The State-Is It Us? Memoirs, Archives, and Kremlinologists Author(S): Stephen Kotkin Source: Russian Review, Vol

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The State-Is It Us? Memoirs, Archives, and Kremlinologists Author(S): Stephen Kotkin Source: Russian Review, Vol The Editors and Board of Trustees of the Russian Review The State-Is It Us? Memoirs, Archives, and Kremlinologists Author(s): Stephen Kotkin Source: Russian Review, Vol. 61, No. 1 (Jan., 2002), pp. 35-51 Published by: Blackwell Publishing on behalf of The Editors and Board of Trustees of the Russian Review Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2679502 . Accessed: 01/10/2011 16:52 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Blackwell Publishing and The Editors and Board of Trustees of the Russian Review are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Russian Review. http://www.jstor.org The State Is It Us? Memoirs,Archives, andKremlinologists STEPHEN KOTKIN People who are oftenwritten about but rarely heard from have hereleft detailed accountsof their lives.... Even when the respondents are barely literate ... theystill knowthe names and biographies of their neighbors, they know who did what and sometimescan also tellwhy, and they remember trivial details, gossip, and scraps ofconversation. Through these biographies we can observethe application of So- vietpower ... JanGross, Revolution from Abroad Lately,from what Pravda and other newspapers are printing, our chiefs appear to havesupport in highplaces ... PetrDeriabin, functionary in theKremlin GuardsDirectorate, and Kremlinologist iMuch has beenwritten about the nature and import of declassified documents for Soviet history,especially for the Stalin era.' As characteristicof one tendencywe mightcite the editorof a symposiumon "recentrevelations and Cold War historiography," who introduces theessays by remarking that "they tend to showthat the new documentation has donelittle toclarify matters. On thecontrary, ithas fueled the flames of controversy and made it more likelythat ... disagreementon theCold Warwill continue."2 This stance reads like an indi- rectexpression of disappointment. A differentscholar, summarizing the results of yet an- otherjournal symposium as wellas hisown impressions, highlights how the Soviet regime was oftencaught in itsown internal falsifications, and further cautions never to forgethow bureaucraticimperatives and infightingshaped the entiredocumentary record. This My warmestthanks to David Hoffmann,who generously extended an open-endedcommission for an essaysome timeago; Eve Levin,who graciously relaxed the tight word limit; Kurt Schultz, who patiently indulged me in after- the-factadditions and refinements based on furtherreading, right up to theend of July 2001; andto SoyoungLee, FranHirsch, Amir Weiner, Cynthia Hooper, Igal Halfin,Jan Plamper, and James Heinzen, who criticizedearlier drafts,made terrific suggestions, and generally enlightened me in lively, wide-ranging electronic exchanges. 'Fora judiciousassessment of the light new materials have (or have not) shed on variouspreoccupations of the pre-1991 historiography see R. W.Davies, Soviet History in the Yeltsin Era (London,1997). Particularlyilluminat- ingis Davies' remarkthat "throughout the Stalin years, nearly all dissidents,party and nonparty, criticized the regime notbecause it failed to emulateWestern capitalism, but because it failed to liveup to socialistideals" (p. 185). 2"Editor'sNote," Diplomatic History 21 (Spring1997): 215. Nonetheless,one authorin thesymposium takes scholarsto task for ethnocentrism and a lackof multilateral study (Jonathan Haslam, "Russian Archival Revelations andOur Understanding ofthe Cold War,"ibid., 217-28). See also thetrenchant Melvin P. Leffler,"The Cold War: WhatDo 'We Now Know'?"American Historical Review 104 (April 1999): 501-24. TheRussian Review 61 (January2002): 35-51 Copyright2002 TheRussian Review 36 StephenKotkin shrewdertendency mixes awe atthe incontrovertible richness (despite much destruction) of theextant Soviet-era documents with pessimism over ever achieving a deepunderstanding.3 In variedways, it seems, a degreeof disappointed expectations took hold among specialists, notwithstandingthecontinued aggressive marketing by publishers of ongoing "revelations" on fabrications,torture, bureaucratic ineptitude, rare heroism, personal abasement, and