region. The growth of militancy has only been Chechnya. The first Russian military intervention, of exacerbated by the heavy-handed reaction of the December 1994, was unnecessary, rash, and brutal. The authorities, who have, for example, closed down virtually second, of October 1999, though more justified, was all the mosques in Kabardino-Balkharia. premature and savagely conducted. As in the first The first modern Chechen war, of 1994-1996, largely intervention, indiscriminate force was too often used. stopped at the borders of Chechnya. Chechen separatists Grozny has twice been bombarded into ruin. The fact that received very little support from their regional neighbours. such action has numerous parallels in Western military Today, this pattern has changed, as demonstrated by direct campaigns does not make it any more acceptable. Ingush involvement in a raid on the Ingushetian city of On the ground, Russian servicemen have committed many Nazran in June 2004 and the participation of Ingush and well-documented atrocities against Chechnya’s civilian members of other North Caucasus ethnic groups in the population. As of 2005, the Russian armed forces have to a terrorist attack on the school in Beslan in September 2004. great extent won the main military campaign in Chechnya, Although reliable data are also hard to come by, much of but this has only led Chechen extremists and their allies to the Chechen rebel movement has clearly adopted a wider resort to larger-scale and more monstrous terrorist attacks radical agenda that goes beyond only independence for on “soft targets” outside Chechnya, including the Dubrovka Chechnya. During and after the war of 1994-1996, a small theatre in Moscow in October 2002 and the school in but influential group of international jihadi fighters based Beslan in September 2004. themselves in Chechnya under the leadership of an Arab with the nom de guerre of Khattab, while home-grown A Broader Problem in the North Caucasus rebel leaders, such as Shamil Basayev, Arbi Barayev, and Movladi Udugov, allied themselves with this group and The problems stemming from the Chechen conflict have began to look to Middle Eastern Islamists for support. broadened. It is no longer accurate simply to talk about “Chechen militants”. The hostage-takers in Beslan included Arabs based in the Pankisi Gorge in Georgia, alongside Ingush and individuals from other parts of the North Chechen fighters, were associated with an alleged plot to Caucasus. Since defeating the Russian army in the war of launch a terrorist attack in London using the poison ricin. 1994-1996, the Chechen radicals and their international Members of the international jihadi movement have sought allies have had an agenda of undermining Russian rule to exploit the Chechen conflict for their own wider ends, across the whole North Caucasus. just as they have in Palestine, Kashmir, and many other places, and unfortunately, with considerable success. This In recent years, entrenched poverty, corruption, criminality, strategy has been set out by Al Qaeda’s second-in- and ethno-religious divisions in the region have command, Aiman al-Zawahiri, in his pamphlet “Knights strengthened their chances. While the situation in Chechnya Under the Prophet’s Banner”. is slowly improving, things are getting markedly worse in | 1 2 | Hill, Lieven & de Waal Although Russian claims about the importance of the Western media largely failed to report the wave of savage international terrorist element in the Chechen conflict are kidnappings against Russian citizens, including senior often exaggerated, this factor is nonetheless a real and Russian officials, and the establishment in Chechnya of important one. There clearly is now an ideological and international Islamist extremists. Casualty figures in financial link between the Chechen radicals and Chechnya have often been grossly exaggerated by Western international jihadi terrorists, and there is also a journalists and commentators (see box on page 5). These demonstration effect. Terror tactics adopted by jihadis in have in fact reduced markedly in recent years. Chechnya have been propagated by video and the Internet While Chechens complain justifiably of the very high level and adopted elsewhere, including in Iraq. This link with of official and unofficial criminality and violence in their international jihadi terrorism should be of direct concern to republic, there are also some modest signs of improvement Western governments because they must face the in everyday life in Chechnya. Running water and electricity possibility that the next soft target of North Caucasian are more readily available, checkpoints are much reduced, terrorism could be a Western one. travel is less restricted, and mobile phone usage is now President Putin has provided an opening for a more positive possible in the republic. Western role in the region by informing German None of these improvements suggest
Load more

Recommended publications
  • 184 Centralized Leadership, in Contrast to Lithuania, Was Not
