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Accountability for Killings in Ukraine from January 2014 to May 2016 Contents
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Accountability for killings in Ukraine from January 2014 to May 2016 Contents Paragraphs Page Executive summary ............................................................................................ 3 I. Introduction ....................................................................................................... 1-5 5 II. Legal framework ................................................................................................ 6-18 5 A. Applicable international law ...................................................................... 6-17 5 1. International human rights law ........................................................... 6-13 5 2. International humanitarian law............................................................ 14-15 7 3. International criminal law .................................................................. 16-17 8 B. National legislation .................................................................................... 18 8 III. Killings and violent deaths in the context of assemblies ...................................... 19-28 8 A. Violence of January–February 2014 during the Maidan events .................... 20-24 9 B. Violence of 2 May 2014 in Odesa .............................................................. 25-27 10 C. Other assemblies marked by violent deaths ................................................ 28 10 IV. Killings in the context of armed conflict in eastern Ukraine ................................ 29-57 -
ON the EFFECTIVE USE of PROXY WARFARE by Andrew Lewis Peek Baltimore, Maryland May 2021 © 2021 Andrew Peek All Rights Reserved
ON THE EFFECTIVE USE OF PROXY WARFARE by Andrew Lewis Peek A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Baltimore, Maryland May 2021 2021 Andrew Peek All rights reserved Abstract This dissertation asks a simple question: how are states most effectively conducting proxy warfare in the modern international system? It answers this question by conducting a comparative study of the sponsorship of proxy forces. It uses process tracing to examine five cases of proxy warfare and predicts that the differentiation in support for each proxy impacts their utility. In particular, it proposes that increasing the principal-agent distance between sponsors and proxies might correlate with strategic effectiveness. That is, the less directly a proxy is supported and controlled by a sponsor, the more effective the proxy becomes. Strategic effectiveness here is conceptualized as consisting of two key parts: a proxy’s operational capability and a sponsor’s plausible deniability. These should be in inverse relation to each other: the greater and more overt a sponsor’s support is to a proxy, the more capable – better armed, better trained – its proxies should be on the battlefield. However, this close support to such proxies should also make the sponsor’s influence less deniable, and thus incur strategic costs against both it and the proxy. These costs primarily consist of external balancing by rival states, the same way such states would balance against conventional aggression. Conversely, the more deniable such support is – the more indirect and less overt – the less balancing occurs. -
Covering Conflict – Reporting on Conflicts in the North Caucasus in the Russian Media – ARTICLE 19, London, 2008 – Index Number: EUROPE/2008/05
CO VERIN G CO N FLICT Reporting on Conflicts in the N orth Caucasus in the Russian M edia N M AY 2008 ARTICLE 19, 6-8 Am w ell Street, London EC1R 1U Q , U nited Kingdom Tel +44 20 7278 9292 · Fax +44 20 7278 7660 · info@ article19.org · http://w w w .article19.org ARTICLE 19 GLOBAL CAMPAIGN FOR FREE EXPRESSION Covering Conflict – Reporting on Conflicts in the North Caucasus in the Russian Media – ARTICLE 19, London, 2008 – Index Number: EUROPE/2008/05 i ARTICLE 19 GLOBAL CAMPAIGN FOR FREE EXPRESSION Covering Conflict Reporting on Conflicts in the North Caucasus in the Russian Media May 2008 © ARTICLE 19 ISBN 978-1-906586-01-0 Covering Conflict – Reporting on Conflicts in the North Caucasus in the Russian Media – ARTICLE 19, London, 2008 – Index Number: EUROPE/2008/05 i i ARTICLE 19 GLOBAL CAMPAIGN FOR FREE EXPRESSION Covering Conflict – Reporting on Conflicts in the North Caucasus in the Russian Media – ARTICLE 19, London, 2008 – Index Number: EUROPE/2008/05 ii i ARTICLE 19 GLOBAL CAMPAIGN FOR FREE EXPRESSION A CKN O W LED G EM EN TS This report was researched and written by the Europe Programme of ARTICLE 19. Chapter 6, on ‘International Standards of Freedom of Expression and Conflict Reporting’ was written by Toby Mendel, Director of ARTICLE 19’s Law Programme. Chapter 5, ‘Reporting Conflict: Media Monitoring Results’ was compiled by Natalia Mirimanova, independent conflict resolution and media consultant. The analysis of media monitoring data was carried out by Natalia Mirimanova and Luitgard Hammerer, (formerly) ARTICLE 19 Regional Representative - Europe, CIS. -
Human Rights Impact Assessment of the Covid-19 Response on the Territory of Ukraine