per- vasivegriping. Was thiswhat we hadbeen waiting for? Countless documents, very profes- sionallycatalogued, detailing a staggeringtableau of humandepravity and woe?4 Small wonderthat we perhapsmagnify the significance of scattered strikes, and compose beguil- ingnarratives of mice burying the cat. Lapsedcivilizations are painstakingly reconstructed on thebasis of architectural ruins, ceramics,drawings, coins, and a limitednumber of oftenincomplete written texts. Such conditionsof inquiry can elicitremarkable ingenuity. For example, one researcher recently notedthat the various locales of Greekstory-telling contain abundant fossils, and she hy- pothesizesthat the Greeks used thedepictions of speciesnowhere to be foundin natureto supportor create their seemingly fantastic "myths."5 To thesescholars of distant worlds- and letus rememberthat Greece has considerablymore extant texts than most-it might seemodd thatin thecase of a twentieth-centurysociety, such as theSoviet Union, even thoughmillions of publishedand unpublishedsources have longbeen available,sudden accessto new written records could be expectedto revolutionize understanding. Could new documentstransform our view of a sociopoliticalformation that, thanks to lavishfunding, was notonly incessantly studied but also visited?True, millions of documents were hidden fromresearchers, and althoughthe flood of declassifieddocument collections shows little signof abating, many sources remain inaccessible.6 But the writing of Soviet history contin- ues tobe moredeeply conditioned not by the availability or unavailability of sources but by researchers'worldviews and agendas, and the times in whichthey live, not to mentionthe tenureprocess and patterns of patronage. To peruseforeign scholarship on theUSSR over thedecades and at presentis to encountera seriesof de factomemoirs of individualsand theircontexts, to be exposedto implicitor explicit theories of agency and career concerns, to comeup againstinevitably bounded intellectual horizons, and to savorflourishes of re- sourcefulnessand imagination, not to mentionthoroughness and erudition. 3AndreaGraziosi, "The New ArchivalSources: Hypotheses for a CriticalAssessment," Cahiers du Monde Russe 40 (January-June1999): 13-64. See also GdborRittersporn, who in a bookreview in Kritika2 (Winter 2001): 204,observes that "historians should not expect any documents ... to yielddefinitive answers to their ques- tions.Insofar as pastevents engage contemporary passions, they are likely to remain subjects of debate." 4Oneof the conundrums for those inclined to an extremelyheavy emphasis on thestate's chaos is thatthe Soviet- eraarchives were assembled and maintained in relatively good order, making the gathering of evidence on adminis- trativedisorder remarkably easy. 'AdrienneMayor, The First Fossil Hunters: Paleontology in Greekand RomanTimes (Princeton, 2000). 6Fora warningagainst overestimating the still inaccessible documents see theexacting Oleg V. Khlevniuk,In Stalin'sShadow: The Career of "Sergo" Ordzohonikidze(Armonk, NY, 1995),5. RegardingOrdzhonikidze, who clashedwith Stalin (and Molotov) over the scope of mass arrests in industry, the interesting question, for me at least, is notwhether in February 1937 he was murderedor committed suicide (it was evidentlythe latter), but why neither he noranyone else triedto shootStalin. Not onlydid Politburomembers carry guns, but evidently so did the functionariesofthe inner dictatorship who had access to the tyrant. See ValentinBerezehkov, At Stalin 's Side: His Interpreter'sMemoirs from the October Revolution to the Fall ofthe Dictator 's Empire(New York,1994), 203-4. Forthe opportunity, notacted upon, of arresting Stalin in late June 1941 see Anastas Mikoian, Tak bylo: Razniyshleniia o minuvshem(Moscow, 1999), 390-91. (Mikoian,like Khrushchev, soft-pedals his own responsibility for terror and deportations.) TheState-Is It Us? 37 Let us dispensewith any lingering doubts. Recall, for a moment,the case ofthe cap- turedSmolensk party archive, which served as thesource base forboth the best empirical expositionof the totalitarian thesis in MerleFainsod's 1958 monographand several of the antitotalitarianarguments of the 1980s.7 Consider also theemigre Vladimir Bukovskii, who adroitlytook advantage of thedisorientation following August 1991 and managedto scan hundredsof Politburo and KGB documentsdesignated osobaia papka andlichno from the 1970sand 1980s,but whose attempt at analysisof these crown jewels tellsus considerably moreabout the extraordinary Bukovskii's life-long battle with the KGB thanabout the late Sovietsystem.8 Are the revelations about Lenin that have emergedsince 1991 so power- ful-indeed,are they revelations-or has theignominious end of the Soviet system drasti- callyshifted some people's perception of Lenin?9 Has there-recognition of theprofound importanceof WorldWar I and thearmy for the revolutionary process and statebuilding comeabout because of documents?'0 Will the