    184 Book Reviews centralized leadership, in contrast to Lithuania, was not established. There were regional organizations: the National Kurzeme Organiza­ tion of Latvian Partisans (1945), the National Vidzeme Movement of Latvian Partisans (1944-1948), the Latvian Union of Fatherland Guards (Partisans) (LTS(p)A) in Latgale (1945). The latter organization imi­ tated the structure of the Latvian army, its four divisions; it also made unsuccessful attempts to unify the partisan movement. Nevertheless, the leaders of these organizations (K.Rusovs, A. Cirulis (Varpa), pas­ tor A. Juhnevics, K. Blumbergs, V Mundure (Marta Skuja)) as well as the leaders of partisan detachments (such as P. Cevers) contributed greatly to the survival of the resistance movement. On February 1, 1954 there were still 105 partisans in Latvia. However, in 1956 they either surrendered or perished. On the basis of thoroughly collected and profoundly analyzed documentary material the author presents a comprehensive panorama of the partisan movement, the activities of separate organizations and the chronological stages of the struggle for freedom. To our knowl­ edge this is the only detailed history of the Latvian partisan warfare there is. In its turn, it will enable historians of Lithuanian 'resistance to draw generalized conclusions on the basis of more than their own country's experience, and, at the same time, develop new research as­ pects. Arvydas Anusauskas Lithuanian Institute of History Anatol Lieven. Pabaltijo revoliucija. Estija, Latvija, Lietuva - kelias i nepriklausomyb~. Vilnius: Baltos lankos, 1995, 475 pp. (Translated by Rasa AsminaviCiiite and Ausra Cizikiene from: Anatol Lieven. The Baltic Revolution. Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and the Path to Independence.
    [Show full text]
  • 2006-07 Annual Report
    ����������������������������� the chicago council on global affairs 1 The Chicago Council on Global Affairs, founded in 1922 as The Chicago Council on Foreign Relations, is a leading independent, nonpartisan organization committed to influencing the discourse on global issues through contributions to opinion and policy formation, leadership dialogue, and public learning. The Chicago Council brings the world to Chicago by hosting public programs and private events featuring world leaders and experts with diverse views on a wide range of global topics. Through task forces, conferences, studies, and leadership dialogue, the Council brings Chicago’s ideas and opinions to the world. 2 the chicago council on global affairs table of contents the chicago council on global affairs 3 Message from the Chairman The world has undergone On September 1, 2006, The Chicago Council on tremendous change since Foreign Relations became The Chicago Council on The Chicago Council was Global Affairs. The new name respects the Council’s founded in 1922, when heritage – a commitment to nonpartisanship and public nation-states dominated education – while it signals an understanding of the the international stage. changing world and reflects the Council’s increased Balance of power, national efforts to contribute to national and international security, statecraft, and discussions in a global era. diplomacy were foremost Changes at The Chicago Council are evident on on the agenda. many fronts – more and new programs, larger and more Lester Crown Today, our world diverse audiences, a step-up in the pace of task force is shaped increasingly by forces far beyond national reports and conferences, heightened visibility, increased capitals.
    [Show full text]
  • ON the EFFECTIVE USE of PROXY WARFARE by Andrew Lewis Peek Baltimore, Maryland May 2021 © 2021 Andrew Peek All Rights Reserved
    ON THE EFFECTIVE USE OF PROXY WARFARE by Andrew Lewis Peek A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Baltimore, Maryland May 2021 2021 Andrew Peek All rights reserved Abstract This dissertation asks a simple question: how are states most effectively conducting proxy warfare in the modern international system? It answers this question by conducting a comparative study of the sponsorship of proxy forces. It uses process tracing to examine five cases of proxy warfare and predicts that the differentiation in support for each proxy impacts their utility. In particular, it proposes that increasing the principal-agent distance between sponsors and proxies might correlate with strategic effectiveness. That is, the less directly a proxy is supported and controlled by a sponsor, the more effective the proxy becomes. Strategic effectiveness here is conceptualized as consisting of two key parts: a proxy’s operational capability and a sponsor’s plausible deniability. These should be in inverse relation to each other: the greater and more overt a sponsor’s support is to a proxy, the more capable – better armed, better trained – its proxies should be on the battlefield. However, this close support to such proxies should also make the sponsor’s influence less deniable, and thus incur strategic costs against both it and the proxy. These costs primarily consist of external balancing by rival states, the same way such states would balance against conventional aggression. Conversely, the more deniable such support is – the more indirect and less overt – the less balancing occurs.
