Trapezonai in the Sanctuary of Pluto and Kore at Acharaca *

doi: 10.2143/AWE.12.0.2994454 AWE 12 (2013) 295-302

TRAPEZONAI IN THE SANCTUARY OF PLUTO AND KORE AT ACHARACA *

MARIJANA RICL

Abstract This article studies a recently published honorary inscription from the city of Nysa in Caria, honour- ing one Clodia Cognita for her piety and for the many valuable offerings she donated to the sanctuary of Pluto and Kore in the village of Acharaca on the territory of Nysa. The decree contains an express prohibition to the trapezonai to take her dedications out of the sanctuary. An attempt is made to address the issue of the type of activities the trapezonai were engaged in Nysa and elsewhere.

In Epigraphica Aanatolica 43,1 F. Ertugrul and H. Malay published an inscription engraved on a marble cylindrical altar (height 1.11 m, diameter 0.78 m; letter height 0.012 m) that originally stood in the pronaos of the temple of Pluto and Kore at Acharaca (east of modern Salavatlı)2 in the territory of ancient Nysa, situated on the southern slope of Mt Messogis (modern Aydın Dagları) north of the Maeander river (near modern Sultanhisar).3 It is housed in the Aydın Museum (Inv. no. 6326). The altar has mouldings on its top and bot- tom and is encircled by relief garlands with bands hanging from them. A large piece from its upper part is missing. Ninety lines of text are arranged in five columns, the first four inscribed below the garlands, between the bands hanging from them, the fifth one above the garland to the left of the first column:

* Work on this paper was undertaken within the framework of the project ‘Etnicidad helénica y pervivencia indígena en un territorio de frontera cultural: La Anatolia grecorromana’, Principal Inves- tigator, María Paz de Hoz, Universidad de Salamanca; convocatoria de proyectos de investigación fundamental no orientada 2011 del Plan Nacional, Ministerio Cienca e Innovación. 1 Ertugrul and Malay 2010. 2 On the shrine, cf. Strabo 14. 1. 44 C649–650; Welles 1934, nos. 9, 43, 64; Radet, 1890, 232–33, no. 4 (a decision of [o]ï katoikoÕntev tà ïerà ˆAkárak[a] to honour a boularches, protos archon and agonothetes). It stood ca. 3 km west of Nysa. According to the remains in situ, the temple is peripteral, in the Doric order, with six by twelve columns. It is probably Hellenistic, although Roman capitals found in the foundations indicate reconstruction. In addition to the temple, ancient walls and fortifications are visible, and the remains of a bridge in the direction of Nysa. 3 Selected bibliography on Nysa and Acharaca: von Diest 1913; Robert 1977; Cohen 1996, 259–90; Idil 1999; Kadıoglu 1999; 2001; 2006; Kadıoglu and von Rummel 2003; Idil and Kadıoglu 2005; Bonnechere 2007; Beckmann 2008.

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My translation:

The secretary and the generals of the city having introduced the motion, it was resolved by the Council, in accordance with the proposal made by generals and secretary of the people, Kyros Junior, son of Kyros: since Clodia Cognita, daughter of Aulus and wife of Publius Vedius Demades, excelling in soundness of mind and excellence, shows utmost reverence to our gods and adorns the sanctuary with firstlings from her own fortune and gold votive offerings and others of genuine purple dye, and she also aided in all the other circumstances in a variety of ways, neglecting nothing appropriate to worship and proper respect to gods, the Council in return, on account of her excellence in general and of her devotion to the gods in particular, commends her deeds and deems it just that they remain everlasting and that none of the gifts offered by Clodia to the gods be carried out (of the sanctuary) by the trapezonai, so that she herself finds her dedications (upon arrival) and the others get inspired by these objects to adorn the gods in their turn; it was decreed by the Council to commend publicly and to honour Clodia Cognita, daughter of Aulus, for her own piety and soundness of mind and for her husband’s excellence, and to hold her in the highest esteem in our city; moreover, that none of the objects dedicated to the gods by Clodia or her children or her husband be carried out, but that, on the one hand, this

4 Oï by mistake in ed. pr. 5 The editors print ö but I was not able to discern the letter in question on the photograph of the stone.

