Islamizing an Insurgency: Considerations on Radicalization in the North Caucasus Patrick J
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Bosnia to War, to Dayton, and to Its Slow Peace – European Council On
REPORT BOSNIA TO WAR, TO DAYTON, AND TO ITS SLOW PEACE Carl Bildt January 2021 SUMMARY The international community was gravely unprepared for the conflicts that followed the dissolution of Yugoslavia. In particular, it neglected the challenge of Bosnia. Europe alone was not enough to bring peace, and the United States went from disinterested to disruptive and finally to decisive for a credible peace process. Russia in those days was a constructive actor. The war in Bosnia lasted years longer than it should have more because of the divisions between outside powers than because of the divisions within the country and the region itself. The fundamentals of the Dayton Agreement in 1995 were not too dissimilar from what had been discussed, but not pursued, prior to the outbreak of the war. It is a solution that is closer to the reality of Belgium than to the reality of Cyprus. After the war, many political leaders in Bosnia saw peace as the continuation of the war by other means, which has seriously hampered economic and social progress. Ultimately, it will be difficult to sustain progress for Bosnia or the region without a credible and clear EU accession process. INTRODUCTION It was a quarter of a century ago that the most painful conflict on European soil since the second world war came to an end. Peace agreements are rare birds. Most conflicts end either with the victory of one of the sides or some sort of ceasefire that is rarely followed by a true peace agreement. The map of Europe shows a number of such ‘frozen conflicts’. -
Bosnia-Herzegovina - How Much Did Islam Matter ? Xavier Bougarel
Bosnia-Herzegovina - How Much Did Islam Matter ? Xavier Bougarel To cite this version: Xavier Bougarel. Bosnia-Herzegovina - How Much Did Islam Matter ?. Journal of Modern European History, Munich : C.H. Beck, London : SAGE 2018, XVI, pp.164 - 168. 10.17104/1611-8944-2018-2- 164. halshs-02546552 HAL Id: halshs-02546552 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-02546552 Submitted on 18 Apr 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. 1 « Bosnia-Herzegovina – How Much Did Islam Matter ? », Journal of Modern European History, vol. XVI, n° 2, 2018, pp.164-168. Xavier Bougarel The Bosniaks, both victims and actors in the Yugoslav crisis Referred to as ‘Muslims’ (in the national meaning of the term) until 1993, the Bosniaks were the main victims of the breakup of Yugoslavia. During the war that raged in Bosnia- Herzegovina from April 1992 until December 1995, 97,000 people were killed: 65.9% of them were Bosniaks, 25.6% Serbs and 8.0% Croats. Of the 40,000 civilian victims, 83.3% were Bosniaks. Moreover, the Bosniaks represented the majority of the 2.1 million people displaced by wartime combat and by the ‘ethnic cleansing’ perpetrated by the ‘Republika Srpska’ (‘Serb Republic’) and, on a smaller scale, the ‘Croat Republic of Herceg-Bosna’. -
ON the EFFECTIVE USE of PROXY WARFARE by Andrew Lewis Peek Baltimore, Maryland May 2021 © 2021 Andrew Peek All Rights Reserved
ON THE EFFECTIVE USE OF PROXY WARFARE by Andrew Lewis Peek A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Baltimore, Maryland May 2021 2021 Andrew Peek All rights reserved Abstract This dissertation asks a simple question: how are states most effectively conducting proxy warfare in the modern international system? It answers this question by conducting a comparative study of the sponsorship of proxy forces. It uses process tracing to examine five cases of proxy warfare and predicts that the differentiation in support for each proxy impacts their utility. In particular, it proposes that increasing the principal-agent distance between sponsors and proxies might correlate with strategic effectiveness. That is, the less directly a proxy is supported and controlled by a sponsor, the more effective the proxy becomes. Strategic effectiveness here is conceptualized as consisting of two key parts: a proxy’s operational capability and a sponsor’s plausible deniability. These should be in inverse relation to each other: the greater and more overt a sponsor’s support is to a proxy, the more capable – better armed, better trained – its proxies should be on the battlefield. However, this close support to such proxies should also make the sponsor’s influence less deniable, and thus incur strategic costs against both it and the proxy. These costs primarily consist of external balancing by rival states, the same way such states would balance against conventional aggression. Conversely, the more deniable such support is – the more indirect and less overt – the less balancing occurs. -
Russian-Speaking
