Imperial China and the West Part I, 1815–1881
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Taiping Rebellion PMUNC 2017
Taiping Rebellion PMUNC 2017 Princeton Model United Nations Conference 2017 The Taiping Rebellion Chair: Nicholas Wu Director: [Name] 1 Taiping Rebellion PMUNC 2017 CONTENTS Letter from the Chair……………………………………………………………… 3 The Taiping Rebellion:.…………………………………………………………. 4 History of the Topic………………………………………………………… 4 Current Status……………………………………………………………….7 Country Policy……………………………………………………………… 9 Keywords…………………………………………………………………...11 Questions for Consideration………………………………………………...12 Positions:.………………………………………………………………………. 14 2 Taiping Rebellion PMUNC 2017 LETTER FROM THE CHAIR Dear Delegates, Welcome to PMUNC 2017! This will be my fourth and final PMUNC. My name is Nicholas Wu, and I’m a senior in the Woodrow Wilson School, pursuing certificates in American Studies and East Asian Studies. It’s my honor to chair this year’s crisis committee on the Taiping Rebellion. It’s a conflict that fascinates me. The Taiping Rebellion was the largest civil war in human history, but it barely receives any attention in your standard world history class. Which is a shame — it’s a multilayered conflict. There are ethnic, economic, and religious issues at play, as well as significant foreign involvement. I hope that you all find it as interesting as I do. On campus, I’m currently figuring out how to write my thesis, and I’m pretty sure that I’m going to be researching the implementation of Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA). I’m also involved with the International Relations Council, the Daily Princetonian, the Asian American Students Association, and Princeton Advocates for Justice. I also enjoy cooking. Best of luck at the conference! Please don’t hesitate to reach out if you have any questions. You can email me anytime at [email protected]. -
Hwang, Yin (2014) Victory Pictures in a Time of Defeat: Depicting War in the Print and Visual Culture of Late Qing China 1884 ‐ 1901
Hwang, Yin (2014) Victory pictures in a time of defeat: depicting war in the print and visual culture of late Qing China 1884 ‐ 1901. PhD Thesis. SOAS, University of London http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/18449 Copyright © and Moral Rights for this thesis are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non‐commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder/s. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. When referring to this thesis, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given e.g. AUTHOR (year of submission) "Full thesis title", name of the School or Department, PhD Thesis, pagination. VICTORY PICTURES IN A TIME OF DEFEAT Depicting War in the Print and Visual Culture of Late Qing China 1884-1901 Yin Hwang Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the History of Art 2014 Department of the History of Art and Archaeology School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 2 Declaration for PhD thesis I have read and understood regulation 17.9 of the Regulations for students of the School of Oriental and African Studies concerning plagiarism. I undertake that all the material presented for examination is my own work and has not been written for me, in whole or in part, by any other person. -
Jacobs – Soviet Far East Geography 1930S
THE NEW YORK TIMES The Opinion Pages The Opinionator Exclusive Online Commentary from The Times February 21, 2012 Manchurian Trivia By FRANK JACOBS Borderlines explores the global map, one line at a time. Here’s a bit of insight into the mind of a budding map-head. While my grade-school geography teacher attempted to stuff our heads with tables on the average rainfall in the Amazon and graphs on the relevance of the Donbas [1] for the Soviet economy, I kept staring at the page showing East Asia, wondering: Does Russia share a border with North Korea, or does China touch the sea? The map stubbornly refused to yield enough detail for an answer. The line that defined China’s borders with North Korea and Russia was inked too thickly to determine whether there was a Chinese-Russian-North Korean tripoint on land (but very close to shore), or a Chinese (but very narrow) beachfront on the Sea of Japan [2]. Both options seemed bizarre, yet either would have obvious geopolitical implications: in the former case, Russia would have unimpeded traffic with North Korea; in the latter, China would have direct access to a strategic body of water. Did the mapmakers deliberately gloss over the issue, not wanting to be bothered with such trivia [3]? It’s more likely that they too didn’t quite know where to draw the line: the last border disputes in the area, a region with some of the world’s tightest, most heavily policed borders, were settled less than a decade ago. Even then, the border is too intricate to display adequately on a small- scale map [4]; you can see it with a zoomable online map, but you have to get in pretty close to see what the dickens is going on. -
Gunboat Diplomacy: Political Bias, Trade Policy, And