Recommended publications
  • Annual Report 2018
    2018Annual Report Annual Report July 1, 2017–June 30, 2018 Council on Foreign Relations 58 East 68th Street, New York, NY 10065 tel 212.434.9400 1777 F Street, NW, Washington, DC 20006 tel 202.509.8400 www.cfr.org [email protected] OFFICERS DIRECTORS David M. Rubenstein Term Expiring 2019 Term Expiring 2022 Chairman David G. Bradley Sylvia Mathews Burwell Blair Effron Blair Effron Ash Carter Vice Chairman Susan Hockfield James P. Gorman Jami Miscik Donna J. Hrinak Laurene Powell Jobs Vice Chairman James G. Stavridis David M. Rubenstein Richard N. Haass Vin Weber Margaret G. Warner President Daniel H. Yergin Fareed Zakaria Keith Olson Term Expiring 2020 Term Expiring 2023 Executive Vice President, John P. Abizaid Kenneth I. Chenault Chief Financial Officer, and Treasurer Mary McInnis Boies Laurence D. Fink James M. Lindsay Timothy F. Geithner Stephen C. Freidheim Senior Vice President, Director of Studies, Stephen J. Hadley Margaret (Peggy) Hamburg and Maurice R. Greenberg Chair James Manyika Charles Phillips Jami Miscik Cecilia Elena Rouse Nancy D. Bodurtha Richard L. Plepler Frances Fragos Townsend Vice President, Meetings and Membership Term Expiring 2021 Irina A. Faskianos Vice President, National Program Tony Coles Richard N. Haass, ex officio and Outreach David M. Cote Steven A. Denning Suzanne E. Helm William H. McRaven Vice President, Philanthropy and Janet A. Napolitano Corporate Relations Eduardo J. Padrón Jan Mowder Hughes John Paulson Vice President, Human Resources and Administration Caroline Netchvolodoff OFFICERS AND DIRECTORS, Vice President, Education EMERITUS & HONORARY Shannon K. O’Neil Madeleine K. Albright Maurice R. Greenberg Vice President and Deputy Director of Studies Director Emerita Honorary Vice Chairman Lisa Shields Martin S.
    [Show full text]
  • H-Diplo Article Roundtable Review, Vol. X, No. 24
    2009 h-diplo H-Diplo Article Roundtable Roundtable Editors: Thomas Maddux and Diane Labrosse Roundtable Web Editor: George Fujii Review Introduction by Thomas Maddux www.h-net.org/~diplo/roundtables Reviewers: Bruce Craig, Ronald Radosh, Katherine A.S. Volume X, No. 24 (2009) Sibley, G. Edward White 17 July 2009 Response by John Earl Haynes and Harvey Klehr Journal of Cold War Studies 11.3 (Summer 2009) Special Issue: Soviet Espoinage in the United States during the Stalin Era (with articles by John Earl Haynes and Harvey Klehr; Eduard Mark; Gregg Herken; Steven T. Usdin; Max Holland; and John F. Fox, Jr.) http://www.mitpressjournals.org/toc/jcws/11/3 Stable URL: http://www.h-net.org/~diplo/roundtables/PDF/Roundtable-X-24.pdf Contents Introduction by Thomas Maddux, California State University, Northridge.............................. 2 Review by Bruce Craig, University of Prince Edward Island ..................................................... 8 Review by Ronald Radosh, Emeritus, City University of New York ........................................ 16 Review by Katherine A.S. Sibley, St. Josephs University ......................................................... 18 Review by G. Edward White, University of Virginia School of Law ........................................ 23 Author’s Response by John Earl Haynes, Library of Congress, and Harvey Klehr, Emory University ................................................................................................................................ 27 Copyright © 2009 H-Net: Humanities and Social Sciences Online. H-Net permits the redistribution and reprinting of this work for non-profit, educational purposes, with full and accurate attribution to the author(s), web location, date of publication, H-Diplo, and H-Net: Humanities & Social Sciences Online. For other uses, contact the H-Diplo editorial staff at [email protected]. H-Diplo Roundtable Reviews, Vol.