    [Show full text]
  • TRINITY COLLEGE Cambridge Trinity College Cambridge College Trinity Annual Record Annual
    2016 TRINITY COLLEGE cambridge trinity college cambridge annual record annual record 2016 Trinity College Cambridge Annual Record 2015–2016 Trinity College Cambridge CB2 1TQ Telephone: 01223 338400 e-mail: [email protected] website: www.trin.cam.ac.uk Contents 5 Editorial 11 Commemoration 12 Chapel Address 15 The Health of the College 18 The Master’s Response on Behalf of the College 25 Alumni Relations & Development 26 Alumni Relations and Associations 37 Dining Privileges 38 Annual Gatherings 39 Alumni Achievements CONTENTS 44 Donations to the College Library 47 College Activities 48 First & Third Trinity Boat Club 53 Field Clubs 71 Students’ Union and Societies 80 College Choir 83 Features 84 Hermes 86 Inside a Pirate’s Cookbook 93 “… Through a Glass Darkly…” 102 Robert Smith, John Harrison, and a College Clock 109 ‘We need to talk about Erskine’ 117 My time as advisor to the BBC’s War and Peace TRINITY ANNUAL RECORD 2016 | 3 123 Fellows, Staff, and Students 124 The Master and Fellows 139 Appointments and Distinctions 141 In Memoriam 155 A Ninetieth Birthday Speech 158 An Eightieth Birthday Speech 167 College Notes 181 The Register 182 In Memoriam 186 Addresses wanted CONTENTS TRINITY ANNUAL RECORD 2016 | 4 Editorial It is with some trepidation that I step into Boyd Hilton’s shoes and take on the editorship of this journal. He managed the transition to ‘glossy’ with flair and panache. As historian of the College and sometime holder of many of its working offices, he also brought a knowledge of its past and an understanding of its mysteries that I am unable to match.
    [Show full text]
  • Russias Wars in Chechnya 1994-2009 Free
    FREE RUSSIAS WARS IN CHECHNYA 1994-2009 PDF Mark Galeotti | 96 pages | 09 Dec 2014 | Bloomsbury Publishing PLC | 9781782002772 | English | Osprey, United Kingdom Russia’s Wars in Chechnya – - Osprey Publishing In this fully illustrated book an expert on the conflicts traces the progress of the wars in Chechnya, from the initial Russian advance through to urban battles such as Grozny, and the prolonged guerrilla warfare in the mountainous regions. Russias Wars in Chechnya 1994-2009 assesses how the wars have torn apart the fabric of Chechen society and their impact on Russia itself. Featuring specially drawn full-colour mapping and drawing upon a wide range of sources, this succinct account explains the origins, history and consequences of Russia's wars in Chechnya, shedding new light on the history — and prospects — of the troubled region. These are the stories of low-level guerrilla combat as told by the survivors. They cover fighting from the cities of Grozny and Argun to the villages of Bamut and Serzhen-yurt, and finally the hills, river valleys and mountains that make up so much of Chechnya. The author embedded with Chechen guerrilla forces and knows the conflict, country and culture. Yet, as a Western outsider, he is able to maintain perspective and objectivity. He traveled extensively to interview Chechen former combatants now displaced, some now in hiding or on the run from Russian retribution and justice. The book is organized into vignettes that provide insight on the nature of both Chechen and Russian tactics utilized during the two wars. They show the chronic problem of guerrilla logistics, the necessity of digging in fighting positions, the value of the correct use of terrain and the price paid in individual discipline and unit cohesion when guerrillas are not bound by a military code and law.
    [Show full text]
  • Anatol Lieven on Pakistan
    Anatol Lieven on Pakistan http://www.carnegiecouncil.org/resources/transcripts/0380.html/:pf_print... Anatol Lieven on Pakistan Anatol Lieven , David C. Speedie April 20, 2011 The U.S. Global Engagement program gratefully acknowledges the support for its work from the following: Alfred and Jane Ross Foundation, Rockefeller Brothers Fund, Donald M. Kendall, Rockefeller Family & Associates, and Booz & Company. Anatol Lieven May 3, 2011. Following the death of Osama bin Laden, here follows a special note from Anatol Lieven. In recent years, Pakistan—or rather the Pakistani military—has been pursuing not a two-faced but a four-faced approach to extremism: One face for the Afghan Taliban, one for the Pakistani Taliban, one for al-Qaeda and other international terrorists based in Pakistan, and one for Pakistani terrorists who in the past operated against India with Pakistani military support. To the Afghan Taliban, it has given shelter. Against the Pakistani Taliban, it has pursued a tough military campaign. It has also intermittently cracked down hard on al-Qaeda. With regard to the anti-Indian extremists, it has said that it is keeping them from terrorism against Pakistan and the West by maintaining a close relationship with them. David C. Speedie In the past, the U.S. has turned a partially blind eye to Pakistan's shelter to the Afghan Taliban because of a belief that the Pakistani military really was co-operating against al-Qaeda. It is this belief—and with it the whole U.S.-Pakistani relationship—that risks being blown into the air by the revelation that bin Laden was hiding near a major Pakistani military base without being spotted.
