What Is a Science Diplomat?
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The Past As Prologue,” Science & Diplomacy, Vol
Vaughan C. Turekian and Norman P. Neureiter, “Science and Diplomacy: The Past as Prologue,” Science & Diplomacy, Vol. 1, No. 1 (March 2012). http://www.sciencediplomacy.org/editorial/2012/science-and-diplomacy. This copy is for non-commercial use only. More articles, perspectives, editorials, and letters can be found at www.sciencediplomacy.org. Science & Diplomacy is published by the Center for Science Diplomacy of the American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS), the world’s largest general scientific society. Science and Diplomacy: The Past as Prologue Vaughan C. Turekian and Norman P. Neureiter HIS past December marked twenty years since the dissolution of the Soviet TUnion quietly and peacefully ended the Cold War. While that era saw the Cuban Missile Crisis, proxy wars, and policies of mutual assured destruction, it was also a period when people on both sides of the conflict looked for ways to bridge differences and increase the chances for peace and resolution. In a 1985 address to the nation days before meeting with Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev for the first time, President Ronald Reagan stated “We can find, as yet undiscovered, avenues where American and Soviet citizens can cooperate fruitfully for the benefit of mankind . In science and technology, we could launch new joint space ventures and establish joint medical research projects.” Two years later, John Negroponte, the President’s Assistant Secretary of State for Oceans and International Environmental and Scientific Affairs (OES), further articulated the Administration’s view during congressional testimony: “It would be short-sighted of us not to recognize that it is in our national interest to seek to expand scientific cooperation with the Soviet Union.” In many ways, the Cold War was a time of highly effective use of science diplomacy to build bridges and connections despite the existence of great political tensions. -
Science, Technology, Policy Fellowship Program Step Into Our Community and Shape Science for Society!
STeP Science, Technology, Policy Fellowship Program Step into our community and shape science for society! A LANDMARK PROGRAM OF THE INTER-AMERICAN INSTITUTE FOR GLOBAL CHANGE RESEARCH (IAI) 2021 IAI WHO WE ARE The Inter-American Institute for Global Change Research (IAI) is an intergovernmental organization supported by 19 countries in the Americas, dedicated to pursuing the principles of scientific excellence, international cooperation, capacity building, and the full and open exchange of scientific information to increase the understanding of global change phenomena and their social-economic implications. The IAI enables a well-informed, inclusive and sustainable America, which collaboratively meets the challenges posed by global change by supporting flexible science-based policies and actions. History of the IAI In 1992, 12 nations of the Americas came together in Montevideo, Uruguay to establish the IAI. The 12 governments, in the Declaration of Montevideo, called for the Institute to develop the best possible international coordination of scientific and economic research of global change in the Americas. Since then, 7 additional nations have acceded to the treaty, and the IAI has now 19 parties in the Americas. IAI INTER-AMERICAN INSTITUTE FOR GLOBAL CHANGE RESEARCH SCIENCE, TECHNOLOGY, POLICY FELLOWSHIP The Science, Technology, Policy (STeP) Fellowship Program is an innovative landmark program of the IAI to enhance human and institutional capacities in IAI member countries and to support the provision of expert scientific advice to policy makers for the development of public policy relevant to global change. Fellows in the STeP program are placed at host government or private organizations to engage first-hand with policy and decision-makers and facilitate the uptake of scientific knowledge into policy processes. -
과학외교를 위한 데이터기반의 연구주제선정 방법 Data-Driven Approach to Identify Research Topics for Science and Technology Diplomacy
https://doi.org/10.5392/JKCA.2020.20.11.216 과학외교를 위한 데이터기반의 연구주제선정 방법 Data-Driven Approach to Identify Research Topics for Science and Technology Diplomacy 여운동, 김선호, 이방래, 노경란 한국과학기술정보연구원 RnD투자분석센터 Woon-Dong Yeo([email protected]), Seonho Kim([email protected]) BangRae Lee([email protected]), Kyung-Ran Noh([email protected]) 요약 두 국가가 본격적으로 외교적 협약을 진행하기 전 우호적인 분위기를 만들기 위해서나, 국가간 정치적 우호 관계를 지속하기 위한 목적 등으로 과학외교를 사용한다. 최근에는 과학기술이 국가 발전에 미치는 영향이 커짐에 따라서 과학외교에 대한 관심이 더욱 집중되고 있다. 과학외교를 수행하기 위해 두 국가가 서로 흥미를 가질 수 있는 협동연구주제를 찾는 것은 전문가 집단에 의해 추천에 의해 이뤄진다. 그러나 이 방법은 전문가 의 주관적 판단에 의지하기 때문에 편향성과 이에 따른 문제가 존재한다. 개인적 및 조직적 편향, 유명한 연구 자의 후광효과, 전문가마다 다른 추천기준 등이 있을 수 있다. 본 논문에서는 전문가 기반의 방식이 가지는 문제점을 극복하기 위해 한국에서 시도된 빅데이터 기반의 외교를 위한 연구주제 추천방법을 소개한다. 빅데 이터를 분석하기 위한 알고리즘은 전통적인 연구분야인 계량서지학 뿐만 아니라 최신 딥러닝 기술을 사용한 다. 제안된 방식은 한국과 헝가리 간의 과학외교에 사용되었으며, 데이터기반 주제선정 방식의 가능성을 확인 할 수 있었다. ■ 중심어 :∣과학계량학∣추천시스템∣계량서지학∣딥러닝∣과학외교∣ Abstract In science and technology diplomacy, major countries actively utilize their capabilities in science and technology for public diplomacy, especially for promoting diplomatic relations with politically sensitive regions and countries. Recently, with an increase in the influence of science and technology on national development, interest in science and technology diplomacy has increased. So far, science and technology diplomacy has relied on experts to find research topics that are of common interest to both the countries. -