    [Show full text]
  • The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989
    FORUM The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989 ✣ Commentaries by Michael Kraus, Anna M. Cienciala, Margaret K. Gnoinska, Douglas Selvage, Molly Pucci, Erik Kulavig, Constantine Pleshakov, and A. Ross Johnson Reply by Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana, eds. Imposing, Maintaining, and Tearing Open the Iron Curtain: The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2014. 563 pp. $133.00 hardcover, $54.99 softcover, $54.99 e-book. EDITOR’S NOTE: In late 2013 the publisher Lexington Books, a division of Rowman & Littlefield, put out the book Imposing, Maintaining, and Tearing Open the Iron Curtain: The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989, edited by Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana. The book consists of twenty-four essays by leading scholars who survey the Cold War in East-Central Europe from beginning to end. East-Central Europe was where the Cold War began in the mid-1940s, and it was also where the Cold War ended in 1989–1990. Hence, even though research on the Cold War and its effects in other parts of the world—East Asia, South Asia, Latin America, Africa—has been extremely interesting and valuable, a better understanding of events in Europe is essential to understand why the Cold War began, why it lasted so long, and how it came to an end. A good deal of high-quality scholarship on the Cold War in East-Central Europe has existed for many years, and the literature on this topic has bur- geoned in the post-Cold War period.
    [Show full text]
  • Kennethj. Heineman Ohio University-Lancaster
    REFORMATION: MONSIGNOR CHARLES OWEN RICE AND THE FRAGMENTATION OF THE NEW DEAL ELECTORAL COALITION IN PITTSBURGH, 1960-1972 Kennethj. Heineman Ohio University-Lancaster he tearing apart of the New Deal electoral coalition in the i96os has attracted growing scholarly and media attention. Gregory Schneider and Rebecca Klatch emphasized the role collegiate lib- ertarians played in moving youths to the Right. Rick Perlstein, focusing on conservatives who came of age during World War II, argued that the New Right wedded southern white racism to midwestern conspiracy-obsessed anti-Communism. For his part, Dan Carter contended that Alabama governor George Wallace's racist politics migrated north where they found a receptive audi- ence in urban Catholics.' Samuel Freedman chronicled the ideological evolution of sev- eral generations of northern Catholics as they moved into the GOP in reaction to black protest, mounting urban crime, and the Vietnam War. Ronald Formisano, Jonathan Rieder, and Thomas Sugrue, in their studies of Boston, New York, and Detroit, respectively, gave less attention to the Vietnam War, emphasizing the racial attitudes of working-class Catholics and unionists. In PENNSYLVANIA HISTORY: A JOURNAL OF MID-ATLANTIC STUDIES, VOL. 7 1, NO. I, 2004. Copyright © 2004 The Pennsylvania Historical Association PENNSYLVANIA HISTORY their surveys of the relationship between Catholics and blacks, John McGreevy and Gerald Gamm argued that urban Catholics frequently did not respond well to blacks. 2 Ronald Radosh and Steven Gillon took a different tack from Carter, Gamm, and Sugrue. In their studies of the Americans for Democratic Action (ADA), an organization that anti-Communist Democrats such as Minneapolis mayor Hubert Humphrey had helped create in I947, Radosh and Gillon examined the middle-class activists who rejected America's anti-Communist foreign policy and the racial conservatism of many unionists.
