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Editions De L'universite De Bruxelles
EDITIONS DE L'UNIVERSITE DE BRUXELLES Ordres et désordres au Caucase EDITE PAR AUDE MERLIN SILVIA SERRANO DANS LA MEME COLLECTION Sport et Union européenne, édité par Jean-Michel DeWaele et Alexandre Hustîng, 2001 Les fédérations européennes de partis, édité par Pascal Delwit, Erol Kùlahci et Cédric Van de Walle, 2001 Un diagnostic géopolitique de l'Europe du centre, Nicolas Bârdos-Féltoronyi, 2001 Fascistes, communistes, paysans. Sociologie des mobilisations identitaires roumaines (1921-1989), Antoine Roger, 2002 Libéralïsmes et partis libéraux en Europe, édité par Pascal Delwit, 2002 Le parti social chrétien. Mutations et perspectives ?, édité par Pascal Delwit, 2002 Démocraties chrétiennes et conservatismes en Europe. Une nouvelle convergence ?, édité par Pascal Delwit, 2003 La Pologne et l'intégration européenne, édité par Jean-Michel De Waele, 2003 Le gouvernement des colonies, regards croisés franco-britanniques, Véronique Dimier, 2004 Les partis politiques roumains après 1989, Sorîna Soare, 2004 Les clivages politiques en Europe centrale et orientale, édité par Jean-Michel De Waele, 2004 Expertise et action publique, édité par Steve Jacob et Jean-Louis Genard, 2004 Les systèmes électoraux aux présidentielles et aux législatives, Thanassis Diamantopoulos, 2004 Social Democracy in Europe, edited by Pascal Delwit, 2005 European Union accession référendums, edited by Jean-Michel De Waele, 2005 Parlement puissant, électeurs absents ? Les élections européennes de juin 2004, édité par Pascal Delwit et Philippe Poirier, 2005 Les partis régionalistes en Europe. Des acteurs en développement ?, édité par Pascal Delwit, 2005 Sport, politiques et sociétés en Europe centrale et orientale, édité par Jean-Michel De Waele et Alexandre Husting, 2005 Faire et vivre le postcommunisme. -
Demographic, Economic, Geospatial Data for Municipalities of the Central Federal District in Russia (Excluding the City of Moscow and the Moscow Oblast) in 2010-2016
Population and Economics 3(4): 121–134 DOI 10.3897/popecon.3.e39152 DATA PAPER Demographic, economic, geospatial data for municipalities of the Central Federal District in Russia (excluding the city of Moscow and the Moscow oblast) in 2010-2016 Irina E. Kalabikhina1, Denis N. Mokrensky2, Aleksandr N. Panin3 1 Faculty of Economics, Lomonosov Moscow State University, Moscow, 119991, Russia 2 Independent researcher 3 Faculty of Geography, Lomonosov Moscow State University, Moscow, 119991, Russia Received 10 December 2019 ♦ Accepted 28 December 2019 ♦ Published 30 December 2019 Citation: Kalabikhina IE, Mokrensky DN, Panin AN (2019) Demographic, economic, geospatial data for munic- ipalities of the Central Federal District in Russia (excluding the city of Moscow and the Moscow oblast) in 2010- 2016. Population and Economics 3(4): 121–134. https://doi.org/10.3897/popecon.3.e39152 Keywords Data base, demographic, economic, geospatial data JEL Codes: J1, J3, R23, Y10, Y91 I. Brief description The database contains demographic, economic, geospatial data for 452 municipalities of the 16 administrative units of the Central Federal District (excluding the city of Moscow and the Moscow oblast) for 2010–2016 (Appendix, Table 1; Fig. 1). The sources of data are the municipal-level statistics of Rosstat, Google Maps data and calculated indicators. II. Data resources Data package title: Demographic, economic, geospatial data for municipalities of the Cen- tral Federal District in Russia (excluding the city of Moscow and the Moscow oblast) in 2010–2016. Copyright I.E. Kalabikhina, D.N.Mokrensky, A.N.Panin The article is publicly available and in accordance with the Creative Commons Attribution license (CC-BY 4.0) can be used without limits, distributed and reproduced on any medium, pro- vided that the authors and the source are indicated. -