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year the values of those falling within the province of the trapezonai be deducted, and, on the other hand, from now on the contracts of the tables be drawn up without the objects dedicated to the gods by Clodia or her children or her husband, and that security for the contracts be accepted under this condition, and that, if no one adds anything in writing to the securities, in accordance with this decree, the contracts be valid; place the unfinished marble altar that Clodia constructed for the gods in the fitting place of the pronaos after an inscription of her choice has been engraved on it, and inscribe on it this decree as well; be it allowed to her to inscribe on the altar each object already dedicated or that will be dedicated by her or her children or the husband, and to add who made the dedication; dedicate also a painted image of her on a gilded shield in the temple of Pluto and Kore and place on it the following inscription: ‘The People and the Council honoured Clodia Cognita, daughter of Aulus, for her excellence and soundness of mind and her worship of the gods’. On the 5th of Dios. Presiding officers: Taureas, son of Pythion, Artemidoros, son of Chaireas, Apollonios, son of Apollonios; generals: Hierokles, Menekrates, secretary Alexander. Golden objects dedicated to Kore by Clodia: a perimyrton, earrings set with precious stones, neckpiece set with precious stones.6

6 The first editors’ translation: ‘On the motion of the secretary and the Commanders of the city, it was thus resolved by the Council, the proposal having been made by the Commanders and secretary of the people, Kyros the younger, son of Kyros: As Clodia Cognita, daughter of Aulus, wife of Publius Vedius Demades, (she) who is outstanding in temperance and goodness, is piously disposed towards our gods and, with the firstlings from her own fortune, adorns the sanctuary and promised (sc. to equip the sanctuary) with golden and marine-blue (?) votive offerings and with all the other ones in a colourful way, neglecting nothing of what pertains to honor and devoutness, the Council, on account of her goodness in general and in particular of her devotion towards the gods, appreciates what is being done (by her) and considers it just that they should remain (there) forever and that nothing from the offerings brought by Clodia to the gods should be carried away by the table-lenders, in order that on one hand she herself may find that which is erected by her, and that, on the other hand, these objects, through their presence, may serve as encouragement to the others to adorn the gods. Be resolved by the Council that Clodia Cognita, daughter of Aulus, be praised and honoured because of her own piety and temperance and because of her husband’s goodness, and to hold her in the highest esteem by the city, and none of the objects offered to the gods by Clodia or her children or her husband to be carried away, but that, on one hand, the values (sc. which were due to the hiring out of Clodia’s and her family’s tables) are to be deducted (in retrospect) annually from the proceeds of the table- lenders; and that, on the other hand, from now on the hiring out of tables should take place exclud- ing those (tables), which are brought in for the gods by Clodia or her children or her husband, and that the contracts (sc. governing the hiring out of tables) complying with this condition are to be closed by providing a security; and if furthermore no one adds any written remark to these given securities, based on this decree, then the hiring out (sc. of the tables) shall be legally valid. And the marble altar, which Clodia has had made for the gods, shall be erected untaxed on a place in the pronaos, which is seemly, and on it shall be the inscription whichsoever she chooses, and to engrave this decree on the altar. And to allow her to engrave each of the offerings made or going to be made by herself or her children or husband, and to record who of them has made the offering, (and) to erect her painted portrait on a gilded shield in the temple of Pluto and Kore and to inscribe on it “The people and the Council honoured Clodia Cognita, daughter of Aulus, on account of her goodness and temperance and respect for the gods”. On the fifth day of Dios. Presidents: Taureas, son of Pythion, Artemidoros, son of Chaireas, Apollonios, son of Apollonios; Strategoi: Hierokles, Menekrates; Alex- ander the secretary. Golden objects offered to Kore by Clodia: A perimyrton, ear-rings set with precious stones, a gorget set with precious stones.’