    [Show full text]
  • 740-01 Jones
    Spring 2018: History 740 T 6:30-9:20 MHRA 3204 Selected Topics in European History: Readings in Soviet History Instructor: Jeff Jones [email protected] Office: 2139 MHRA Phone: 334-4068 Office Hours: T 1:00-2; W 2:00-3:30; Th. 9:30-10:30 and by appointment Course Description This course is a graduate-level reading seminar on the historiography of the Soviet period from the Revolutionary/Civil War period, through the 1920s, the Stalin period (1928- 1953), and the era of Khrushchev’s reforms (1956-1964) to the stagnation of the Brezhnev years (late 1970s/early 1980s), the Soviet-Afghan War (1979-1989), and the collapse of the USSR in late 1991. Specifically, the course is divided into three sections: Revolution/Civil War/Stalinism; The Great Fatherland War & After; and The Post-Stalin Period. The course mixes some classic titles from the field with recent scholarly research focusing on several different themes with a wide variety of methodologies, theories, and approaches to history. Student Learning Outcomes Upon successful completion of this course students will be able to: Identify and thoughtfully discuss some of the key issues of debate in Soviet history; Critically appraise varying historical arguments and formulate their own interpretations; Critically read and distinguish between different methodologies and “read between the lines” of differing points of view; Participate in a respectful and thoughtful manner in discussions of a variety of topics; Apply principles and generalizations learned in this class to other problems and situations. Course Activities Participation 20% 4 Book Reviews (2-3 pages; 12-point font; double-spaced) 10% each Historiographical/Research Essay (18-22 pages; 12-point font; double-spaced) 30% Oral Presentation 10% Participation In a small, discussion-based seminar of this nature class participation is crucial.
    [Show full text]
  • The New Kremlinology: Understanding Regime Personalisation in Russia
    The New Kremlinology: Understanding Regime Personalisation in Russia In the post-Cold War period, many previously democratising countries experienced authoritarian reversals whereby incumbent leaders took over and gravitated towards personalist rule. Scholars have predom- inantly focused on the authoritarian turn, as opposed to the type of authoritarian rule emerging from it. In a departure from accounts cen- tred on the failure of democratisation in Russia, this book’s argument begins from a basic assumption that the political regime of Vladimir Putin is a personalist regime in the making. How do regimes turn personalist? How do their rulers acquire and maintain personal control? Focusing on the politics within the Russian ruling coalition since 1999, The New Kremlinology explains the process of regime personalisation, that is, the acquisition of personal power by a political leader. The investigation is based on four components of regime personalisation: patronage networks, deinstitutionalisation, media personalisation, and establishing permanency in office. Drawing from comparative evidence and theories of personalist rule, the book explains how Putin’s patron- client network became dominant and how, subsequently, the Russian ruler elevated himself above his own ruling coalition. The lessons of the book extend beyond Russia and illuminate how other personalist regimes emerge and develop. Furthermore, the title of the book, The New Kremlinology, is chosen to emphasise not only the subject mat- ter, the what, but also the how — the battery of innovative methods employed to study the black box of non-democratic politics. Alexander Baturo is Associate Professor of Government at Dublin City University and Johan A. Elkink is Associate Professor in Social Science Research Methods at University College Dublin.