Russian Media Policy in the First and Second Checen Campaigns
Laura Belin (doctoral candidate, University of Oxford) e-mail: [email protected] Paper given at the 52nd conference of the Political Studies Association Aberdeen, Scotland, 5-8 April 2002 RUSSIAN MEDIA POLICY IN THE FIRST AND SECOND CHECHEN CAMPAIGNS The military campaign in Chechnya from December 1994 to August 1996 became the "first real test of journalists' freedoms" since the end of the Soviet Union1 and loomed large in perceptions about the Russian media for the rest of the 1990s. Though some journalists had condemned "shock therapy" in 1992 and the shelling of the parliament in 1993, the Chechen war prompted the journalistic community to desert Boris Yel'tsin en masse for the first time. Moscow-based television networks were the public's main source of information on the fighting.2 The private network NTV exposed official lies about how the war was waged. Newscasts on state-owned Russian Television (RTR), which reached a nationwide audience on Channel 2, soon followed NTV's lead. Virtually all privately owned newspapers also raised their voices against the military campaign. The predominant slant of war coverage became a source of pride for many journalists. Though damning news reports did not end the bloodshed, steadfast public opposition to the war impelled Yel'tsin to pursue a ceasefire agreement while running for reelection in 1996.3 Both supporters and opponents of the military campaign believed that media coverage fostered and sustained the majority view. Yel'tsin rarely retreated from unpopular policies, but his turnaround on Chechnya arguably demonstrated that journalists had helped bring some degree of transparency and therefore accountability to 1 Frank Ellis, From Glasnost to the Internet: Russia's New Infosphere, London: Macmillan Press Ltd, 1999, p. -
Caucasian Review of International Affairs (CRIA) Is a Quarterly Peer-Reviewed, Non- Profit and Only-Online Academic Journal Based in Germany
CCCAUCASIAN REVIEW OF IIINTERNATIONAL AAAFFAIRS Vol. 4 (((3(333)))) sssummersummer 2020201020 101010 EU DEMOCRACY PROMOTION THROUGH CONDITIONALITY IN ITS NEIGHBOURHOOD JANINE REINHARD EU ENGAGEMENT IN CONFLICT RESOLUTION IN GEORGIA : TOWARDS A MORE PROACTIVE ROLE MEHMET BARDAKÇI RELIGION AND ITS IMPORTANCE IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICS : A CASE STUDY OF 2008 RUSSIAN -GEORGIAN WAR INES -JACQUELINE WERKNER FROM RACKETEER TO EMIR : A POLITICAL PORTRAIT OF DOKU UMAROV , RUSSIA ’S MOST WANTED MAN KEVIN DANIEL LEAHY THE CRISIS OF GAZPROM AS THE CRISIS OF RUSSIA ’S “E NERGY SUPER -STATE ” POLICY TOWARDS EUROPE AND THE FORMER SOVIET UNION ANDREY KAZANTSEV EURASIAN BARGAINING , AGRICULTURE , AND THE DOHA ROUND SARITA D. JACKSON WAS KOSOVO ’S SPLIT -OFF LEGITIMATE ? BACKGROUND , MEANING AND IMPLICATIONS OF THE ICJ’ S ADVISORY OPINION HEIKO KRUEGER UKRAINE : A CHALLENGE FOR U.S., EU & NATO REGIONAL POLICY TAMERLAN VAHABOV ISSN: 1865-6773 www.cria -online.org EDITORIAL BOARD: Dr. Tracey German (King’s College Dr. Robin van der Hout (Europa-Institute, London, United Kingdom) University of Saarland, Germany) Dr. Andrew Liaropoulos (Institute for Dr. Jason Strakes (Analyst, Research European and American Studies, Greece) Reachback Center East, U.S.) Dr. Martin Malek (National Defence Dr. Cory Welt (George Washington Academy, Austria) University, U.S.) INTERNATIONAL ADVISORY BOARD: Prof. Hüseyin Bagci , Middle East Prof. Werner Münch , former Prime Technical University, Ankara, Turkey Minister of Saxony-Anhalt, former Member of the European Parliament, Germany Prof. Hans-Georg Heinrich, University of Vienna, Austria Prof. Elkhan Nuriyev , Director of the Centre for Strategic Studies under the Prof. Edmund Herzig , Oxford University, President of the Republic of Azerbaijan UK Dr. -
Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam As a Tool of the Kremlin?
