Track-Two Diplomacy & Canadian Foreign Policy: Approaches To

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Track-Two Diplomacy & Canadian Foreign Policy: Approaches To University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository Graduate Studies Master of Public Policy Capstone Projects 2015-04 Track-Two Diplomacy & Canadian Foreign Policy: Approaches to Conflict Resolution Proctor, Kate Proctor, Kate. (2015). Track-Two Diplomacy & Canadian Foreign Policy: Approaches to Conflict Resolution ( Unpublished master's thesis). University of Calgary, Calgary, AB. http://hdl.handle.net/1880/51646 report Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca THE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY• OF PUBLIC POLICY MASTER OF PUBLIC POLICY CAPSTONE PROJECT Track-Two Diplomacy & Canadian Foreign Policy: Approaches to Conflict Resolution Submitted by: Kate Proctor Approved by Supervisor: Dr. Ian Brodie Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements of PPOL 623 and completion of the requirements for the Master of Public Policy degree Table of Contents Introduction 1 Literature Review 4 Methodology: Approach 8 Methodological Limitations 11 Findings: Case 1: Israel and Palestine 13 Case 2: Apartheid in South Africa 16 Case 3: Jerusalem 19 Case 4: The North Pacific Cooperative Security Dialogue 22 Results 26 Policy Suggestions & Conclusions 27 Proctor 1 INTRODUCTION Government response to conflict resolution can vary. To find a solution to a conflict a government may confer with, and take ideas from, governmental institutions like the Department of Foreign Affairs, Trade and Development (DFATD), and non- governmental institutions, such as the Canadian Defence and Foreign Affairs Institute (CDFAI). One such response comes from diplomacy and the role that it can play in conflict resolution. Any given sovereign state is represented internationally through the use of diplomats. The role of an individual diplomat, as understood in conventional terms, is to represent their state's interests and values and to maintain state-to-state relationships. This official diplomacy is also known as "track-one diplomacy." Track-one efforts in conflict resolution, as suggested by Jeff Mapendere, "are facilitated or mediated by government representatives or representatives of political institutions such as the [United Nations] and regional groups." 1 Diplomats also represent, in accordance with a state's foreign policy, the primary and most formal avenue of a state's ability to engage in peacemaking and conflict resolution.2 Like other professions in the political field, the occupation of diplomat is highly institutionalized, visible and subject to media scrutiny. Due to these very characteristics of the occupation, efforts to resolve conflict can often be slow to evolve. However undeniably important official diplomacy is for any given state in promoting state interests and fostering state-to-state relationships, there exists another less known track of diplomacy that, at times, can attain the same end goal as its formally institutionalized counterpart. This alternative avenue is simply known as "track-two 1 Jeffery Mapendere, "Track One and a Half Diplomacy and the Complementarity of Tracks," Culture of Peace 2, no. I: 70. 2 Mapendere, "Track One and a Half Diplomacy and the Complementarity of Tracks," 67. Proctor 2 diplomacy." Track-two diplomacy, coined by former American Foreign Service Officer Joseph Montville in 1981 is, [u]nofficial, informal interaction between members of adversarial groups or nations with the goals of developing strategies, influencing public opinion, and organizing human and material resources in ways that might help resolve the contlict.3 Track-two diplomacy is facilitated through discreet means by track-two diplomacy practitioners and is funded by government. Track-two diplomacy seeks to open alternative avenues and methods of communication that would facilitate an environment conducive for conflict resolution, without the institutional and bureaucratic constraints that can hinder track-one diplomacy.4 It is important to note that if a government is interested in adopting track-two diplomacy, the role of the government is a funding one. In simple terms, and in most cases, practitioners willing to conduct a track- two diplomacy effort submit a proposal to the government for approval in order to obtain funding. Track-two diplomacy, to be discussed in more detail in the proceeding section, has the ability to aid in the efforts of conflict resolution not by replacing official diplomacy, but by aiding official efforts through alternative methods. Some states have made track-two diplomacy an integral part of their foreign policy. One such example is the United States. As found on the public website for the Department of State for the United States of America, track-two diplomacy has been added to their repertoire for "2l51 Century Statecraft." As the literature from the Department of State suggests, track- 3 Joseph Montville, "The Arrow and the Olive Branch: A Case for Track Two Diplomacy," The Psychodynamics of International Relationships: 162. 