NOVEMBER 2017 ‘RUSSIAN-SPEAKING’ FIGHTERS IN SYRIA, IRAQ AND AT HOME: CONSEQUENCES AND CONTEXT FULL REPORT Mark Youngman and Dr Cerwyn Moore Centre for Russian, European and Eurasian Studies Department of Political Science and International Studies University of Birmingham This report was produced out of the Actors and Narratives programme, funded by CREST. To find out more information about this programme, and to see other outputs from the team, visit the CREST website at: https://crestresearch.ac.uk/projects/actors-and-narratives/ About the authors: Mark Youngman is an ESRC-funded doctoral student and Cerwyn Moore a Senior Lecturer in the Centre for Russian, European and Eurasian Studies at the University of Birmingham. Disclaimer: This report has been part funded by an ESRC IAA award and part funded by the Centre for Research and Evidence on Security Threats (ESRC Award: ES/N009614/1). It draws on the existing work of the authors, and supplements their work with original research and ongoing data collection of Russian-speaking foreign fighters.www.crestresearch.co.uk The cover image, Caucasus Emirate, is a remixed derivative ofProposed divisions of the Caucasus Emirate by ArnoldPlaton, under CC BY-SA 3.0. Caucasus Emirate is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA 4.0. by R. Stevens, CREST. ©2017 CREST Creative Commons 4.0 BY-NC-SA licence. www.crestresearch.ac.uk/copyright CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...............................................................................................................4 PART I: ASSESSING THE ‘RUSSIAN-SPEAKING’ -
Political Status of Ethnic Groups in Montenegro
Montenegro Ethnicity in Montenegro Group selection We identify the following politically relevant ethnic groups: Alba- nians, Bosniak/Muslims, Croats, Montenegrins, Roma, and Serbs. With 44,9% of the population, Montenegrins are the largest ethnic group in the country. Serbs constitute the largest minority with 28,7%, followed by Bosniaks and Albanians (3464, 3465, 945). For 3464 [Census, 2011] the 2003 census, the term “Bosniaks” was introduced, but Muslims 3465 [Bieber, 2010] and Bosniaks are included in one single category, although there is a slight difference between Serbian speaking Muslims and Bosnian speaking Bosniaks. This is in line with Bieber (3466, 944), who also 3466 [Bieber, 2010] considers Bosniaks and Muslims in Montenegro as a combined ethnic group. Power relations 2008-2016 In 2006, Montenegro declared independence from the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro. Montenegrins are the political majority and they dominate the government. They are mostly represented by the Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS), which has been in power from independence to 2020. Serbs are represented by the party alliance Serbian List (Srpska lista), and more recently the Democratic Front, but Serbs also vote for other parties and approximately 30 percent of the parliament members, from the Serbian and other parties, considered themselves as Serbian (3467, 945). Yet, as the parties representing the Serbs are 3467 [Bieber, 2010] in opposition, and thus without governmental influence, Serbs are considered politically powerless according to the EPR coding rules. In Montenegro, seats are allocated using the d’Hondt method. There is a three percent threshold to gain representation. If none of the lists of a specific minority group achieve a threshold of 3 percent, a lower threshold of 0.7 percent is used (for Croatians, this becomes 0.4 percent) (3468). -
Stability in Russia's Chechnya and Other Regions of the North Caucasus: Recent Developments
Order Code RL34613 Stability in Russia’s Chechnya and Other Regions of the North Caucasus: Recent Developments August 12, 2008 Jim Nichol Specialist in Russian and Eurasian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Stability in Russia’s Chechnya and Other Regions of the North Caucasus: Recent Developments Summary In recent years, there have not been major terrorist attacks in Russia’s North Caucasus — a border area between the Black and Caspian Seas that includes the formerly breakaway Chechnya and other ethnic-based regions — on the scale of the June 2004 raid on security offices in the town of Nazran (in Ingushetia), where nearly 100 security personnel and civilians were killed, or the September 2004 attack at the Beslan grade school (in North Ossetia), where 300 or more civilians were killed. This record, in part, might be attributed to government tactics. For instance, the Russian Interior (police) Ministry reported that its troops had conducted over 850 sweep operations (“zachistki”) in 2007 in the North Caucasus, in which they surround a village and search every house, ostensibly in a bid to apprehend terrorists. Critics of the operations allege that the troops frequently engage in pillaging and gratuitous violence and are responsible for kidnapings for ransom and “disappearances” of civilians. Although it appears that major terrorist attacks have abated, there reportedly have been increasingly frequent small-scale attacks against government targets. Additionally, many ethnic Russian and other non-native civilians have been murdered or have disappeared, which has spurred the migration of most of the non- native population from the North Caucasus. -