    [Show full text]
  • A Short History of Islamic “States” in the North Caucasus
    AMERICAN UNIVERSITY OF BEIRUT THE CAUCASUS EMIRATE IN THE AGE OF ISIS: A SHORT HISTORY OF ISLAMIC “STATES” IN THE NORTH CAUCASUS by SUSANNAH JANE STEPHENS A Project submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts to the Center for Arab and Middle East Studies of the Faculty of Arts and Sciences at the American University of Beirut Beirut, Lebanon April 2016 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would first like to acknowledge the extraordinary teachers who have inspired and encouraged me during the course of my education. I have been profoundly lucky to study under such sagacious and passionate individuals. Specifically, I want to thank Michael Schaffer for believing in me at a crucial moment and giving me my first transformative abroad experience, Dr. Jay Holstein for making learning fantastically exciting and for awakening a lifelong passion for religious studies, David Gould, for talking me through my last year of undergraduate and for patiently and softly guiding me towards the my most correct path, and Dr. Paul du Quenoy for his invaluable advice and attention during the process of producing this project. Thank you all, you have changed my life. I would next like to thank the great friends who have enriched my life and taught me so much. I would especially like to thank Kelsey Williamson, the most selfless and trustworthy friend a person could hope to have. Thank you for taking care of me, for helping me, and for always going above and beyond. Thank you Max Gardiner for being patient with me and for loving me so well.
    [Show full text]
  • Pakistan: a Hard Country (London: Allen Lane, 2011)
    April 2012 NOREF Book Review Anatol Lieven, Pakistan: A Hard Country (London: Allen Lane, 2011) Reviewed by Marco Mezzera Executive summary In his latest book on Pakistan, Anatol same time a strong society. Throughout Lieven takes the reader on a revealing the book the analysis keeps balancing journey through that troubled country. on this tightrope of competing definitions, Departing from a title that is subtly trying to build up a convincing case for misleading, as it seems to announce the inner resilience of the country. At the misfortunes befalling the country’s fragile end, however, the reader is left with a state structure, the author, a professor sensation that despite all the arguments of International Relations and Terrorism and evidence that have been provided Studies at King’s College London and an (or maybe because of them), the future expert on South Asia, decides instead to of Pakistan remains still wrapped in take a provocative detour by presenting unfathomable indeterminateness. Pakistan indeed as a weak state, but at the The reviewer Marco Mezzera is a senior adviser at NOREF. He has 15 years of policy research experience in conflict and development issues, with a specific geographical focus on Pakistan and South-east Asia. He holds an MSc in Development Studies and has co-authored four books and written several articles and policy reports. Anatol Lieven, Pakistan: A Hard Country Weak state, strong societies that will eventually determine his/her most fundamental choices. Anatol Lieven is doubtless well placed to draw a fine and comprehensive picture of Pakistan’s If the kinship group is indeed the foundational recent history of inner distresses.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise of Islamic State in the North Caucasus: Co-Opting a Global Movement Or Revolutionary Pragmatism?