    [Show full text]
  • Review of Cecil Eby, Comrades and Commissars
    Book Reviews his close friend for 35 years? Whatever Rehashing the Lies the reason, it’s a good example of why objectivity is so vital to any historian. Comrades and Commissars. The Lincoln falsehoods; on Ronald Radosh, whose • Eby charges Peter Carroll with Battalion in the Spanish Civil War. By Cecil commentary often flagrantly contra- “scholarly malpractice” (p. 427), citing Eby. University Park, PA: Pennsylvania dicts the very evidence he cites; on John Haynes’s and Harvey Klehr’s State University Press, 2007. Robert Gladnick, also a bitter anticom- claim that the US government never munist. These and, in fact, all accounts referred to ALB vets as “premature By Grover Furr beg for critical scrutiny. anti-Fascists” (New Criterion, 09.02). n page 356 of this book, Cecil Eby also cites as fact testimony But why doesn’t he tell his readers of Eby recommends one account from the Subversive Activities Control Carroll’s response (with Daniel Oof ALB Commander Robert Board, HUAC hearings, and Francoist Bertwell) in The Volunteer of December Merriman’s death as “the most objec- historians. Such sources—like all ’03, where a U.S. Congressman is tive.” It is the only time Eby shows any sources—cry out for critical assess- quoted using the phrase on January 2, concern with objectivity—the careful ment. They get none here. 1945? Because most readers will not evaluation of often contradictory evi- When it suits his purposes, Eby know about it? dence. Elsewhere Eby ignores the reports rumor and allegation as fact. • Eby cites Gerald Howson’s well-known canons of historian Apparently he did not find enough remark that Joseph Stalin referred to research.
    [Show full text]
  • Scoping out the International Spy Museum
    Acad. Quest. DOI 10.1007/s12129-010-9171-1 ARTICLE Scoping Out the International Spy Museum Ronald Radosh # The Authors 2010 The International Spy Museum in Washington, D.C.—a private museum that opened in July 2002 at the cost of $40 million—is rated as one of the most visited and popular tourist destinations in our nation’s capital, despite stiff competition from the various public museums that are part of the Smithsonian. The popularity of the Spy Museum has a great deal to do with how espionage has been portrayed in the popular culture, especially in the movies. Indeed, the museum pays homage to cinema with its display of the first Aston Martin used by James Bond, when Agent 007 was played by Sean Connery in the films made during the JFK years. The Spy Museum’s board of directors includes Peter Earnest, a former CIA operative and the museum’s first chief executive; David Kahn, the analyst of cryptology; Gen. Oleg Kalugin, a former KGB agent; as well as R. James Woolsey, a former director of the CIA. Clearly, the board intends that in addition to the museum’s considerable entertainment value, its exhibits and texts convey a sense of the reality of the spy’s life and the historical context in which espionage agents operated. The day I toured the museum it was filled with high school students who stood at the various exhibits taking copious notes. It was obvious that before their visit the students had been told to see what the exhibits could teach them about topics discussed in either their history or social studies classes.
    [Show full text]
  • Rothbard's Time on the Left
    ROTHBARD'S TIME ON THE LEFT MURRAY ROTHBARD DEVOTED HIS life to the struggle for liberty, but, as anyone who has made a similar commitment realizes, it is never exactly clear how that devotion should translate into action. Conse- quently, Rothbard formed strategic alliances with widely different groups throughout his career. Perhaps the most intriguing of these alliances is the one Rothbard formed with the New Left in the rnid- 1960s, especially considering their antithetical economic views. So why would the most free market of free-market economists reach out to a gaggle of assorted socialists? By the early 1960s, Roth- bard saw the New Right, exemplified by National Review, as perpet- ually wedded to the Cold War, which would quickly turn exponen- tially hotter in Vietnam, and the state interventions that accompanied it, so he set out looking for new allies. In the New Left, Rothbard found a group of scholars who opposed the Cold War and political centralization, and possessed a mass following with high growth potential. For this opportunity, Rothbard was willing to set economics somewhat to the side and settle on common ground, and, while his cooperation with the New Left never altered or caused him to hide any of his foundational beliefs, Rothbard's rhetoric shifted distinctly leftward during this period. It should be noted at the outset that Rothbard's pro-peace stance followed a long tradition of individualist intellectuals. Writing in the early 1970s, Rothbard described the antiwar activities of turn-of-the- century economist William Graham Sumner and merchant Edward Atkinson during the American conquest of the Philippines, and noted: In taking this stand, Atkinson, Surnner, and their colleagues were not being "sports"; they were following an anti-war, anti-imperial- ist tradition as old as classical liberalism itself.