Gunboat Diplomacy Political Bias, Trade Policy, and War∗ Brendan Cooley† 13 November 2019 Abstract Countries with deep trading relationships rarely ght wars with one another. Here, I develop a theory of trade, war, and political bias, in which both trade and war are endogenous objects. Governments can rectify poor market access conditions abroad through war and subsequent regime change, in which the victorious country installs a liberal “puppet” government abroad. Trade policy bargaining is therefore conducted “in the shadow of power,” with counterfactual wars shaping the policy choices that prevail in times of peace. When peace prevails, militarily weak countries are more open to trade than powerful ones, all else equal. Equilibrium trade policies balance domestic interests against military threats from abroad. War is less likely between liberal governments because they prefer less protectionist trade policies. As a result, trade ows and the probability of peace are positively correlated in equilibrium, even though trade does not cause peace. JEL Classication Codes: D72, D74, F13, F51, F52, F54 ∗Ph.D. candidate, Department of Politics, Princeton University. Previous versions of this paper were circulated under the titles “Trade Wars, Hot Wars, and the Commercial Peace” and “Trade Policy in the Shadow of Power.” For helpful comments and discussions on earlier drafts of this paper, I thank Timm Betz, Adrien Bilal, Tyson Chatagnier, Rob Carroll, Andrew Coe, Noel Foster, Erik Gartzke, Kishore Gawande, Dan Gibbs, Joanne Gowa, Gene Grossman, -
Legal Regime of Persona Non Grata and the Namru-2 Case
Journal of Law, Policy and Globalization www.iiste.org ISSN 2224-3240 (Paper) ISSN 2224-3259 (Online) Vol.32, 2014 Legal Regime of Persona Non Grata and the Namru-2 Case Marcel Hendrapati* Law Faculty, Hasanuddin University, Jalan Perintis Kemerdekaan, Kampus Unhas Tamalanrea KM.10, Makassar-90245, Republic of Indonesia * E-mail of the corresponding author: [email protected] Abstract Just like the diplomatic immunity principle, the principle of persona non grata aims to ensure justice for both the state seeking to evict a diplomat (receiving state) and the state whose diplomat is being evicted (sending state). This is because both principles can guarantee the dignity and equality of sovereign states when resolving issues in international relation. Not every statement of persona non grata has to culminate in expulsion because a statement may be issued by the receiving state both after the diplomatic agent has started performing his functions and even before he arrives at the receiving state. If such a statement is followed by the expulsion of the diplomat, it should be based on article 41 of the Vienna Convention, 1961 (infringement on laws of receiving state and/or espionage actions). Also, expulsion may occur due to war and severance of diplomatic relation between two states. Indonesia has had to deal with issues of persona non grata on several occasions both as receiving and sending state. This paper analyses several cases of declaration of persona non grata involving several countries, especially Indonesia in order to give a better understanding of how the declaration of persona non grata plays out between states, and the significance of the Vienna Convention of 1961 on diplomatic relations. -
Chinese Poetry of the Nineteenth Century
“Modern” Science and Technology in “Classical” Chinese Poetry of the Nineteenth Century J. D. Schmidt 㕥⎱䐆 University of British Columbia This paper is dedicated to the memory of Prof. Daniel Bryant (1942-2014), University of Victoria, a great scholar and friend. Introduction This paper examines poetry about science and technology in nineteenth- century China, not a common topic in poetry written in Classical Chinese, much less in textbook selections of classical verse read in high school and university curricula in China. Since the May Fourth/New Culture Movement from the 1910s to the 1930s, China’s literary canon underwent a drastic revision that consigned a huge part of its verse written after the year 907 to almost total oblivion, while privileging more popular forms from after that date that are written in vernacular Chinese, such as drama and novels.1 The result is that today most Chinese confine their reading of poetry in the shi 娑 form to works created before the end of the Tang Dynasty (618-907), missing the rather extensive body of verse about scientific and technological subjects that began in the Song Dynasty (960-1278), largely disappeared in the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644), and then flourished as never before in the late Qing period (1644-1912). Except for a growing number of specialist scholars in China, very few Chinese readers have explored the poetry of the nineteenth century—in my opinion, one of the richest centuries in classical verse— thinking that the writing of this age is dry and derivative. Such a view is a product of the culture wars of the early twentieth century, but the situation has not been helped by the common name given to the most important literary group of the nineteenth and early twentieth century, the Qing Dynasty Song School (Qingdai Songshi pai 㶭ẋ⬳娑㳦), a term which suggests that its poetry is imitative of earlier authors, particularly those of the Song Dynasty. -
Gunboat Diplomacy of the Great Powers on the Ottoman Empire