Notes de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Visions 99 Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam as a Tool of the Kremlin? Marlène LARUELLE March 2017 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the few French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European and broader international debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. This text is published with the support of DGRIS (Directorate General for International Relations and Strategy) under “Observatoire Russie, Europe orientale et Caucase”. ISBN: 978-2-36567-681-6 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2017 How to quote this document: Marlène Laruelle, “Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam as a Tool of the Kremlin?”, Russie.Nei.Visions, No. 99, Ifri, March 2017. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Ifri-Bruxelles Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 1000—Brussels—BELGIUM Tel.: +32 (0)2 238 51 10—Fax: +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection dedicated to Russia and the other new independent states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). -
The North Caucasus Region As a Blind Spot in the “European Green Deal”: Energy Supply Security and Energy Superpower Russia
energies Article The North Caucasus Region as a Blind Spot in the “European Green Deal”: Energy Supply Security and Energy Superpower Russia José Antonio Peña-Ramos 1,* , Philipp Bagus 2 and Dmitri Amirov-Belova 3 1 Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Universidad Autónoma de Chile, Providencia 7500912, Chile 2 Department of Applied Economics I and History of Economic Institutions (and Moral Philosophy), Rey Juan Carlos University, 28032 Madrid, Spain; [email protected] 3 Postgraduate Studies Centre, Pablo de Olavide University, 41013 Sevilla, Spain; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected]; Tel.: +34-657219669 Abstract: The “European Green Deal” has ambitious aims, such as net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050. While the European Union aims to make its energies greener, Russia pursues power-goals based on its status as a geo-energy superpower. A successful “European Green Deal” would have the up-to-now underestimated geopolitical advantage of making the European Union less dependent on Russian hydrocarbons. In this article, we illustrate Russian power-politics and its geopolitical implications by analyzing the illustrative case of the North Caucasus, which has been traditionally a strategic region for Russia. The present article describes and analyses the impact of Russian intervention in the North Caucasian secessionist conflict since 1991 and its importance in terms of natural resources, especially hydrocarbons. The geopolitical power secured by Russia in the North Caucasian conflict has important implications for European Union’s energy supply security and could be regarded as a strong argument in favor of the “European Green Deal”. Keywords: North Caucasus; post-soviet conflicts; Russia; oil; natural gas; global economics and Citation: Peña-Ramos, J.A.; Bagus, P.; cross-cultural management; energy studies; renewable energies; energy markets; clean energies Amirov-Belova, D. -
About Fertility Data for Russia
HUMAN FERTILITY DATABASE DOCUMENTATION: RUSSIA Author: Evgeny Andreev New Economic School, Moscow, Russia E-mail: [email protected] Last revision: 22 October 2020 Revised by Aiva Jasilioniene Max Planck Institute for Demographic Research, Rostock, Germany E-mail: [email protected] Revised by Olga Grigorieva Max Planck Institute for Demographic Research, Rostock, Germany E-mail: [email protected] Last revised by Inna Danilova Max Planck Institute for Demographic Research, Rostock, Germany E-mail: [email protected] 1 General information The collection of vital statistics in Russia began at the end of the 19th century. The annual production of tables of birth numbers by age of the mother started in 1933. The production of tables of birth numbers by age of the mother and birth order started in 1944. From 1946 onwards, the quality of these data (in terms of completeness) is considered satisfactory. The territorial coverage is described in section 2 of this report. Tables of the female population split by age and parity are available from the population censuses of 1979, 1989, 2002, and 2010. The data proprietor is the state statistical system and its central agency, the Federal State Statistics Service (Rosstat), online at www.gks.ru. 1.1 Data sources Rosstat has provided the HFD with a major portion of the Russian fertility data. Specifically, these are data on the following: births by age of the mother and birth order for the 1959-2018 period; monthly birth numbers for the 1956-2018 period; census data on the female population by parity and age according to the censuses of 1979, 1989, 2002, and 2010. -
