Struggles with Scottish Nationalism
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Politics of Liberty in England and Revolutionary America
P1: IwX/KaD 0521827450agg.xml CY395B/Ward 0 521 82745 0 May 7, 2004 7:37 The Politics of Liberty in England and Revolutionary America LEE WARD Campion College University of Regina iii P1: IwX/KaD 0521827450agg.xml CY395B/Ward 0 521 82745 0 May 7, 2004 7:37 published by the press syndicate of the university of cambridge The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge, United Kingdom cambridge university press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge cb2 2ru, uk 40 West 20th Street, New York, ny 10011-4211, usa 477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, vic 3207, Australia Ruiz de Alarcon´ 13, 28014 Madrid, Spain Dock House, The Waterfront, Cape Town 8001, South Africa http://www.cambridge.org C Lee Ward 2004 This book is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 2004 Printed in the United States of America Typeface Sabon 10/12 pt. System LATEX 2ε [tb] A catalog record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Ward, Lee, 1970– The politics of liberty in England and revolutionary America / Lee Ward p. cm. Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index. isbn 0-521-82745-0 1. Political science – Great Britain – Philosophy – History – 17th century. 2. Political science – Great Britain – Philosophy – History – 18th century. 3. Political science – United States – Philosophy – History – 17th century. 4. Political science – United States – Philosophy – History – 18th century. 5. United States – History – Revolution, 1775–1783 – Causes. -
Garofalo Book
Chapter 1 Introduction Fantasies of National Virility and William Wordsworth’s Poet Leader Violent Warriors and Benevolent Leaders: Masculinity in the Early Nineteenth-Century n 1822 British women committed a public act against propriety. They I commissioned a statue in honor of Lord Wellington, whose prowess was represented by Achilles, shield held aloft, nude in full muscular glory. Known as the “Ladies’ ‘Fancy Man,’” however, the statue shocked men on the statue committee who demanded a fig leaf to protect the public’s out- raged sensibilities.1 Linda Colley points to this comical moment in postwar British history as a sign of “the often blatantly sexual fantasies that gathered around warriors such as Nelson and Wellington.”2 However, the statue in its imitation of a classical aesthetic necessarily recalled not only the thrilling glory of Great Britain’s military might, but also the appeal of the defeated but still fascinating Napoleon. After all, the classical aesthetic was central to the public representation of the Revolutionary and Napoleonic regimes. If a classical statue was supposed to apotheosize Wellington, it also inevitably spoke to a revolutionary and mar- tial manhood associated with the recently defeated enemy. Napoleon him- self had commissioned a nude classical statue from Canova that Marie Busco speculates “would have been known” to Sir Richard Westmacott, who cast the bronze Achilles. In fact Canova’s Napoleon was conveniently located in the stairwell of Apsley House after Louis XVIII presented it to the Duke of Wellington.3 These associations with Napoleon might simply have underscored the British superiority the Wellington statue suggested. -
Thinking Allowed
L HIL RD A H C R O THINKING ALLOWED S N IR CA Programme of Lectures and Events 2013 – 2014 Cairns Church, 11 Buchanan Street, Milngavie Orchardhill Parish Church, 12 Church Road, Giffnock THINKING ALLOWED INTRODUCTION Scottish religion, down through the centuries, has generally been seen as overly orthodox and dogmatic. The strong influences of Calvinism touched most aspects of life, resulting in a general ease with all matters traditional, and an intuitive fear of ideas and convictions created “outside the box”. Given such a historical background, it is somewhat surprising that as a nation we have managed to produce quite a number of distinguished thinkers; radical theologians who in their own way had the courage to think aloud and, more than that, were prepared to accept the consequences that followed. Folk like Thomas Aikenhead, hanged at Leith in 1696 for sharing ideas gleaned from his University reading list, or John Mcleod Campbell, condemned by the General Assembly of 1831 for suggesting that Christ died for all, not just the elect. And as late as 1880, William Robertson Smith was sacked by his University for daring to raise critical questions about the Bible in an Encyclopaedia Britannica article! All of these people shared an honest desire to express the truth as they saw it. None claimed to be without error. None of them believed that their ideas represented the last word. In the spirit of “Thinking Allowed”, they simply held to the view that new angles and fresh perspectives were the essential currency of Christianity. What was true then, is still true today. -
Scottish Studies