Legal Regime of Persona Non Grata and the Namru-2 Case
Journal of Law, Policy and Globalization www.iiste.org ISSN 2224-3240 (Paper) ISSN 2224-3259 (Online) Vol.32, 2014 Legal Regime of Persona Non Grata and the Namru-2 Case Marcel Hendrapati* Law Faculty, Hasanuddin University, Jalan Perintis Kemerdekaan, Kampus Unhas Tamalanrea KM.10, Makassar-90245, Republic of Indonesia * E-mail of the corresponding author: [email protected] Abstract Just like the diplomatic immunity principle, the principle of persona non grata aims to ensure justice for both the state seeking to evict a diplomat (receiving state) and the state whose diplomat is being evicted (sending state). This is because both principles can guarantee the dignity and equality of sovereign states when resolving issues in international relation. Not every statement of persona non grata has to culminate in expulsion because a statement may be issued by the receiving state both after the diplomatic agent has started performing his functions and even before he arrives at the receiving state. If such a statement is followed by the expulsion of the diplomat, it should be based on article 41 of the Vienna Convention, 1961 (infringement on laws of receiving state and/or espionage actions). Also, expulsion may occur due to war and severance of diplomatic relation between two states. Indonesia has had to deal with issues of persona non grata on several occasions both as receiving and sending state. This paper analyses several cases of declaration of persona non grata involving several countries, especially Indonesia in order to give a better understanding of how the declaration of persona non grata plays out between states, and the significance of the Vienna Convention of 1961 on diplomatic relations. -
The Gordian Knot: Apartheid & the Unmaking of the Liberal World Order, 1960-1970
THE GORDIAN KNOT: APARTHEID & THE UNMAKING OF THE LIBERAL WORLD ORDER, 1960-1970 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Ryan Irwin, B.A., M.A. History ***** The Ohio State University 2010 Dissertation Committee: Professor Peter Hahn Professor Robert McMahon Professor Kevin Boyle Professor Martha van Wyk © 2010 by Ryan Irwin All rights reserved. ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the apartheid debate from an international perspective. Positioned at the methodological intersection of intellectual and diplomatic history, it examines how, where, and why African nationalists, Afrikaner nationalists, and American liberals contested South Africa’s place in the global community in the 1960s. It uses this fight to explore the contradictions of international politics in the decade after second-wave decolonization. The apartheid debate was never at the center of global affairs in this period, but it rallied international opinions in ways that attached particular meanings to concepts of development, order, justice, and freedom. As such, the debate about South Africa provides a microcosm of the larger postcolonial moment, exposing the deep-seated differences between politicians and policymakers in the First and Third Worlds, as well as the paradoxical nature of change in the late twentieth century. This dissertation tells three interlocking stories. First, it charts the rise and fall of African nationalism. For a brief yet important moment in the early and mid-1960s, African nationalists felt genuinely that they could remake global norms in Africa’s image and abolish the ideology of white supremacy through U.N. -
Political Issues of Paradiplomacy: Lessons from the Developed World
DISCUSSION PAPERS IN DIPLOMACY Political Issues of Paradiplomacy: Lessons from the Developed World André Lecours Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’ ISSN 1569-2981 DISCUSSION PAPERS IN DIPLOMACY Editors: Virginie Duthoit & Ellen Huijgh, Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’ Managing Editor: Jan Melissen, Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’ and Antwerp University Desk top publishing: Desiree Davidse Editorial Board Geoff Berridge, University of Leicester Rik Coolsaet, University of Ghent Erik Goldstein, Boston University Alan Henrikson, Tufts University Donna Lee, Birmingham University Spencer Mawby, University of Nottingham Paul Sharp, University of Minnesota Duluth Copyright Notice © André Lecours, December 2008 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy, or transmission of this publication, or part thereof in excess of one paragraph (other than as a PDF file at the discretion of the Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’) may be made without the written permission of the author. ABSTRACT Regional governments can be international actors. This phenomenon of regional governments developing international relations, often called ‘paradiplomacy,’ has been most visible in Western industrialized liberal- democracies. In thinking about paradiplomacy in developing and post- communist countries, considering the experience of regions such as Quebec, Catalonia, the Basque Country, Flanders and Wallonia could be instructive for understanding the logic of this activity, highlighting key choices that need to be made, and pointing out potential challenges stemming from the development by sub-state units of international relations. This paper begins by distinguishing between three layers of paradiplomacy and makes the argument that paradiplomacy can be a multifunctional vehicle for the promotion of interests and identity. It then discusses the various choices that have to be made when developing a paradiplomacy, including designing new structures and selecting partners. -