4 Montville, ''The Arrow and the Olive Branch: A Case for Track Two Diplomacy," 163. Proctor 3 two diplomacy is used in assistance to official diplomacy, the central focus of the work.5 Although no official policy has been written to outline how track-two diplomacy works - a necessary stipulation to the discreet nature of the work- the Government of the United States has embraced it. When it comes to Canada, the embrace of track-two diplomacy differs. Although Canadians have undertaken track-two diplomacy in the past, the federal government has not developed a sustainable capacity to continue those efforts.6 It is suggested by some Canadian track-two practitioners, such as Paul Evans and Peter Jones, that the current Conservative government considers track-two diplomacy to be "talk shops" and regards the practice with severe scepticism.7 This view is not uncommon in governments as many initially regard track-two diplomacy as a "feel-good exercise at best."8 Despite this view Paul Evans states, '[that] the constant refrain in virtually every track-two channel is 'where is Canada?'9 With a history of, and international recognition for, conflict resolution and peacekeeping, Canada has the potential to succeed in implementing track- two diplomacy. It is the aim of this paper to evaluate track-two diplomacy as it has been practiced both by international practitioners and Canadian practitioners in order to evaluate its effectiveness in conflict resolution, and to investigate if it is a worthwhile unofficial counterpart to Canadian official diplomacy. s Department of State, United States of America, "21 51 Century Statecraft," Diplomacy in Action, http://www.state.gov/statecraft/overview/index.htm (accessed November 23, 2014). 6 Peter Jones, Canada and Track Two Diplomacy, (Toronto: The Canadian International Council, 2008): 1. 7 Paul Evans, "Canada and Asia Pacific's Track-Two Diplomacy," International Journal 64, no. 4 (2009): 1037. 8 Charles Homans, ''Track II Diplomacy: A Short History," Foreign Policy, June 20, 2011, http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/06/20/track_ii_diplomacy (accessed November 23, 2014) . 9 Paul Evans, "Canada and Asia Pacific's Track-Two Diplomacy," 1036. Proctor 4 LITERATURE REVIEW The definition of track-two diplomacy by Joseph Montville is succinct and informative but does not allude to the highly complex nature of the subject. To begin, scholars such as Cynthia Cataway, Desmond Ball, Anthony Miner, Brendan Taylor and Nadim Rouhana agree that track-two diplomacy can cover an array of various workshops, issues and concepts. This suggests that the field of practicing track-two diplomacy is vast, with many different tools being used for its purpose and conduct. Desmond Ball concisely states that the processes of track-two diplomacy" ... are incredibly diverse, often differing quite markedly in terms of their size, shape and level of institutionalization." 10 In agreement, Esra Cubadar and Bruce W. Dayton make it clear that under the guise of track-two diplomacy, the attempted processes can be quite different in their approach, methodology, process structure and end goals. 11 Stemming from the notion that track-two processes can be extremely diverse, this inevitably produces different opinions as to the appropriate ideological approach to track- two efforts. Within the literature of track-two diplomacy there are two main reoccurring ideological approaches that contribute to the divide amongst practitioners and scholars of the subject. On one side some like Rouhana believe that track-two practices should focus on a realist/rational choice approach to the field. This approach would include the further development of track-two with clear end goals and conflict resolution solutions ready to assist in official negotiations. As Rouhana believes, without precise and clearly outlined 10 Desmond Ball, A. Milner, and B. Taylor, ''Track 2 Security Dialogue in the Asia-Pacific: Reflections and Future Directions," Asian Security 2, no. 3 (2006): 176. 11 Esra Cuhadar and Bruce W. Dayton, "Oslo and Its Aftermath: Lessons Learned from Track Two Diplomacy," Negotiation Journal (2012): 158. Proctor 5 expectations, track-two as a profession will not be taken seriously or be considered a legitimate discipline.12 The other side of the ideological spectrum draws on the social-psychological approach. Scholars and practitioners such as L.A Fast, Vamik Volkan, Demetrius Julius, John Burton, Leonard Doob and Herbert Kelman believe that the goal of the track-two process is to reveal and understand the underlying psychological and social factors that create and/or
Recommended publications
  • Legal Regime of Persona Non Grata and the Namru-2 Case