Journal of International Eastern European Studies/Uluslararası Doğu Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi, Vol./Yıl. 2, No/Sayı. 2, Winter/Kış 2020) ISSN: 2687-3346 Araştırma Makalesi Gunboat Diplomacy of the Great Powers on the Ottoman Empire: With Particular Reference to the Salonika Incident (1876) and Armenian Reform Demands (1879-80) Fikrettin Yavuz* (ORCID ID: 0000-0002-3161-457X) Makale Gönderim Tarihi Makale Kabul Tarihi 01.12.2020 08.12.2020 Abstract Throughout history, gunboat, a small vessel of a naval force, has been turned into a term of coercive diplomacy. Gunboat diplomacy, associated with chiefly the activities of the Great Powers, means the use of naval power directly or indirectly as an aggressive diplomatic instrument. It seems highly probable to see many examples of this coercive diplomacy in the world history, particularly after the French Revolution. Naturally, the Ottoman Empire, always attracted attention of the Great Powers, was exposed to this policy of the Powers. During the nineteen century, the rivalry among the European Powers on the Ottoman territorial integrity became a common characteristic that led them to implement gunboat diplomacy on all occasions. In this context, this article firstly offers a critical analysis of gunboat diplomacy of the Great Powers on the Ottoman Empire within the dimension of two specific examples: The Salonika Incident and Armenian reform demands. In addition, it aims to contribute to the understanding of gunboat diplomacy of the Great Powers and Ottoman response by evaluating it from native and foreign literatures. Keywords: European Powers, Ottomans, Gunboat Diplomacy, Salonika, Armenian, Reform * Assoc. Prof. Dr., Sakarya University, Faculty of Arts and Sciences, Department of History, Turkey, [email protected]. -
Political Issues of Paradiplomacy: Lessons from the Developed World
DISCUSSION PAPERS IN DIPLOMACY Political Issues of Paradiplomacy: Lessons from the Developed World André Lecours Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’ ISSN 1569-2981 DISCUSSION PAPERS IN DIPLOMACY Editors: Virginie Duthoit & Ellen Huijgh, Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’ Managing Editor: Jan Melissen, Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’ and Antwerp University Desk top publishing: Desiree Davidse Editorial Board Geoff Berridge, University of Leicester Rik Coolsaet, University of Ghent Erik Goldstein, Boston University Alan Henrikson, Tufts University Donna Lee, Birmingham University Spencer Mawby, University of Nottingham Paul Sharp, University of Minnesota Duluth Copyright Notice © André Lecours, December 2008 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy, or transmission of this publication, or part thereof in excess of one paragraph (other than as a PDF file at the discretion of the Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’) may be made without the written permission of the author. ABSTRACT Regional governments can be international actors. This phenomenon of regional governments developing international relations, often called ‘paradiplomacy,’ has been most visible in Western industrialized liberal- democracies. In thinking about paradiplomacy in developing and post- communist countries, considering the experience of regions such as Quebec, Catalonia, the Basque Country, Flanders and Wallonia could be instructive for understanding the logic of this activity, highlighting key choices that need to be made, and pointing out potential challenges stemming from the development by sub-state units of international relations. This paper begins by distinguishing between three layers of paradiplomacy and makes the argument that paradiplomacy can be a multifunctional vehicle for the promotion of interests and identity. It then discusses the various choices that have to be made when developing a paradiplomacy, including designing new structures and selecting partners. -
Houqua and His China Trade Partners in the Nineteenth Century
Global Positioning: Houqua and His China Trade Partners in the Nineteenth Century The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Wong, John. 2012. Global Positioning: Houqua and His China Trade Partners in the Nineteenth Century. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:9282867 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA © 2012 – John D. Wong All rights reserved. Professor Michael Szonyi John D. Wong Global Positioning: Houqua and his China Trade Partners in the Nineteenth Century Abstract This study unearths the lost world of early-nineteenth-century Canton. Known today as Guangzhou, this Chinese city witnessed the economic dynamism of global commerce until the demise of the Canton System in 1842. Records of its commercial vitality and global interactions faded only because we have allowed our image of old Canton to be clouded by China’s weakness beginning in the mid-1800s. By reviving this story of economic vibrancy, I restore the historical contingency at the juncture at which global commercial equilibrium unraveled with the collapse of the Canton system, and reshape our understanding of China’s subsequent economic experience. I explore this story of the China trade that helped shape the modern world through the lens of a single prominent merchant house and its leading figure, Wu Bingjian, known to the West by his trading name of Houqua. -