The Expanding Epidemic of HIV-1 in the Russian Federation
PERSPECTIVE The expanding epidemic of HIV-1 in the Russian Federation Chris Beyrer1*, Andrea L. Wirtz1, George O'Hara2, Nolwenn LeÂon3, Michel Kazatchkine3,4 1 Center for Public Health and Human Rights, Department of Epidemiology, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, Baltimore, Maryland, United States of America, 2 Haverford College, Haverford, Pennsylvania, United States of America, 3 Office of the UN Secretary-General's Special Envoy on HIV/AIDS in Eastern Europe and Central Asia, Geneva, Switzerland, 4 Global Health Center, the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, Geneva, Switzerland a1111111111 * [email protected] a1111111111 a1111111111 a1111111111 a1111111111 Introduction In 2017, the Russian Federation (RF) is estimated to have the largest number of HIV-1 infected citizens of any country in Europe [1]. Cumulative reported diagnoses reached over 1.16 mil- lion infections by mid-2017, and actual infections, including those that remain undiagnosed OPEN ACCESS and/or unreported, are doubtless substantially higher [2]. In contrast to the global epidemic Citation: Beyrer C, Wirtz AL, O'Hara G, LeÂon N, pattern, the HIV epidemic in the RF and in most countries of Eastern Europe and Central Asia Kazatchkine M (2017) The expanding epidemic of HIV-1 in the Russian Federation. PLoS Med 14(11): continues to expand significantly. Over 103,000 new HIV diagnoses were reported in the RF e1002462. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal. in 2016, a 5% increase in new infections over the previous year [2]; reported HIV diagnoses pmed.1002462 had been increasing at some 10% per year from 2011±2016 [2]. Among Russian men aged 30± Published: November 28, 2017 39 years of age, a group that has the highest male infection burden, some 2.8% were living with HIV infection in 2016 [2]. -
Volume VIII, Issue 27 JULY 8, 2010
VOLUME VIII, ISSUE 27 u JULY 8, 2010 IN THIS ISSUE: BRIEFS...................................................................................................................................1 JIHADI VIEWS ON GENERAL MCCHRYSTAL’s RESIGNATION By Abdul Hameed Bakier.........................................................................................3 PKK INTENSIFIES VIOLENCE TO BRING TURKEY INTO CONFRONTATION WITH THE EUROPEAN UNION Members of PKK By Emrullah Uslu..............................................................................................................4 SALAFI-JIHADIS AND THE NORTH CAUCASUS: IS THERE A NEW PHASE OF WAR Terrorism Monitor is a publication IN THE MAKING? of The Jamestown Foundation. By Murad Batal al-Shishani....................................................................................6 The Terrorism Monitor is designed to be read by policy- makers and other specialists yet be accessible to the general public. The opinions expressed within are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of The Jamestown DEFIANT AQIM CHALLENGES NEW REGIONAL COUNTERTERRORIST Foundation. COMMAND WITH DEADLY CROSS-BORDER RAID Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) answered the formation of a Unauthorized reproduction or redistribution of this or any multinational counterterrorism center in the southern Algerian town of Jamestown publication is strictly Tamanrasset by ambushing a patrol of Algerian border gendarmes close to Tin prohibited by law. Zaouatine, roughly 40 km from the border with Mali -
Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S
Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S. Interests Jim Nichol, Coordinator Specialist in Russian and Eurasian Affairs November 4, 2010 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL33407 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S. Interests Summary Russia made some uneven progress in democratization during the 1990s, but according to most observers, this limited progress was reversed after Vladimir Putin rose to power in 1999-2000. During this period, the State Duma (lower legislative chamber) came to be dominated by government-approved parties and opposition democratic parties were excluded. Putin also abolished gubernatorial elections and established government ownership or control over major