    Journal of Law, Policy and Globalization www.iiste.org ISSN 2224-3240 (Paper) ISSN 2224-3259 (Online) Vol.32, 2014 Legal Regime of Persona Non Grata and the Namru-2 Case Marcel Hendrapati* Law Faculty, Hasanuddin University, Jalan Perintis Kemerdekaan, Kampus Unhas Tamalanrea KM.10, Makassar-90245, Republic of Indonesia * E-mail of the corresponding author: [email protected] Abstract Just like the diplomatic immunity principle, the principle of persona non grata aims to ensure justice for both the state seeking to evict a diplomat (receiving state) and the state whose diplomat is being evicted (sending state). This is because both principles can guarantee the dignity and equality of sovereign states when resolving issues in international relation. Not every statement of persona non grata has to culminate in expulsion because a statement may be issued by the receiving state both after the diplomatic agent has started performing his functions and even before he arrives at the receiving state. If such a statement is followed by the expulsion of the diplomat, it should be based on article 41 of the Vienna Convention, 1961 (infringement on laws of receiving state and/or espionage actions). Also, expulsion may occur due to war and severance of diplomatic relation between two states. Indonesia has had to deal with issues of persona non grata on several occasions both as receiving and sending state. This paper analyses several cases of declaration of persona non grata involving several countries, especially Indonesia in order to give a better understanding of how the declaration of persona non grata plays out between states, and the significance of the Vienna Convention of 1961 on diplomatic relations.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Issues of Paradiplomacy: Lessons from the Developed World
    DISCUSSION PAPERS IN DIPLOMACY Political Issues of Paradiplomacy: Lessons from the Developed World André Lecours Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’ ISSN 1569-2981 DISCUSSION PAPERS IN DIPLOMACY Editors: Virginie Duthoit & Ellen Huijgh, Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’ Managing Editor: Jan Melissen, Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’ and Antwerp University Desk top publishing: Desiree Davidse Editorial Board Geoff Berridge, University of Leicester Rik Coolsaet, University of Ghent Erik Goldstein, Boston University Alan Henrikson, Tufts University Donna Lee, Birmingham University Spencer Mawby, University of Nottingham Paul Sharp, University of Minnesota Duluth Copyright Notice © André Lecours, December 2008 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy, or transmission of this publication, or part thereof in excess of one paragraph (other than as a PDF file at the discretion of the Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’) may be made without the written permission of the author. ABSTRACT Regional governments can be international actors. This phenomenon of regional governments developing international relations, often called ‘paradiplomacy,’ has been most visible in Western industrialized liberal- democracies. In thinking about paradiplomacy in developing and post- communist countries, considering the experience of regions such as Quebec, Catalonia, the Basque Country, Flanders and Wallonia could be instructive for understanding the logic of this activity, highlighting key choices that need to be made, and pointing out potential challenges stemming from the development by sub-state units of international relations. This paper begins by distinguishing between three layers of paradiplomacy and makes the argument that paradiplomacy can be a multifunctional vehicle for the promotion of interests and identity. It then discusses the various choices that have to be made when developing a paradiplomacy, including designing new structures and selecting partners.
    [Show full text]
  • Imperial China and the West Part I, 1815–1881
    China and the Modern World: Imperial China and the West Part I, 1815–1881 The East India Company’s steamship Nemesis and other British ships engaging Chinese junks in the Second Battle of Chuenpi, 7 January 1841, during the first opium war. (British Library) ABOUT THE ARCHIVE China and the Modern World: Imperial China and the West Part I, 1815–1881 is digitised from the FO 17 series of British Foreign Office Files—Foreign Office: Political and Other Departments: General Correspondence before 1906, China— held at the National Archives, UK, providing a vast and significant primary source for researching every aspect of Chinese-British relations during the nineteenth century, ranging from diplomacy to trade, economics, politics, warfare, emigration, translation and law. This first part includes all content from FO 17 volumes 1–872. Source Library Number of Images The National Archives, UK Approximately 532,000 CONTENT From Lord Amherst’s mission at the start of the nineteenth century, through the trading monopoly of the Canton System, and the Opium Wars of 1839–1842 and 1856–1860, Britain and other foreign powers gradually gained commercial, legal, and territorial rights in China. Imperial China and the West provides correspondence from the Factories of Canton (modern Guangzhou) and from the missionaries and diplomats who entered China in the early nineteenth century, as well as from the envoys and missions sent to China from Britain and the later legation and consulates. The documents comprising this collection include communications to and from the British legation, first at Hong Kong and later at Peking, and British consuls at Shanghai, Amoy (Xiamen), Swatow (Shantou), Hankow (Hankou), Newchwang (Yingkou), Chefoo (Yantai), Formosa (Taiwan), and more.