HUMAN RIGHTS IMPACT ASSESSMENT OF THE COVID-19 RESPONSE ON THE TERRITORY OF UKRAINE July 2020 Cover photo: © Міністерство охорони здоров’я України / CC BY-SA (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0) Table of contents I. Introduction 3 II. Executive Summary 5 III. Methodology 8 IV. Brief Country Information 9 V. Incidence of COVID-19 in Ukraine 12 VI. The Ukrainian Authorities’ Response to COVID-19 and Its Impact on Human Rights 14 VII. The Occupying Authorities’ Response to COVID-19 in Russian-Occupied Crimea and Sevastopol and Its Impact on Human Rights 42 VIII. The so-called DPR/LPR Authorities’ Response to COVID-19 and its Impact on Human Rights 46 IX. Summary of Key Findings 49 X. Recommendations 53 2 I. Introduction In December 2019, a new type of viral respiratory infection was recorded in Wuhan – a city in the eastern Hubei province of China. By the end of January 2020, the World Health Organisation (WHO) had confirmed that a new type of coronavirus – named 2019-nCoV or COVID-19 – had emerged and was capable of human-to-human transmission. At the start of February 2020, COVID-19 had already spread to 18 countries, infecting nearly 8000 people, leading the WHO to declare a ‘Public Health Emergency of International Concern’. By 11 March 2020, COVID-19 had infected 118 000 and killed 4 291 people across 114 countries, and was declared a global pandemic. On the same day, the WHO Director General instructed all countries to prepare hospitals and public health infrastructure, clearly explain the risks and mechanics of transmission to the public, protect and train health workers and reduce transmission by effectively testing, tracking, tracing and isolating.1 At the time of writing, nearly 12 million people have tested positive for COVID-19 worldwide, leading to 550 000 deaths.2 Governments around the world have responded to the COVID-19 pandemic by imposing restrictions on movement, banning public gatherings, closing educational institutions and imposing varying forms of quarantine or self-isolation. -
Bringing Peace to Chechnya? Assessments and Implications
Order Code RL32272 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Bringing Peace to Chechnya? Assessments and Implications Updated February 11, 2005 Jim Nichol Specialist in Russian and Eurasian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Bringing Peace to Chechnya? Assessments and Implications Summary Russia’s then-Premier (and current President) Vladimir Putin ordered military, police, and security forces to enter the breakaway Chechnya region in September 1999, and these forces occupied most of the region by early 2000. The conflict has resulted in thousands of military and civilian casualties and the massive destruction of housing and infrastructure. Putin’s rise to power and continuing popularity have been tied at least partly to his perceived ability to prosecute this conflict successfully. In the run-up to Russian legislative elections in December 2003 and a presidential election in March 2004, Putin endeavored to demonstrate that peace had returned to the region. Since Chechen terrorists held hundreds of Moscow theater-goers hostage in late 2002, the Putin administration has appeared unequivocally opposed to talks with the rebels and more dedicated to establishing a pro-Moscow government in Chechnya. Such a government will use its own forces to battle the remaining rebels, ostensibly permitting the disengagement and withdrawal of most Russian troops from the region. This “Chechenization” of the conflict, along with related pacification efforts, constitute the main elements of the Russian government’s campaign to wind down the fighting. Pacification efforts aim to gain the support or acquiescence of the population to federal control and include rebuilding assistance and elections. -
Disquiet on the Chechen Front
www.JusticeForNorthCaucasus.com Disquiet On The Chechen Front Posted Sunday, April 20, 2003; 14.23 BST Anna Politkovskaya, a correspondent for the Moscow biweekly Novaya Gazeta, was in Los Angeles last October, picking out her dress for a media awards ceremony, when some staggering news came from Moscow: Chechen terrorists were holding 850 hostages in a theater. The Russian authorities tried to send in negotiators, but the Chechens refused to see most of them. They asked for Politkovskaya. And so Politkovskaya rushed back to cover yet another episode of one of the world's nastiest and longest wars, which this time had shifted to Moscow. The terrorists, she says, "wanted someone who would accurately report things as they were. My work in Chechnya makes people there feel that I don't lie. But there wasn't much I could do for the hostages anyway." She mighty pen: Politkovskaya braves the hell of Chechnya to get the truth carried water and fruit juice to them, and reported their dejection and feelings of doom to the world. Two days later, Russian Special Forces stormed and gassed the theater, killing 41 terrorists and 129 hostages. Politkovskaya, 44, made her name by writing detailed, accurate and vivid reports on the plight of the civilian population in Chechnya, caught in the horrors of war since 1994. She tells stories of people who are taken from their homes at night and never come back; about extrajudicial executions; about the hungry refugees in cold and damp camps. "It was the refugee problem that started it," she now recalls. -