    [Show full text]
  • Russias Wars in Chechnya 1994-2009 Free
    FREE RUSSIAS WARS IN CHECHNYA 1994-2009 PDF Mark Galeotti | 96 pages | 09 Dec 2014 | Bloomsbury Publishing PLC | 9781782002772 | English | Osprey, United Kingdom Russia’s Wars in Chechnya – - Osprey Publishing In this fully illustrated book an expert on the conflicts traces the progress of the wars in Chechnya, from the initial Russian advance through to urban battles such as Grozny, and the prolonged guerrilla warfare in the mountainous regions. Russias Wars in Chechnya 1994-2009 assesses how the wars have torn apart the fabric of Chechen society and their impact on Russia itself. Featuring specially drawn full-colour mapping and drawing upon a wide range of sources, this succinct account explains the origins, history and consequences of Russia's wars in Chechnya, shedding new light on the history — and prospects — of the troubled region. These are the stories of low-level guerrilla combat as told by the survivors. They cover fighting from the cities of Grozny and Argun to the villages of Bamut and Serzhen-yurt, and finally the hills, river valleys and mountains that make up so much of Chechnya. The author embedded with Chechen guerrilla forces and knows the conflict, country and culture. Yet, as a Western outsider, he is able to maintain perspective and objectivity. He traveled extensively to interview Chechen former combatants now displaced, some now in hiding or on the run from Russian retribution and justice. The book is organized into vignettes that provide insight on the nature of both Chechen and Russian tactics utilized during the two wars. They show the chronic problem of guerrilla logistics, the necessity of digging in fighting positions, the value of the correct use of terrain and the price paid in individual discipline and unit cohesion when guerrillas are not bound by a military code and law.
    [Show full text]
  • The End of the Cold War and Why We Failed to Predict It
    www.ssoar.info 1989 and why we got it wrong Cox, Michael Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Arbeitspapier / working paper Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Cox, M. (2008). 1989 and why we got it wrong. (Working Paper Series of the Research Network 1989, 1). Berlin. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-16282 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de Working Paper Series of the Research Network 1989 Working Paper 1/2008 ISSN 1867-2833 1989 and why we got it wrong Michael Cox IDEAS and the Department of International Relations, London School of Economics and Political Science, Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE, United Kingdom Abstract The Cold War generated more discussion and controversy than any other topic since 1945. Yet, the possibility that the Cold War might end was neither on the radar of scholars nor of politics and the military. This essay seeks to explain why ‘we’ got it wrong by focusing in the main on how ‘we’ in the West understood the Soviet system. Part one thus deals with the Cold War itself and its impact on what came to be known as western ‘Soviet Studies’. Part two then looks at the way in which the USSR was understood by an emerging group of new social scientists in the 1970s and 1980s.
    [Show full text]
  • The Russian Cinematic Culture
    Russian Culture Center for Democratic Culture 2012 The Russian Cinematic Culture Oksana Bulgakova Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalscholarship.unlv.edu/russian_culture Part of the Film and Media Studies Commons, Other Languages, Societies, and Cultures Commons, and the Slavic Languages and Societies Commons Repository Citation Bulgakova, O. (2012). The Russian Cinematic Culture. In Dmitri N. Shalin, 1-37. Available at: https://digitalscholarship.unlv.edu/russian_culture/22 This Article is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Scholarship@UNLV with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Article in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Article has been accepted for inclusion in Russian Culture by an authorized administrator of Digital Scholarship@UNLV. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Russian Cinematic Culture Oksana Bulgakova The cinema has always been subject to keen scrutiny by Russia's rulers. As early as the beginning of this century Russia's last czar, Nikolai Romanov, attempted to nationalize this new and, in his view, threatening medium: "I have always insisted that these cinema-booths are dangerous institutions. Any number of bandits could commit God knows what crimes there, yet they say the people go in droves to watch all kinds of rubbish; I don't know what to do about these places." [1] The plan for a government monopoly over cinema, which would ensure control of production and consumption and thereby protect the Russian people from moral ruin, was passed along to the Duma not long before the February revolution of 1917.
    [Show full text]