    [Show full text]
  • Foreign Diplomatic and Consular Representatives
    Policy Redding Police Department 412 RPD Policy Manual Foreign Diplomatic and Consular Representatives 412.1 PURPOSE AND SCOPE This policy provides guidelines to ensure that members of the Redding Police Department extend appropriate privileges and immunities to foreign diplomatic and consular representatives in accordance with international law. 412.2 POLICY The Redding Police Department respects international laws related to the special privileges and immunities afforded foreign diplomatic and consular representatives assigned to the United States. All foreign diplomatic and consular representatives shall be treated with respect and courtesy, regardless of any privileges or immunities afforded them. 412.3 CLAIMS OF IMMUNITY If a member comes into contact with a person where law enforcement action may be warranted and the person claims diplomatic or consular privileges and immunities, the member should, without delay: (a) Notify a supervisor. (b) Advise the person that his/her claim will be investigated and he/she may be released in accordance with the law upon confirmation of the person’s status. (c) Request the person’s identification card, either issued by the U.S. Department of State (DOS), Office of the Chief of Protocol, or in the case of persons accredited to the United Nations, by the U.S. Mission to the United Nations. These are the only reliable documents for purposes of determining privileges and immunities. (d) Contact the DOS Diplomatic Security Command Center at 571-345-3146 or toll free at 866-217-2089, or at another current telephone number and inform the center of the circumstances. (e) Verify the immunity status with DOS and follow any instructions regarding further detention, arrest, prosecution and/or release, as indicated by the DOS representative.
    [Show full text]
  • What Is a Science Diplomat?
    The Hague Journal of Diplomacy 15 (2020) 409-423 brill.com/hjd What Is a Science Diplomat? Lorenzo Melchor Spanish Foundation for Science and Technology (FECYT), Madrid, Spain; former FECYT Science Adviser in the Spanish Embassy in London, United Kingdom [email protected] Received: 22 May 2020; revised: 4 July 2020; accepted: 21 July 2020 Summary The COVID-19 crisis has shown how countries initially responded to a global chal- lenge on their own, instead of relying on a multilateral science diplomacy — based response. Although, science diplomacy has received great attention for the past de- cade, its meaning and the nature of the diverse practitioners involved remain elusive. Science diplomacy is a transboundary field sitting across national borders, policy frameworks and stakeholders of all natures and professional backgrounds. But what is a science diplomat? What science diplomacy roles formally exist? Who can become a science diplomat? What knowledge and skills are required? This practitioner’s essay proposes a typology of science diplomacy practitioners who bring science, technology, innovation, foreign policy and the international political system altogether closer in either institutionalised or non-institutionalised roles, and it also provides guidance for pursuing a career in science diplomacy. These science diplomats may promote na- tional competitiveness but also facilitate multilateral responses to global challenges. Keywords science diplomacy – science diplomat – science counsellor – science attaché – science adviser – science advice – science-policy interface – knowledge diplomacy – COVID-19 © Lorenzo Melchor, 2020 | doi:10.1163/1871191X-bja10026 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the CC BY 4.0Downloaded license. from Brill.com10/01/2021 11:43:18AM via free access 410 Melchor 1 Introduction1 The COVID-19 outbreak has caused a profound global public health and socio- economic crisis.
    [Show full text]
  • Constitutional Solutions to the Problem of Diplomatic Crime and Immunity William G
    Hofstra Law Review Volume 36 | Issue 2 Article 19 2007 Constitutional Solutions to the Problem of Diplomatic Crime and Immunity William G. Morris Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/hlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Morris, William G. (2007) "Constitutional Solutions to the Problem of Diplomatic Crime and Immunity," Hofstra Law Review: Vol. 36: Iss. 2, Article 19. Available at: http://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/hlr/vol36/iss2/19 This document is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hofstra Law Review by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Morris: Constitutional Solutions to the Problem of Diplomatic Crime and I NOTE CONSTITUTIONAL SOLUTIONS TO THE PROBLEM OF DIPLOMATIC CRIME AND IMMUNITY I. INTRODUCTION No one is above the law. This principle has been a driving force throughout the great ideological experiment known as democracy. From childhood, we are told that people who commit crimes must answer for them. However, the simplistic nature of this notion fails to capture the whole truth of the nuanced system of international law. International law permits certain individuals to escape accountability for their crimes. For centuries, the principle of diplomatic immunity has enabled foreign diplomats to avoid prosecution for violations of the host country's laws. 1 The Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, to which the United States is a party, has codified customary international law.2 The Vienna Convention grants diplomats, their families, and diplomatic property numerous protections.