SCOTTISH 2015 STUDIES THE UNIVERSITY of EDINBURGH SCOTTISH STUDIES Saltire Society Literary Awards Winners 4 Edinburgh Classic Editions 31 Key Titles 6 The New History of Scotland 34 Environment 13 The History of Gaelic Scotland 35 Culture and Society 14 Debates & Documents in Scottish History 36 Military History 19 Scottish Historical Review Monographs 37 History 20 Regesta Regum Scottorum 39 Nation and Identity 23 Journals 40 Scottish Literature 26 Index 42 Scottish Philosophy 29 Placing your order Please email our sales department: [email protected] All prices advertised are correct at the time of printing but are subject to change without notice. Orders are fulfilled by Macmillan Distribution in the UK and Oxford University Press USA in the Americas. Contact details for sales representatives, distributors or agents in your country or area can be found on our website at: www.euppublishing.com Mailing list Join our mailing list to receive our catalogues, email bulletins and journal ToC alerts. Create your account and manage your mailing preferences at www.euppublishing.com/action/registration Ebooks Books marked ebook are available as ebooks. Our ebooks are available for individuals to buy from the Kindle and Nook stores and are available to libraries from a number of aggregators and platforms. See the full list at: www.euppublishing.com/page/infoZone/librarians/e-books Textbooks Books marked textbook are available to lecturers on inspection. Request your copy using the order form at the back, or email [email protected] with the -
History of Britain from the Restoration to 1783
History of Britain from the Restoration to 1783 HIS 334J (39130) & EUS 346 (36220) Fall Semester 2018 Charles II of England in Coronation Robes Pulling Down the Statue of George III at Bowling John Michael Wright, c. 1661-1662 Green in Lower Manhattan William Walcutt, 1857 ART 1.110 Tuesday & Thursday, 12:30 – 2:00 PM Instructor James M. Vaughn [email protected] Office: Garrison 3.218 (ph. 512-232-8268) Office Hours: Friday, 2:30 – 4:30 PM, and by appointment Course Description This lecture course surveys the history of England and, after the union with Scotland in 1707, the history of Great Britain from the English Revolution and the restoration of the Stuart monarchy (c. 1640-1660) to the War of American Independence (c. 1775-1783). The kingdom underwent a remarkable transformation during this period, with a powerful monarchy, a persecuting state church, a traditional society, and an agrarian economy giving way to parliamentary rule, religious toleration, a dynamic civil society, and a commercial and manufacturing-based economy on the eve of industrialization. How and why did this transformation take place? Over the course of the same period, Great Britain emerged as a leading European and world power with a vast commercial and territorial empire stretching across four continents. How and why did this island kingdom off the northwestern coast of Europe, geopolitically insignificant for much of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, become a Great Power and acquire a global empire in the 1 eighteenth century? How did it do so while remaining a free and open society? This course explores these questions as well as others. -
Is the History of Science Essentially Whiggish?
Hist. Sci., li (2013) IS THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE ESSENTIALLY WHIGGISH? David Alvargonzález University of Oviedo 1. THE STIGMATIC LABEL OF ‘WHIGGISM’ In his influential 1931essay The Whig interpretation of history, Herbert Butterfield criticized what he called the “Whig history”, the “study of the past for the sake of the present”; history, he stated, cannot be used to justify certain contents in the present. In particular, he denounced conceiving of history as a succession of goal-directed stages, such that past stages must be seen through the lens of their future goal. As his account goes, any investigation into the causes of historical change is hampered by anachronism, while any teleological, goal-directed narrative proves untenable. Butterfield, in the face of Whig historians, rather preferred an ideal whereby the past be studied “for the sake of the past”,1 whereby the historian become more than a mere observer and one who actually “goes out to meet the past”.2 Chief in the reticle of Butterfield’s book was the political history of the circum- stances leading to the Protestant Reformation and the modern constitution of the English people. There, he contradistinguished Whig history, which understood the Reformation as an inevitable step towards progress, from the Catholic, Tory inter- pretation of the same event; for Butterfield, Luther was nothing of a progressive. Whiggism, for him, was inherently related to what he called “abridged” or “general history” itself rectified, so to speak, by a specialized, technical history of very con- crete, detailed issues. Around the same time as Butterfield, Alexandre Koyré published his well-known Études galiléennes in the field of the history of science.3 In these important essays, Galileo takes shape less as a modern experimentalist (as a hagiographic present- centred history would have it) and more as a speculative Platonist seeking to refute Aristotelianism. -
Blasphemy and Sacrilege in a Multicultural Society
3. Are we capable of offending God? Taking blasphemy seriously Helen Pringle Until quite recently there appeared to be a consensus in Western democracies as to the desirability of abolishing the offence of blasphemy and blasphemous libel. Indeed, in 1949, Lord Denning argued that `the offence of blasphemy is a dead letter'. According to Lord Denning, the basis of the law against blasphemy was the idea that `a denial of Christianity was liable to shake the fabric of society, which was itself founded upon the Christian religion', a danger that no longer existed.1 A long series of judicial remarks and government reports, most recently by the House of Lords Select Committee on Religious Offences in 2003,2 stressed the archaism of the offence, and endorsed some form of proposal to abolish or further confine it. However, in the 1990s, dissenting voices were raised against the consensus, particularly from Muslims who argued that in fact the law should be extended beyond Christianity. Misgivings about the effect of such an extension on the freedom of speech have dogged such proposals, particularly where they have found form in laws against religious vilification. The offence of blasphemy is often treated as a question of freedom of speech. A frequent argument against the continued vitality of the law of blasphemy is that it is an outmoded imposition on the freedom of speech, as can be seen in the public framing of the two most notorious modern cases: Gay News, which concerned the publication of a poem by James Kirkup,3 and Choudhury, concerning Salman Rushdie's Satanic Verses.4 I do not hold to the position that freedom of speech is an absolute. -