Imperial China and the West Part I, 1815–1881
China and the Modern World: Imperial China and the West Part I, 1815–1881 The East India Company’s steamship Nemesis and other British ships engaging Chinese junks in the Second Battle of Chuenpi, 7 January 1841, during the first opium war. (British Library) ABOUT THE ARCHIVE China and the Modern World: Imperial China and the West Part I, 1815–1881 is digitised from the FO 17 series of British Foreign Office Files—Foreign Office: Political and Other Departments: General Correspondence before 1906, China— held at the National Archives, UK, providing a vast and significant primary source for researching every aspect of Chinese-British relations during the nineteenth century, ranging from diplomacy to trade, economics, politics, warfare, emigration, translation and law. This first part includes all content from FO 17 volumes 1–872. Source Library Number of Images The National Archives, UK Approximately 532,000 CONTENT From Lord Amherst’s mission at the start of the nineteenth century, through the trading monopoly of the Canton System, and the Opium Wars of 1839–1842 and 1856–1860, Britain and other foreign powers gradually gained commercial, legal, and territorial rights in China. Imperial China and the West provides correspondence from the Factories of Canton (modern Guangzhou) and from the missionaries and diplomats who entered China in the early nineteenth century, as well as from the envoys and missions sent to China from Britain and the later legation and consulates. The documents comprising this collection include communications to and from the British legation, first at Hong Kong and later at Peking, and British consuls at Shanghai, Amoy (Xiamen), Swatow (Shantou), Hankow (Hankou), Newchwang (Yingkou), Chefoo (Yantai), Formosa (Taiwan), and more. -
Lessons from the History of UK Science Policy
Lessons from the History of UK Science Policy August 2019 2 Science Policy History Foreword The British Academy is the UK’s national body for the humanities and social sciences. Our purpose is to deepen understanding of people, societies and cultures, enabling everyone to learn, progress and prosper. The Academy inspires, supports and promotes outstanding achievement and global advances in the humanities and social sciences. We are a fellowship of over 1000 of the most outstanding academics, an international community of leading experts focused on people, culture and societies, and are the voice for the humanities and social sciences.1 The British Academy aims to use insights from the past and the present to help shape the future, by influencing policy and affecting change in the UK and overseas. Given this, the Academy is well-placed to bring humanities and social science insight from the past into policymaking for the present and the future. One way to do this is in using historical insights to inform policymaking – ‘looking back to look forward’. To support these efforts, the Academy’s public policy team in collaboration with the Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy, has undertaken a new programme of work on policy histories. The policy histories series develop historical analyses for individual policy areas. These analyses are used to provide: • a structured, rigorous and objective account of the history of a given policy area and the significance of key milestones in context, • an informed basis for analysis and insights from the timelines as well as dialogue and discussion about what history can tell us about the future. -
Foreign Diplomatic and Consular Representatives
Policy Redding Police Department 412 RPD Policy Manual Foreign Diplomatic and Consular Representatives 412.1 PURPOSE AND SCOPE This policy provides guidelines to ensure that members of the Redding Police Department extend appropriate privileges and immunities to foreign diplomatic and consular representatives in accordance with international law. 412.2 POLICY The Redding Police Department respects international laws related to the special privileges and immunities afforded foreign diplomatic and consular representatives assigned to the United States. All foreign diplomatic and consular representatives shall be treated with respect and courtesy, regardless of any privileges or immunities afforded them. 412.3 CLAIMS OF IMMUNITY If a member comes into contact with a person where law enforcement action may be warranted and the person claims diplomatic or consular privileges and immunities, the member should, without delay: (a) Notify a supervisor. (b) Advise the person that his/her claim will be investigated and he/she may be released in accordance with the law upon confirmation of the person’s status. (c) Request the person’s identification card, either issued by the U.S. Department of State (DOS), Office of the Chief of Protocol, or in the case of persons accredited to the United Nations, by the U.S. Mission to the United Nations. These are the only reliable documents for purposes of determining privileges and immunities. (d) Contact the DOS Diplomatic Security Command Center at 571-345-3146 or toll free at 866-217-2089, or at another current telephone number and inform the center of the circumstances. (e) Verify the immunity status with DOS and follow any instructions regarding further detention, arrest, prosecution and/or release, as indicated by the DOS representative. -