    [Show full text]
  • Diplomacy in the Modern World: a Reconsideration of the Bases for Diplomatic Immunity in the Era of High-Tech Communications James S
    Hastings International and Comparative Law Review Volume 21 Article 3 Number 2 Winter 1998 1-1-1998 Diplomacy in the Modern World: A Reconsideration of the Bases for Diplomatic Immunity in the Era of High-Tech Communications James S. Parkhill Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/ hastings_international_comparative_law_review Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation James S. Parkhill, Diplomacy in the Modern World: A Reconsideration of the Bases for Diplomatic Immunity in the Era of High-Tech Communications, 21 Hastings Int'l & Comp. L. Rev. 565 (1998). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_international_comparative_law_review/vol21/iss2/3 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hastings International and Comparative Law Review by an authorized editor of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Diplomacy in the Modern World: A Reconsideration of the Bases for Diplomatic Immunity in the Era of High- Tech Communications By JAMES S. PARKHILL I. Introduction On January 3, 1997, the second-ranking diplomat to the United States from the Republic of Georgia, driving home late at night, struck two cars stopped at a red light. The accident caused the death of Joviane Waltrick, a sixteen year-old passenger in one of the cars.' Police estimate that the diplomat, Mr. Gueorgui Makharadze, was traveling at close to eighty miles2 per hour when the accident occurred in a twenty five miles per hour zone.
    [Show full text]
  • Maurice Francis Egan: Writer, Teacher, Diplomat
    W&M ScholarWorks Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 1969 Maurice Francis Egan: Writer, Teacher, Diplomat Caroline Patrice Peck College of William & Mary - Arts & Sciences Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd Part of the American Literature Commons, Other Education Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Peck, Caroline Patrice, "Maurice Francis Egan: Writer, Teacher, Diplomat" (1969). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects. Paper 1539624676. https://dx.doi.org/doi:10.21220/s2-wn6b-ek36 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MAURICE FRANCIS EGAN: A WRITER, TEACHER, DIPLOMAT A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Department of History The College of William and Mary in Virginia In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts By Caroline Patrice Peck 19 69 APPROVAL SHEET This thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Author Approved, 43 - Ricnara B« Sherman, Ph.D. &et5¥ge V J Strong, Ph.3) 4 5 3 2 % 8 AOOOlfLBDGMEN T S The writer wishes to express her appreciation to Dr. Richard B. Sherman, under whose guidance this paper was written, for his patient guidance and criticism throughout the lengthy duration of the task. The author is also in­ debted to Dr. Edward P.
    [Show full text]
  • Conducting Track Ii Peacemaking USIP PRESS - - 90000 - 270696 Cemaking 781601 ISBN 978-1-60127-069-6 Pea 9 II K Ck Peacemaker’S Toolkit Peacemaker’S Series
    CONDUCTING TRACK II PEACEMAKING In the conflict resolution realm, track II peacemaking or diplomacy has be- come increasingly common, complementing the more formal track I peace- making efforts in myriad ways and at various points throughout a peace COND process. Conducting Track II Peacemaking presents the process of track II U Conducting intervention as a series of steps that guide peacemakers in coordinating CT various track II efforts to maximize their positive impacts. I NG TRACK Written for both track I and track II actors, this handbook TRACK II • illuminates the role and importance of track II activities; ii • charts a wide range of track II activities, from assessment, conception, P and planning through to implementation and evaluation; and, EACEMAK Peacemaking • discusses the need to ensure that different peacemaking efforts sup- port and reinforce one another. I NG Heidi Burgess and Guy Burgess This volume is the seventh in the Peacemaker’s Toolkit series. Each hand- book addresses a facet of the work of mediating violent conflicts, including such topics as negotiations with terrorists, constitution making, assessing and enhancing ripeness, and debriefing mediators. For more information, go to http://www.usip.org/resources/peacemaker-s-toolkit. ISBN 978-1-60127-069-6 UNITED STATES 90000 USIP INSTITUTE OF PEACE PRESS PRESS 1200 17th Street NW Washington, DC 20036 WWW.USIP.ORG 9 781601 270696 Conducting Track II Peacemaking Conducting TRACK II PEACEMAKING Heidi Burgess and Guy Burgess United States Institute of Peace Washington, D.C. University of Colorado Conflict Information Consortium The Peacemaker’s Toolkit Series Editors: A. Heather Coyne and Nigel Quinney The views expressed in this guide are those of the author alone.