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Notes on the text:7 16 The epithet qalássiov in the phrase qalássia ânaqßmata should be translated ‘of sea- purple (colour), of true purple dye’ (cf. LSJ s.v. A.3).8 Clodia’s qalássia ânaqßmata could have been offerings made of costly purple-dyed cloth, either garments for divine statues or coverings (carpets, tablecloths, drapes and similar) used in the sanctuary.9 17 For the meaning of the verb üfístjmi proposed in my translation, cf. LSJ s.v. B.II. 25 The composite word trapehÉnjv is a hapax legomenon. Its first constituent part is tráp- eha ‘(cult) table’.10 Cult tables standing directly before the statue of the deity served for placing fruits, sacrificial cakes, bread, libations, honeycombs and other bloodless food offerings, votive offerings, cult instruments and parts of sacrificial animals (qeomoiría, trapehÉ- mata, paratiqémena). They were built in the form of altars, tripods or regular tables. The word trapehÉnjv is closely related to the noun trapehwnía found in an inscription form Magnesia on the Maeander:11 trapehwnía features among the filánqrwpa, ‘grants’ falling to the ântigrafeúv (checking- or copying-clerk) of the sústjma t¬n presbutérwn in Magnesia, amounting to 37 denarii (ântigraféwv trapehwníav , lh‹). The word trape- hwnía is translated by LSJ s.v. as ‘hiring of tables’. There can hardly be doubt that the people from whom the trapehwnía was collected were called trapeh¬nai attested now for the first time in the new inscription from Nysa. Other composite substantives ending in -Énjv (from Önéomai) designate purchasers/dealers (often on the public account),12 contractors/ lessees13 and farmers/collectors of taxes (revenues).14 Since trapezonai obviously do not fall in the first category, as they do not deal in (cult) tables, we have to place them either in the group of those who lease trapezai15 or those who contract the farming of taxes on them. From their first appearance in line 25 of the new inscription we learn that one of their routine activities is taking votive offerings out of the sanctuary. To honour Clodia Cognita, the Council of Nysa expressly prohibited them to do so with her own and her family’s offerings to Pluto and Kore. The crucial passage is contained in ll. 38–55:

7 I do not repeat some of the pertinent comments made by the first editors on the history of Nysa, the individuals and some terms featuring in the new inscription, nor do I normally set out in detail their understanding of the text, since it is apparent from the translation given in the preceding note. 8 Cf. the following adjectives and verbs: qalassa⁄ov ‘died purple’, qalassobaféw ‘dye purple’, qalassobafßv ‘of sea-purple, of true purple dye’, qalassoeidßv ‘like the sea, sea-green’, qalassopór- furov = qalassósjmov ‘of sea-purple, of true purple dye’. 9 Cf., for example, IStratonikeia 5144 (tà Öqónia) and IvP III, 7211–12 (êsq±tav g ´, Öqón[io]n). 10 On cult tables, cf. ThesCRA V, 230–240 (I. Krauskopf), with earlier bibliography, especially Gill 1991. Another well attested meaning of the word trapeza is ‘bank, treasury’. 11 IMagnesia 11641, reign of Hadrian. 12 For example, ândrapodÉnjv, biÉnjv, boÉnjv, êlaiÉnjv, îsxadÉnjv, karpÉnjv, ktjmatÉnjv, oînÉnjv, ôpwrÉnjv, sitÉnjv. 13 For example älÉnjv, êrgÉnjv, nomÉnjv, qeatrÉnjv. 14 For example, ârxitelÉnjv, ârxÉnjv, djmosiÉnjv, dekatÉnjv, eîkostÉnjv, pentjkostÉnjv, por- notelÉnjv, telÉnjv. 15 This is how the first editors understand the word.

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kaì mjdèn êkféresqai t¬n üpò t±v Klwdíav ânatiqeménwn to⁄v qeo⁄v Æ t¬n téknwn aût±v Æ toÕ ândróv, âllà tò mèn kaq ˆ ∏tov üpologjq±nai tàv âzíav t¬n ênpeiptóntwn eîv toùv trapehÉnav, âpò dè toÕ nÕn e˝nai tàv práseiv t¬n trapeh¬n xwrìv t¬[n ü]pò t±v Klwdíav Æ t¬[n tékn]wn aût±v Æ toÕ ândròv eîsferoménwn to⁄v qeo⁄v kaì êpì toÕto diengu¢sqai tàv Önáv, kån m® prosgrácjÇ dé tiv ta⁄v diengußsesin katà toÕto tò cßfisma, tàv práseiv kuríav e˝nai moreover, that none of the objects dedicated to the gods by Clodia or her children or her husband be carried out, but that, on the one hand, this year the values of those falling within the province of trapezonai be deducted, and, on the other hand, from now on the contracts of the tables be drawn up without the objects dedicated to the gods by Clodia or her children or her husband, and that security for the contracts be accepted under this condition, and that, if no one adds anything in writing to the securities, in accordance with this decree, the contracts be valid. We learn that there are dedications in the sanctuary of Pluto and Kore falling within the responsibility of trapezonai (tà ênpeíptonta eîv toùv trapehÉnav) and that some of Clodia’s offerings belong to this group. A fuller picture of trapezonai and their activities will hopefully emerge from the ensuing discussion.