Advancing Science Communication.Pdf
SCIENCETreise, Weigold COMMUNICATION / SCIENCE COMMUNICATORS Scholars of science communication have identified many issues that may help to explain why sci- ence communication is not as “effective” as it could be. This article presents results from an exploratory study that consisted of an open-ended survey of science writers, editors, and science communication researchers. Results suggest that practitioners share many issues of concern to scholars. Implications are that a clear agenda for science communication research now exists and that empirical research is needed to improve the practice of communicating science. Advancing Science Communication A Survey of Science Communicators DEBBIE TREISE MICHAEL F. WEIGOLD University of Florida The writings of science communication scholars suggest twodominant themes about science communication: it is important and it is not done well (Hartz and Chappell 1997; Nelkin 1995; Ziman 1992). This article explores the opinions of science communication practitioners with respect to the sec- ond of these themes, specifically, why science communication is often done poorly and how it can be improved. The opinions of these practitioners are important because science communicators serve as a crucial link between the activities of scientists and the public that supports such activities. To intro- duce our study, we first review opinions as to why science communication is important. We then examine the literature dealing with how well science communication is practiced. Authors’Note: We would like to acknowledge NASA’s Marshall Space Flight Center for provid- ing the funds todothis research. We alsowant tothank Rick Borcheltforhis help with the collec - tion of data. Address correspondence to Debbie Treise, University of Florida, College of Journalism and Communications, P.O. -
Constitutional Solutions to the Problem of Diplomatic Crime and Immunity William G
Hofstra Law Review Volume 36 | Issue 2 Article 19 2007 Constitutional Solutions to the Problem of Diplomatic Crime and Immunity William G. Morris Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/hlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Morris, William G. (2007) "Constitutional Solutions to the Problem of Diplomatic Crime and Immunity," Hofstra Law Review: Vol. 36: Iss. 2, Article 19. Available at: http://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/hlr/vol36/iss2/19 This document is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hofstra Law Review by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Morris: Constitutional Solutions to the Problem of Diplomatic Crime and I NOTE CONSTITUTIONAL SOLUTIONS TO THE PROBLEM OF DIPLOMATIC CRIME AND IMMUNITY I. INTRODUCTION No one is above the law. This principle has been a driving force throughout the great ideological experiment known as democracy. From childhood, we are told that people who commit crimes must answer for them. However, the simplistic nature of this notion fails to capture the whole truth of the nuanced system of international law. International law permits certain individuals to escape accountability for their crimes. For centuries, the principle of diplomatic immunity has enabled foreign diplomats to avoid prosecution for violations of the host country's laws. 1 The Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, to which the United States is a party, has codified customary international law.2 The Vienna Convention grants diplomats, their families, and diplomatic property numerous protections. -
Full Thesis Draft No Pics
A whole new world: Global revolution and Australian social movements in the long Sixties Jon Piccini BA Honours (1st Class) A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at The University of Queensland in 2013 School of History, Philosophy, Religion & Classics Abstract This thesis explores Australian social movements during the long Sixties through a transnational prism, identifying how the flow of people and ideas across borders was central to the growth and development of diverse campaigns for political change. By making use of a variety of sources—from archives and government reports to newspapers, interviews and memoirs—it identifies a broadening of the radical imagination within movements seeking rights for Indigenous Australians, the lifting of censorship, women’s liberation, the ending of the war in Vietnam and many others. It locates early global influences, such as the Chinese Revolution and increasing consciousness of anti-racist struggles in South Africa and the American South, and the ways in which ideas from these and other overseas sources became central to the practice of Australian social movements. This was a process aided by activists’ travel. Accordingly, this study analyses the diverse motives and experiences of Australian activists who visited revolutionary hotspots from China and Vietnam to Czechoslovakia, Algeria, France and the United States: to protest, to experience or to bring back lessons. While these overseas exploits, breathlessly recounted in articles, interviews and books, were transformative for some, they also exposed the limits of what a transnational politics could achieve in a local setting. Australia also became a destination for the period’s radical activists, provoking equally divisive responses.