    [Show full text]
  • Annotated Index of Names
    ANNOTATED INDEX OF NAMES Page numbers in italic type refer to sender/addressee of dispatch. Abdul Hamid II (1842–1918), Sultan of the Ottoman Empire (1876–1909). 151, 163, 168, 175, 176 Abdulaziz¨ (1842–1918), Sultan of the Ottoman Empire (1861–1876). 112 Abeken, Christian von (1826–1890), Saxon jurist and statesman. Minister of justice (1871–1890). 318, 319–320, 322–323, 330, 338, 407 Abeken, Heinrich (1809–1872), Prussian theologian and diplomat. Vortragender Rat in the Prussian foreign ministry. 45 Abel, Carl (1837–1906), philologist, translator, and journalist. Berlin correspondent of the Daily Telegraph, Evening Standard,andThe Times (1865–1878). 56, 85, 130, 131n Abel, Charles (1824–1895), lawyer and politician from Alsace-Lorraine. Member of the Reichstag (1874–1878). 123 Abel, Karl August von (1788–1859), Bavarian statesman. Minister of the interior (1837– 1847); envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Turin (1847–1850). 489 Adam, Juliette (1836–1936), nee´ Lambert; French author and feminist. 190 Adams, Sir Francis Ottiwell (1825–1889), British diplomat. Secretary of legation at Tokyo (1868); secretary of embassy at Berlin (1872) and Paris (1874; with rank of minister from 1879); envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary at Berne (1881–1888). 23, 69, 82, 83, 84–85, 172 Aguesseau, Henri Franc¸ois d’ (1668–1751), three times chancellor of France, from 1717. 319 Ahmed Muhtar Pasha (1839–1919), Ottoman general and statesman. Governor of Crete (1875–1876; 1878); grand vizier (1912). 128 Ahmed Urabi (1841–1911), Egyptian army officer and nationalist leader. Undersecretary of war and a leading cabinet member during the Egyptian revolt (1879–1882).
    [Show full text]
  • Protocol for the Modern Diplomat, and Make a Point of Adopting and Practicing This Art and Craft During Your Overseas Assignment
    Mission Statement “The Foreign Service Institute develops the men and women our nation requires to fulfill our leadership role in world affairs and to defend U.S. interests.” About FSI Established in 1947, the Foreign Service Institute is the United States Government’s primary training institution for employees of the U.S. foreign affairs community, preparing American diplomats and other professionals to advance U.S. foreign affairs interests overseas and in Washington. FSI provides more than 600 courses – to include training in some 70 foreign languages, as well as in leadership, management, professional tradecraft, area studies, and applied information technology skills – to some 100,000 students a year, drawn from the Department of State and more than 40 other government agencies and military service branches. FSI provides support to all U.S. Government employees involved in foreign affairs, from State Department entry-level specialists and generalists to newly-assigned Ambassadors, and to our Foreign Service National colleagues who assist U.S. efforts at some 270 posts abroad. i Table of Contents Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1 Protocol In Brief ............................................................................................................................. 2 International Culture ....................................................................................................................... 2 Addressing
    [Show full text]
  • Domestic Workers in Diplomats' Households
    Study Domestic Workers in Diplomats’ Households Rights Violations and Access to Justice in the Context of Diplomatic Immunity Angelika Kartusch Imprint The Institute Deutsches Institut für Menschenrechte The German Institute for Human Rights is the inde- German Institute for Human Rights pendent National Human Rights Institution in Ger- Zimmerstr. 26/27 many. It is accredited according to the Paris Principles 10969 Berlin of the United Nations (A-Status). The Institute’s activ- Phone: (+49) (0)30 25 93 59 - 0 ities include the provision of advice on policy issues, Fax: (+49) (0)30 25 93 59 - 59 human rights education, applied research on human [email protected] rights issues and cooperation with international organ- www.institut-fuer-menschenrechte.de izations. It is supported by the German Federal Minis- try of Justice, the Federal Foreign Office, the Federal Cover photograph: Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development Ms Jacob Langford and the Federal Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs. The National Monitoring Body for the UN Convention Typesetting: on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities was estab- Wertewerk, Tübingen lished at the Institute in May 2009. June 2011 The project “Forced Labor Today - Empowering Traf- ficked Persons” is carried out by the Institute since ISBN 978-3-942315-17-3 (PDF) 2009 in cooperation with the Foundation “Remem- brance, Responsibility and Future” (EVZ). The research © 2011 Deutsches Institut für Menschenrechte for this study has been undertaken as part of the pro- German Institute for Human Rights ject, funded through the Foundation EVZ. The study All rights reserved was printed at the expense of the Institute.
    [Show full text]