25. êkféresqai: cf. IRhodPeraia 31–3 (Loryma, 3rd century BC): êk toÕ ïeroÕ m® êkférein t¬n ân[a]q[jmá]twn; ISmyrna 735 (1st century BC): [î]xqÕv ïeroùv m® âdike⁄n, mjdè skeÕov t¬n t±v qeoÕ lumaínesqai, mjd[è ê]kférein êk toÕ ïeroÕ êp[ì] klopßn. 43. kaq ˆ ∏tov instead of kat ˆ ∂tov, meaning in this case ‘this year’ (LSJ s.v. katá, B.VII.3).16 43–44. üpologéw: ‘deduct from a sum due’; we could translate the phrase tò mèn kaq ˆ ∏tov üpologjq±nai tàv âzíav t¬n ênpeiptóntwn eîv toùv trapehÉnav as ‘on the one hand, this year their values be deducted from the sum falling within the province of trapezonai’, but one would expect an êk before t¬n ênpeiptóntwn. In any event, in both translations the meaning remains the same – Clodia’s offerings will not be included among the ones falling within the responsibility of trapezonai. 45. êmpíptw: ‘fall within the province of’ (LSJ s.v., A.7); the verb appears in the sale of lands

to queen Laodike (Welles 1934, no. 187–8, 253 BC: kaì e÷ tinev ≤e≥îv t®n xÉ[ra]n taútjn êm[pí]ptousin tópoi. The phrase tà ênpeíptonta eîv toùv trapehÉnav indicates that there was a class of items/offerings standing in the sanctuary that were somehow entrusted, relin- quished to the trapezonai by the temple authorities under the terms of the contracts they concluded with the city. An essential part of those contracts was a list of objects handed over to the trapezonai, together with their estimated values: an extraordinary decree of the city’s Council was needed in order to exclude Clodia’s dedications from this list, both for this year and for the future. 47–48. tàv práseiv t¬n trapeh¬n: ‘the contracts (for farming of taxes/sale/leasing) of the tables’; on this meaning of the noun pr¢siv, cf. LSJ s.v., with attestations in papyri. Inscrip-

tions: IMagnesia 8 (3rd century BC, lease of public land); IMilet I 3, 3768 (223/222 BC): t®n pr¢sin toÕ ênlimeníou; IMilet I 3, 15099–101 (2nd century BC): t®n pr¢sin toÕ télouv t±v porqmídov t±v eîv tòn ˆIwnopolitikòn kólpon. The main question remains the one regarding