Sino-British Agreement and Nationality: Hong Kong's Future in the Hands of the People's Republic of China
UCLA UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal Title The Sino-British Agreement and Nationality: Hong Kong's Future in the Hands of the People's Republic of China Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9j3546s0 Journal UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal, 8(1) Author Chua, Christine Publication Date 1990 DOI 10.5070/P881021965 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California THE SINO-BRITISH AGREEMENT AND NATIONALITY: HONG KONG'S FUTURE IN THE HANDS OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA Christine Chua* I. INTRODUCTION On July 1, 1997, the United Kingdom will officially relinquish its sovereignty over Hong Kong' to the People's Republic of China (PRC). The terms for the transfer of governmental control are set forth in the Joint Declaration of the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Govern- ment of the People's Republic of China on the Question of Hong Kong (hereinafter, "Joint Declaration"), which was signed by rep- resentatives for both governments on December 19, 1984. The terms likewise appear in the Memoranda exchanged by the United 2 Kingdom and PRC governments on the signing date. Set forth in the Joint Declaration is the PRC's intent to estab- lish the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR). 3 Rules for implementing the separate government of the Hong Kong SAR are also enumerated. 4 The creation of the Hong Kong SAR is au- thorized by a provision in the PRC Constitution' originally in- * J.D., 1989, UCLA School of Law; B.A., 1985, Cornell University. -
Part 7: Invasions, Rebellions, and the End of Imperial China Part 7 Introduction Pre-Modern Vs
Part 7: Invasions, Rebellions, and the End of Imperial China Part 7 Introduction Pre-modern vs. Modern When does modern Chinese history begin? Some say during the Opium War, the late 1830s and 1840s. Others date modern history from 1919 and the May Fourth Movement. In this course we take the 18th century, when the Qing was at its height, to begin modern Chinese history. Considering that modern history bears some relation to the present, what events signified the beginning of that period? In Europe, historians often chose 1789, the French Revolution. The signifying events, the transitional events, for China begin with its transition from empire to nation-state, with population growth, with the inclusion of Xinjiang and Tibet during the Qianlong reign, and with the challenges of maintaining unity in a multi-ethnic population. Encounter with the West In the 19th century this evolving state ran head-on into the mobile, militarized nation of Great Britain, the likes of which it has never seen before. This encounter was nothing like the visits from Jesuit missionaries (footnote 129 on page 208) or Lord Macartney (page 253). It challenged all the principles of imperial rule. Foreign Enterprise Today’s Chinese economy has its roots in the Sino-foreign enterprises born during these early encounters. Opium was one of its main enterprises. Christianity was a kind of enterprise. These enterprises combined to weaken and humiliate the Qing. As would be said of a later time, these foreign insults were a “disease of the skin.”165 It was the Taiping Rebellion that struck at the heart. -
Urban Forms and the Politics of Property in Colonial Hong Kong By
Speculative Modern: Urban Forms and the Politics of Property in Colonial Hong Kong by Cecilia Louise Chu A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Architecture in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Nezar AlSayyad, Chair Professor C. Greig Crysler Professor Eugene F. Irschick Spring 2012 Speculative Modern: Urban Forms and the Politics of Property in Colonial Hong Kong Copyright 2012 by Cecilia Louise Chu 1 Abstract Speculative Modern: Urban Forms and the Politics of Property in Colonial Hong Kong Cecilia Louise Chu Doctor of Philosophy in Architecture University of California, Berkeley Professor Nezar AlSayyad, Chair This dissertation traces the genealogy of property development and emergence of an urban milieu in Hong Kong between the 1870s and mid 1930s. This is a period that saw the transition of colonial rule from one that relied heavily on coercion to one that was increasingly “civil,” in the sense that a growing number of native Chinese came to willingly abide by, if not whole-heartedly accept, the rules and regulations of the colonial state whilst becoming more assertive in exercising their rights under the rule of law. Long hailed for its laissez-faire credentials and market freedom, Hong Kong offers a unique context to study what I call “speculative urbanism,” wherein the colonial government’s heavy reliance on generating revenue from private property supported a lucrative housing market that enriched a large number of native property owners. Although resenting the discrimination they encountered in the colonial territory, they were able to accumulate economic and social capital by working within and around the colonial regulatory system.