Turkey's Role in the Western Balkans
SWP Research Paper Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Alida Vračić Turkey’s Role in the Western Balkans RP 11 December 2016 Berlin All rights reserved. © Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, 2016 SWP Research Papers are peer reviewed by senior researchers and the execu- tive board of the Institute. They reflect the views of the author(s). SWP Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Ludwigkirchplatz 34 10719 Berlin Germany Phone +49 30 880 07-0 Fax +49 30 880 07-200 www.swp-berlin.org [email protected] ISSN 1863-1053 This research and its publi- cation have been enabled by the generous support of Stiftung Mercator, Essen. Table of Contents 5 Issues and Conclusions 7 Turkey’s Comeback in the Balkans 12 Turkey’s Economy and Non-state Actors in the Western Balkans 15 Turkish Military in the Balkans 18 Countries of Particular Interest to Turkey 18 Bosnia and Herzegovina 22 Kosovo 24 Macedonia 27 Can Old Animosities Die? Serbia-Turkey Relations 30 Turkey’s Activism as Seen from the Balkans 32 Western Balkans – EU’s Forgotten Post? 33 Outlook 34 Abbreviations Alida Vračić is IPC-Stiftung Mercator Fellow 2015/2016 at SWP Issues and Conclusions Turkey’s Role in the Western Balkans For the past two decades, Turkey has been rediscover- ing the Balkans. The end of the Cold War and the dis- solution of the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s and the subsequent violence were decisive points in Turkish foreign policy. New openings toward southeast Europe and the creation of new states greatly transformed the foreign policy strategies of Turkey, which was aiming for far-reaching political impact. -
The Ethnic War
The Ethnic War Persecution of Chechens in the Russian Federation Report III/ 2002 The Norwegian Helsinki Committee 1 Table of Contents I BACKGROUND 3 II FINDINGS 5 Moscow 5 Persecution of Chechens and People with Caucasian Background 5 Persecution of Chechens Repatriated/Extradited from Europe 7 Ingushetiya 8 Persecution of Human Rights Defenders 9 Pressure on IDPs 10 Military Operations 12 Chechnya 14 Killings 15 Disappearances/Kidnappings 15 Torture 17 The Reign of Impunity 19 Justice in Chechnya 19 Threats to Plaintiffs and Witnesses 20 The European Court of Human Rights and Chechnya 21 III CONCLUSIONS 22 IV RECOMMENDATIONS 24 2 I Background The Norwegian Helsinki Committee (NHC) has monitored and reported on the human rights situation in the Chechnya since 1995, when the first Chechen war was taking place in the Russian Federation. In 1996, NHC gave its human rights prize, the Sakharov Freedom Award, to Sergey Kovalyov, the Russian human rights defender who was instrumental in documenting the abuses and crimes perpetrated on Chechen territory in the first war. In 1997, the NHC took part in the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) election observation mission to the Presidential and Parliamentary Elections of the Republic of Chechnya, which sprang from the Khasav-Yurt peace agreement between the Russian Federation and representatives of the Republic of Chechnya of September 1996. Since the start of the second Chechen war, the so-called “anti-terrorist operation”, in the fall of 1999, the NHC has stepped up its activities in regard to Chechnya. The NHC has concentrated on 1) informing Norwegian authorities and the public about human rights abuses in Chechnya, 2) cooperating with Russian and international human rights NGOs in international bodies like the United Nations, the Council of Europe and OSCE in order to raise awareness of human rights abuses in Chechnya and the need for accountability, and 3) assisting Chechen refugees in Norway and Western Europe. -
Russian Media Policy in the First and Second Checen Campaigns
Laura Belin (doctoral candidate, University of Oxford) e-mail: [email protected] Paper given at the 52nd conference of the Political Studies Association Aberdeen, Scotland, 5-8 April 2002 RUSSIAN MEDIA POLICY IN THE FIRST AND SECOND CHECHEN CAMPAIGNS The military campaign in Chechnya from December 1994 to August 1996 became the "first real test of journalists' freedoms" since the end of the Soviet Union1 and loomed large in perceptions about the Russian media for the rest of the 1990s. Though some journalists had condemned "shock therapy" in 1992 and the shelling of the parliament in 1993, the Chechen war prompted the journalistic community to desert Boris Yel'tsin en masse for the first time. Moscow-based television networks were the public's main source of information on the fighting.2 The private network NTV exposed official lies about how the war was waged. Newscasts on state-owned Russian Television (RTR), which reached a nationwide audience on Channel 2, soon followed NTV's lead. Virtually all privately owned newspapers also raised their voices against the military campaign. The predominant slant of war coverage became a source of pride for many journalists. Though damning news reports did not end the bloodshed, steadfast public opposition to the war impelled Yel'tsin to pursue a ceasefire agreement while running for reelection in 1996.3 Both supporters and opponents of the military campaign believed that media coverage fostered and sustained the majority view. Yel'tsin rarely retreated from unpopular policies, but his turnaround on Chechnya arguably demonstrated that journalists had helped bring some degree of transparency and therefore accountability to 1 Frank Ellis, From Glasnost to the Internet: Russia's New Infosphere, London: Macmillan Press Ltd, 1999, p. -