The North Caucasus Ways Forward for Russia and the European Union
Building Stability in the North Caucasus Ways Forward for Russia and the European Union SIPRI Policy Paper No. 16 Neil J. Melvin Stockholm International Peace Research Institute May 2007 © SIPRI, 2007 ISSN 1652-0432 (print) ISSN 1653-7548 (online) Printed in Sweden by CM Gruppen, Bromma Contents Preface iv Map of the North Caucasus vi Table A.1. Data on the North Caucasus and the Russian Federation vii 1. Introduction: instability in the North Caucasus 1 The structure of this Policy Paper 6 2. The roots of instability in the North Caucasus 7 Incorporation and pacification 7 The North Caucasus in the Soviet Union 9 World War II and Stalin 11 The post-Stalin era and perestroika 12 The North Caucasus in the Russian Federation 15 Nationalist mobilization 15 The failure of state building in the North Caucasus 17 Religious revival 18 The first Chechen war 21 3. The North Caucasus in the Putin era 24 Putin’s new course 24 Replacing local elites 26 The second Chechen war 28 Russia’s ‘war on terrorism’ 31 The role of the international community 35 4. Prospects for the North Caucasus 37 National–territorial issues 37 Islam and Islamism 40 Governance in the North Caucasus 43 Socio-economic issues 44 Russia’s security policies 45 The North Caucasus and the European Union 46 5. Recommendations 48 Recommendations for the Russian Federation 48 Recommendations for the European Union 54 About the author 59 Preface For most people, the notion of conflict in the North Caucasus—a region within the Russian Federation, as distinct from the independent states of the South Cau- casus—is synonymous with Chechnya. -
Crimes of War Pr O J E Ct
CRIMES OF WAR PR O J E CT c h ec h nya : the world loo ks away photo © thomas dworzak/magnum, 2002 PURL: https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/38af49/ about the crimes of war project The Crimes of War Project is a collaboration of journalists, l a w yers and scholars dedicated to raising public aware n e s s of the laws of war and their application to situations of conflict. Our goal is to promote understanding of international humanitarian law among journalists, policymakers, and the g e n e ral public, in the belief that a wider knowledge of the legal f ramework governing armed conflict will lead to gre a t e r p re s s u re to pre vent breaches of the law, and to punish those who commit them. T h rough our book Crimes of War: What the Public Should Know, t h rough our website (www. c r i m e s o f w a r. o rg), and thro u g h educational pro g rams and seminars, we hope to: ¥ Raise the level of understanding about the law among those re p o rting on war and war crimes. ¥ Provide information for journalists, scholars, and the policy community about critical issues in modern armed conflict. ¥ E n c o u rage wider appreciation of international law as a f ramework for understanding and responding to conflicts around the world. ¥ Promote consultation among journalists, legal expert s and humanitarian agencies about how to incre a s e compliance with international humanitarian law. -
The Caucasus Emirate
SPECIAL REPORT: The Caucasus Emirate May 201 1 This analysis may not be forwarded or republished without express permission from STRATFOR. For permission, please submit a request to [email protected]. 1 STRATFOR 700 Lavaca Street, Suite 900 Austin, TX 78701 Tel: 1-512-744-4300 www.stratfor.com The Caucasus Emirate Part 1: Origin of an Islamist Movement Editor’s Note: This is a three-part series on the origin and future of the Caucasus Emirate, a consolidation of anti-Russian rebels into a singular, pan-Muslim resistance in the region. The continued success of Russian operations against the so-called Caucasus Emirate (CE) demonstrates that the Russians, for whom control of the Caucasus is a strategic imperative, have no intention of scaling back their counterinsurgency in an area that has long been a problem for the Kremlin. Even after suffering sustained leadership losses, however, the CE still is able to recruit men and women to carry out terrorist operations inside and outside of the region. The CE was created and is led by Doku Umarov, a seasoned veteran of both the first and second Chechen wars in which he was in charge of his own Chechen battalion. By 2006, Umarov had become the self-proclaimed president of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria, an unrecognized secessionist government of Chechnya, and in October 2007 he announced the founding of the Caucasus Emirate, an Islamist movement of which he was emir. In the years since, Umarov has been declared dead numerous times by fellow militants as well as Chechen and Russian authorities, most recently in March 2011. -
The Russian Cinematic Culture