16 As shown by Wilhelm 1900.

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the activities of trapezonai in the city of Nysa and its sanctuaries, including the main one dedicated to Pluto and Kore, and whether the trapezai they used were cult tables from the shrines or their own ones. It appears that they used to lease out cult tables extant in the sanctuaries to display on them some categories of offerings dedicated to the gods.17 From the wording of the inscription itself: ÿna kaì aût® katalambánjÇ tà par ˆ ëat±v ânatiqeména kaì to⁄v ãlloiv taÕta keímena protrop®n êmpoi±Ç toÕ toùv qeoùv kosme⁄n it follows that those were more durable items (keímena)18 made of clay, stone, metal, glass or wood, not food offerings, or wine, oil, honey vel sim. Evidently, plundering of sacred tables was regarded as extreme impiety19 and ‘what had once been dedicated was to remain in the sanctuary’,20 but the wording of the new text suggests that this was not always the case, and that some dedicators could find themselves unpleasantly surprised to come back to the sanctuary they favoured and find their dedications removed from their original place or missing completely. It seems that in Nysa and elsewhere, trapezonai were ‘businessmen’ who worked for a profit, private entrepreneurs and contractors, not state officials employed by the city. What did their profit come from?21 In an e-mail sent on June 23rd 2011, asked by the author of this article about the possibility that the profit was generated by sale of votive offerings, H. Malay kindly replied: ‘I think that the trapezonai were allowed to put the dedicatory objects, which they took away from the cult tables, in the depot of the temple, rather than to sell them’. But, in that event there was no profit for them! Obviously, we do not have enough information at our disposal to form a reliable conclusion, but it does not seem impossible that some dedications could be put up for auction by the sanctuary, particularly in times of need.22 Such auctions would convert the dead capital into liquid cash, with the bulk of the proceeds going back to the sanctuary to be spent as temple authorities saw fit. The trapezonai who made the sale would receive a percentage of the proceeds as their pay.

17 In the opinion of the first editors, trapezonai were ‘people who were hiring out tables for cultic purposes’ (p. 35). They consider the tables hired by them to be among the objects dedicated by Clo- dia, who ‘did not agree with them being temporarily given away’, complained to the Council of Nysa and managed to get the edict passed that, among other things, forbade the trapezonai to carry away her offerings from the tables where they were displayed and to hire out the tables dedicated by her. The third possibility alluded to above, namely, that the trapezonai were farmers/collectors of taxes, I consider very remote, if not non-existent, since I cannot think of tax on trapezai they could have been authorised to collect for the city. 18 Cf. Ricl 2003, 106–07 for the case of a theft of glass objects and some other unspecified items from a rural sanctuary in north-east Lydia (kaì ∂klecan eïálina (= üálina) kè ∏terá tina tà kímena). 19 Gill 1991, 25. 20 Dignas 2002, 20. 21 The first editors’ comments on this central problem are vague (p. 36): ‘the profit made by the trapezonai with Clodia’s gifts in the past is to be annihilated. Therefore the individual values (aï âzíai) of their hiring out of her gifts have to be deducted (üpologjq±nai) from their income (tà êmpíptonta; LSJ s.v. 7b) per annum. As IMagnesia, 116.32 also specifies the income per year (kat ˆ êniautón), we may guess that the individual trapezones had to return the sum in question for this year probably to the sanctuary’. 22 I was not able to find parallels for this procedure in documentary sources, but that some dedications could be ‘written off’ from a list of sanctuary’s possessions is attested by a sacred law from Iasos (LSAM 59, 5th/4th century BC) specifying that the votive gifts that have become useless may be taken by the priest.

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51. diegguáw: ‘give security/pledge/bail’. 55–67. The marble altar in question is the one on whose surface the new inscription stands. At the moment of its inscribing, the only dedications stemming from Clodia’s family were the gold ornaments she offered to Kore. 87. perímurton is the second hapax legomenon found in the new inscription. The first editors explain it as ‘a belt or necklace made from golden myrtle flowers’. I would like to mention the possibility, however remote it might be, that in this word the second component part – myrton – does not have its ordinary meaning ‘myrtle-berry’ but another one, attested in Greek literary sources – ‘female privy parts, pudenda muliebria’ (LSJ s.v., II). There are many examples in Greek of nouns designating ornaments/coverings that are formed with peri+body part: peribraxiónion ‘armlet’, perideirídion ‘necklet’, perikefalaía ’helmet, cap’, periknjmív ‘covering for the leg’, perimßria ‘coverings for the thighs’, peripéhia ‘ornaments for the feet, anklets’, peristernídion and peristßqion ‘breast band’, peritraxßlion ‘neckpiece’, períxeiron ‘armlet, bracelet’, etc. A perímurton could have been a sort of pelvic belt, lower girdle (cf. hÉnj) worn low on the hips, a piece of decoration for the divine statue, symbol of maidenhood not inappropriate for a statue of Kore.

Bibliography

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University of Belgrade Faculty of Philosophy Cika Ljubina 18-20 11000 Belgrade Serbia [email protected]

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