The North Caucasus Ways Forward for Russia and the European Union
Building Stability in the North Caucasus Ways Forward for Russia and the European Union SIPRI Policy Paper No. 16 Neil J. Melvin Stockholm International Peace Research Institute May 2007 © SIPRI, 2007 ISSN 1652-0432 (print) ISSN 1653-7548 (online) Printed in Sweden by CM Gruppen, Bromma Contents Preface iv Map of the North Caucasus vi Table A.1. Data on the North Caucasus and the Russian Federation vii 1. Introduction: instability in the North Caucasus 1 The structure of this Policy Paper 6 2. The roots of instability in the North Caucasus 7 Incorporation and pacification 7 The North Caucasus in the Soviet Union 9 World War II and Stalin 11 The post-Stalin era and perestroika 12 The North Caucasus in the Russian Federation 15 Nationalist mobilization 15 The failure of state building in the North Caucasus 17 Religious revival 18 The first Chechen war 21 3. The North Caucasus in the Putin era 24 Putin’s new course 24 Replacing local elites 26 The second Chechen war 28 Russia’s ‘war on terrorism’ 31 The role of the international community 35 4. Prospects for the North Caucasus 37 National–territorial issues 37 Islam and Islamism 40 Governance in the North Caucasus 43 Socio-economic issues 44 Russia’s security policies 45 The North Caucasus and the European Union 46 5. Recommendations 48 Recommendations for the Russian Federation 48 Recommendations for the European Union 54 About the author 59 Preface For most people, the notion of conflict in the North Caucasus—a region within the Russian Federation, as distinct from the independent states of the South Cau- casus—is synonymous with Chechnya. -
Crimes of War Pr O J E Ct
CRIMES OF WAR PR O J E CT c h ec h nya : the world loo ks away photo © thomas dworzak/magnum, 2002 PURL: https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/38af49/ about the crimes of war project The Crimes of War Project is a collaboration of journalists, l a w yers and scholars dedicated to raising public aware n e s s of the laws of war and their application to situations of conflict. Our goal is to promote understanding of international humanitarian law among journalists, policymakers, and the g e n e ral public, in the belief that a wider knowledge of the legal f ramework governing armed conflict will lead to gre a t e r p re s s u re to pre vent breaches of the law, and to punish those who commit them. T h rough our book Crimes of War: What the Public Should Know, t h rough our website (www. c r i m e s o f w a r. o rg), and thro u g h educational pro g rams and seminars, we hope to: ¥ Raise the level of understanding about the law among those re p o rting on war and war crimes. ¥ Provide information for journalists, scholars, and the policy community about critical issues in modern armed conflict. ¥ E n c o u rage wider appreciation of international law as a f ramework for understanding and responding to conflicts around the world. ¥ Promote consultation among journalists, legal expert s and humanitarian agencies about how to incre a s e compliance with international humanitarian law. -
History and Identity Within the Sandžak Region
WL KNO EDGE NCE ISM SA ER IS E A TE N K N O K C E N N T N I S E S J E N A 3 V H A A N H Z И O E P W O I T E D N E Z I A M I C O N O C C I O T N S H O E L C A I N M Z E N O T History and Identity within the Sandžak Region sandra king-savic CREES-FMSO 2011-2012 Research Assistantship This publication is part of a collaborative program between the Center for Russian, East European and Eurasian Studies (CREES), University of Kansas and the U.S. Foreign Military Studies Office (FMSO) at Fort Leavenworth. This analysis does not necessarily reflect the views of the FMSO. Open Source, Foreign Perspective, Underconsidered/Understudied Topics The Foreign Military Studies Office (FMSO) at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, is an open source research organization of the U.S. Army. It was founded in 1986 as an innovative program that brought together military specialists and civilian academics to focus on military and security topics derived from unclassified, foreign media. Today FMSO maintains this research tradition of special insight and highly collaborative work by conducting unclassified research on foreign perspectives of defense and security issues that are understudied or unconsidered. The Center for Russian, East European & Eurasian Studies (CREES), at the University of Kansas, is one of seventeen Title VI Comprehensive National Resource Centers for the Russian and East Central European area supported by the U.S.