    The Rise of Islamic State in the North Caucasus: Co-opting a Global Movement or Revolutionary Pragmatism? MA Thesis in European Studies Graduate School for Humanities Universiteit van Amsterdam Author: Colm Fitzpatrick Student No: 11104503 Main Supervisor: Prof. Michael Kemper Second Supervisor: Dr. Erik Van Ree Table of Contents Introduction .............................................................................................................................. 1 Chapter I – Salafism in the Post-Soviet North Caucasus ..................................................... 4 Dagestan ................................................................................................................................ 5 Chechnya and Ingushetia ..................................................................................................... 8 Kabardino-Balkaria and Karachaevo-Cherkessia ............................................................... 9 The First War ...................................................................................................................... 11 The Second War .................................................................................................................. 14 Chapter II: Towards a Global Doctrine .............................................................................. 18 Radicalising the “Moderates” ............................................................................................ 18 Imarat Kavkaz ....................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Copyright by Odysseas Christou 2009
    Copyright by Odysseas Christou 2009 The Dissertation Committee for Odysseas Christou certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: The Ties That Bind: Norms, Networks, Information, and the Organization of Political Violence Committee: R. Harrison Wagner, Supervisor Gary P.Freeman George Gavrilis Alan Kuperman Ami Pedahzur The Ties That Bind: Norms, Networks, Information, and the Organization of Political Violence by Odysseas Christou, B.A. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin August 2009 To my family and friends in Cyprus for their unwavering support. Acknowledgments This dissertation is undoubtedly the result of collaborative effort. Many people contributed to its completion in different ways, and I thank them all for the guidance, help, and support that I received throughout this process. First, I would like to thank my committee members for their collective input at all stages of this project; they have challenged, spurred, and inspired me in many more ways than the ones specified here and for that I am grateful. Alan Kuperman provided some crucial guidance as soon as he became involved with the project that had a transformative effect on the entire dissertation. His insightful and challenging feedback will have a lasting effect on my future research endeavors. Ami Pedahzur has been the source of very important advice, especially in terms of professional development and practical issues on how to conduct research on this often challenging research area.
    [Show full text]
  • Ch 1 Latvia's Post-Soviet Transition
    1 Latvia’s Post-Soviet Transition The collapse of the Soviet Union, beginning in the late 1980s, was a dream come true for the Latvian people, who had never voluntarily joined that state. Their great dream—to restore national sovereignty and independence to their country—was fulfilled in August 1991. The next daunting task was to establish a normal, functioning market economy to escape the post-Soviet economic chaos. It needed to be combined with the building of a normal parliamentary democracy as in Western Europe.1 A Bitter Struggle for Independence Latvia has had a difficult history, particularly in the last century. Shortly after the end of World War I, in November 1918, the Latvian government declared Latvia an independent state for the first time in history. But within weeks, communists supported by Soviet Russia took control. After brief commu- nist rule and independence battles against both German and Russian troops, Latvia signed the Latvian-Soviet Peace Treaty on August 11, 1920, and Soviet Russia recognized Latvia as an independent and sovereign state. Twenty years of independence followed. Few countries suffered as much as Latvia during World War II. On August 23, 1939, the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany concluded the Molotov- Ribbentrop Non-Aggression Pact, which divided a number of countries between the two states. The pact awarded the three Baltic states to the Soviet Union, thus sealing Latvia’s fate. On the basis of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, Soviet troops invaded and occupied Latvia in June 1940. The Soviets deported some 35,000 Latvians, mainly members of the Latvian intellectual, political, and business elite, to Siberia, where most of them perished.
    [Show full text]
  • Reimagining Pakistan's Militia Policy
    Atlantic Council SOUTH ASIA CENTER ISSUEBRIEF BY YELENA BIBERMAN Reimagining Pakistan’s Militia Policy APRIL 2015 If ever a turning point seemed inevitable in Atlantic Council South Asia Center Pakistan’s militia policy, it was in the aftermath of the Peshawar school massacre in December 2014. The South Asia Center serves as the Atlantic Council’s focal point for work on greater South Asia Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) killed 152 people, as well as its relations between these countries, the 133 of them children, in the bloodiest terrorist neighboring regions, Europe, and the United States. attack in Pakistan’s history.1 The carnage sparked The US-Pakistan Program was funded by the an unprecedented national dialogue about the Carnegie Corporation of New York. costs and contradictions of the Pakistani political and military establishment’s reliance on violent Pakistan’s post-Peshawar collaboration with proxies, such as the Afghan Taliban (from which Afghanistan signals a willingness to halt the the TTP originates), for security. long-standing policy of nurturing and sending Pakistani leaders vowed to take serious measures violent proxies across the border. However, this to ensure that such a tragedy would never breakthrough makes all the more conspicuous happen again. Those measures include a military the absence of a similar arrangement with India. crackdown in the tribal areas, reinstatement of the What Sharif did not include in his to-do list for death penalty, establishment of a parallel system of “the war against terrorism till the last terrorist 4 military courts to try terrorism cases, and enlisting is eliminated” is a crackdown on the anti-India the help of the Afghan army.
    [Show full text]