Russian Culture Center for Democratic Culture 2012 The Russian Cinematic Culture Oksana Bulgakova Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalscholarship.unlv.edu/russian_culture Part of the Film and Media Studies Commons, Other Languages, Societies, and Cultures Commons, and the Slavic Languages and Societies Commons Repository Citation Bulgakova, O. (2012). The Russian Cinematic Culture. In Dmitri N. Shalin, 1-37. Available at: https://digitalscholarship.unlv.edu/russian_culture/22 This Article is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Scholarship@UNLV with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Article in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Article has been accepted for inclusion in Russian Culture by an authorized administrator of Digital Scholarship@UNLV. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Russian Cinematic Culture Oksana Bulgakova The cinema has always been subject to keen scrutiny by Russia's rulers. As early as the beginning of this century Russia's last czar, Nikolai Romanov, attempted to nationalize this new and, in his view, threatening medium: "I have always insisted that these cinema-booths are dangerous institutions. Any number of bandits could commit God knows what crimes there, yet they say the people go in droves to watch all kinds of rubbish; I don't know what to do about these places." [1] The plan for a government monopoly over cinema, which would ensure control of production and consumption and thereby protect the Russian people from moral ruin, was passed along to the Duma not long before the February revolution of 1917. -
Radical Islam in Chechnya
RADICAL ISLAM IN CHECHNYA Mr. Artem Kroupenev (Researcher, ICT) 23/1/2009 ABSTRACT The permeation of radical Islam in Chechnya has served a multi-faceted function. It has been the vehicle of separatist resistance, a platform of political strife and conflict, a source of funding and external support and a unifying ideological principle that, in its various interpretations, has brought both hope and destruction for the Chechen society. More often than not, Islam served as a political-ideological tool that brought the promise of legitimacy and was the main source of contention between the Chechen political factions. For 21st century Russia, radical Islam in Chechnya provided a different type of challenge – one that turned into an opportunity for justifying its counter-terrorist operations in the Caucasus. * The views expressed in this publication are solely those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the International Institute for Counter-Terrorism (ICT). 2 Radical Islam in Chechnya Modern Origins of Chechen Islamization Since 1989, radical Islam has gradually permeated the fabric of Chechnya’s socio-political environment. This process was aided by internal changes in the Soviet Union – the disintegration of the communist ideology and its supporting governmental structure; and the course of Perestroika, which allowed various factions to freely propagate their moral and religious values. The resulting ideological and political vacuum in Chechnya was rapidly filled by radical Islam. From the onset of its post-Soviet attempts to achieve independence, the new secular government in Chechnya took steps that indicated an aspiration to restore Islamic traditions. In this regard, during his initiation as Chechen president on November 9, 1991, retired Lieutenant-General of Soviet Air-Forces, Djohar Dudayev was sworn in holding a Koran in front of numerous representatives of Islamic religious institutions. -
1 a GORBACHEV EPIPHANY 1. Interview with Reagan In
Notes 1 A GORBACHEV EPIPHANY 1. Interview with Reagan in Washington Post, 26 Feb. 1988, A18. 2. A. W. DePorte, Europe Between the Superpowers: The Enduring Balance (New Haven and London, Yale University Press, 1979), xii. 3. With some exceptions, for example, Michael Howard, 'The Gorbachev Challenge and the Defense of the West', Survival (Nov.-Dec. 1988). 4. Time, 4 Jan. 1988, 16. 5. New York Times, 16 May 1989, AI, A10. 6. Nezavisimaia gazeta, 8 July 1994, 1. Gorbachev's account of the 'political trial of the ex-President' is in his Memoirs (New York and London, Doubleday, 1995), 681-3. 2 THE OLD REGIME OF THE SOVIET COMMUNISTS: FOREIGN POLICY IN THE COLD WAR 1. Quoted in B. H. Sumner, Russia and the Balkans, 1870-1880 (Oxford Uni versity Press, 1937), 98. V. P. Potemkin (ed.), Istoriia diplomatii (Moscow, Gosudarstvennoe sotsialno-ekonomicheskoe izdatelstvo, 1941),470-71 trans lates Gorchakov's original French se recueille as sosredotochivaetsia (to be concentrated, fixed, focused). 2. Arkady N. Shevchenko, Breaking with Moscow (New York, Knopf, 1985), 156. Jon Jacobson, When the Soviet Union Entered World Politics (Berkeley, Los Angeles, University of California Press), 104. 3. Andrei Gromyko, Memories, trans. Harold Shukman (London and Sydney, 1989), 342-3. 4. Voprosy istorii, No.1 (1945), 4. 5. Khrushchev Remembers: The Last Testament (New York, Little, Brown, 1976), 393. 6. A. W. DePorte, De Gaulle's Foreign Policy, 1944-1946 (Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press, 1968),29-44. Georges Bidault, Resistance (London, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1965), 147-9. 7. E. S. Varga, Izmeneniia v ekonomike kapitalizma v itoge vtoroi mirovoi voiny (Moscow, 1946), 226-68.