media and industries, including the energy sector. The methods used by the Putin government to suppress insurgency in the North Caucasus demonstrated a low regard for the rule of law and scant regard for human rights, according to critics. Dmitriy Medvedev, Vladimir Putin’s chosen successor and long-time protégé, was elected president in March 2008 and immediately chose Putin as prime minister. President Medvedev has continued policies established during the Putin presidency. In August 2008, the Medvedev-Putin “tandem” directed wide-scale military operations against Georgia and unilaterally recognized the independence of Georgia’s separatist South Ossetia and Abkhazia, actions that were censured by most of the international community but which resulted in few, minor, and only temporary international sanctions against Russia. Russia’s economy began to recover from the Soviet collapse in 1999, led mainly by oil and gas exports, but the sharp decline in oil and gas prices in mid-2008 and other aspects of the global economic downturn put a halt to this growth. -
The North Caucasus Ways Forward for Russia and the European Union
Building Stability in the North Caucasus Ways Forward for Russia and the European Union SIPRI Policy Paper No. 16 Neil J. Melvin Stockholm International Peace Research Institute May 2007 © SIPRI, 2007 ISSN 1652-0432 (print) ISSN 1653-7548 (online) Printed in Sweden by CM Gruppen, Bromma Contents Preface iv Map of the North Caucasus vi Table A.1. Data on the North Caucasus and the Russian Federation vii 1. Introduction: instability in the North Caucasus 1 The structure of this Policy Paper 6 2. The roots of instability in the North Caucasus 7 Incorporation and pacification 7 The North Caucasus in the Soviet Union 9 World War II and Stalin 11 The post-Stalin era and perestroika 12 The North Caucasus in the Russian Federation 15 Nationalist mobilization 15 The failure of state building in the North Caucasus 17 Religious revival 18 The first Chechen war 21 3. The North Caucasus in the Putin era 24 Putin’s new course 24 Replacing local elites 26 The second Chechen war 28 Russia’s ‘war on terrorism’ 31 The role of the international community 35 4. Prospects for the North Caucasus 37 National–territorial issues 37 Islam and Islamism 40 Governance in the North Caucasus 43 Socio-economic issues 44 Russia’s security policies 45 The North Caucasus and the European Union 46 5. Recommendations 48 Recommendations for the Russian Federation 48 Recommendations for the European Union 54 About the author 59 Preface For most people, the notion of conflict in the North Caucasus—a region within the Russian Federation, as distinct from the independent states of the South Cau- casus—is synonymous with Chechnya. -
Speaking of Suicide Bombers, I Stumbled Across
Understanding Suicide Terrorist Bombings in Russia PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 155 May 2011 Mark Kramer Harvard University Suicide terrorist bombings have been a frequent phenomenon in Russia over the past decade. The large majority of these attacks have occurred in the North Caucasus— particularly Chechnya, Dagestan, and Ingushetia—but many such bombings have also been perpetrated in Moscow, including the powerful explosion inside the international arrivals hall of Domodedovo Airport in January 2011 that killed 37 people and wounded some 180. What lies behind these attacks? Generalizations about the motives of a large group of people are always hazardous, no more so than in this case. Except in the relatively few instances when attempted suicide bombings have been unsuccessful and the would-be attackers have not been killed by security forces, the perpetrators of suicide bombings are not around to reveal why they acted as they did. Some, but not all, of the suicide terrorists in Russia leave video recordings or notes that explain why they took such drastic action. But even when attackers’ posthumous testimony is available, it is often incomplete, deceptive, or obfuscatory. The testimony can be valuable, but in many cases it gives no more than a rough idea of why the attackers wanted to kill and die for their cause. Despite the difficulties of assessing the motives of suicide terrorists in Russia, a few points can be stated with certainty. First, nearly all of the attackers have been of North Caucasus origin or working with terrorist groups based in the North Caucasus. Second, since late 2007 the majority of suicide bombers have been from Dagestan and Ingushetia, although a considerable number of such attacks have still been perpetrated by Chechens.