Stuart Debauchery in Restoration Satire
Stuart Debauchery in Restoration Satire Neal Hackler A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the PhD degree in English Supervised by Dr. Nicholas von Maltzahn Department of English Faculty of Arts University of Ottawa © Neal Hackler, Ottawa, Canada, 2015. ii Contents Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................ iii Abstract .............................................................................................................................. iv List of Figures and Illustrations.............................................................................................v List of Abbreviations .......................................................................................................... vi Note on Poems on Affairs of State titles ............................................................................. vii Stuart Debauchery in Restoration Satire Introduction – Making a Merry Monarch...................................................................1 Chapter I – Abundance, Excess, and Eikon Basilike ..................................................8 Chapter II – Debauchery and English Constitutions ................................................. 66 Chapter III – Rochester, “Rochester,” and more Rochester .................................... 116 Chapter IV – Satirists and Secret Historians .......................................................... 185 Conclusion -
Constitutional Reform and State Capacity Building: the Case of The
Constitutional reform and state capacity building: The case of the Glorious Revolution Elena Seghezza1 Abstract In the work we have tried try to explain why the delay in lowering the interest rate on English government debt after the Glorious Revolution is consistent with North and Weingast’s thesis. The transfer of political power from the Crown to Parliament was followed not only by an increase in tax revenue but also by substantial changes in its composition, namely a significant increase in the share of excise taxes relative to total revenue. Before the Glorious Revolution, Parliament was against the king having a predictable and reliable revenue, such as that raised by excise duty. The availability of this income would have allowed the king to count on continuous and abundant resources, freeing him from the need, in times of war, to convene Parliament to ask for authorization to increase taxes. Having a large amount of predictable and certain resources at his disposal, the king could maintain a standing army. By eliminating this risk the Glorious Revolution allowed the state to pursue the intensive growth of excise revenues. This policy choice was made by a coalition of interest groups represented in Parliament, namely the landowners and monied interests. These groups decided to set up a bureaucracy and increase the revenue from indirect taxes. By this decision the groups represented in Parliament shifted the tax burden of increasing public spending on to interest groups that had no political representation. Introduction This paper is a re-assessment of North and Weingast’s thesis according to which the ascent to the throne of England by William of Orange was accompanied by a reconfiguration of the distribution of political power 1 Elena Seghezza, Department of Economics, Genoa University, Italy. -
Locke, Lockean Ideas, and the Glorious Revolution Author(S): Lois G
Locke, Lockean Ideas, and the Glorious Revolution Author(s): Lois G. Schwoerer Source: Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 51, No. 4 (Oct. - Dec., 1990), pp. 531-548 Published by: University of Pennsylvania Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2709645 Accessed: 16-05-2017 18:43 UTC REFERENCES Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2709645?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms University of Pennsylvania Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of the History of Ideas This content downloaded from 128.111.121.42 on Tue, 16 May 2017 18:43:52 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Locke, Lockean Ideas, and the Glorious Revolution Lois G. Schwoerer The role and significance of John Locke's political ideas in English history and the part Locke played in English politics have been reinter- preted during the past twenty years or so. Thanks to the work of John Dunn, Peter Laslett, Martyn Thompson, -
Stuart Parliaments
STUART PARLIAMENTS General 5063. Abel, Deryck. "Liberty v. authority in Stuart England." Contemporary Review 165 (Jan.-June 1944): 47-52. 5064. Aylmer, G. E. "Place bills and the separation of powers: some seventeenth-century origins of the 'non- political' civil service." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 5th ser., 15 (1965): 45-69. 5065. Bennett, Edward Earl. "Parliament and the colonies to 1715." Ph.D., University of Wisconsin, 1925. 5066. Bowdoin, James. "Ms. journals of the Long, Little, &c. Parliaments." Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society 3rd ser., 2 (1830): 323-64. [A detailed study of the manuscript copy of the Commons Journals 1650-1677 held by the New York Historical Society.] 5067. Braddick, M. J. "Parliamentary lay taxation, c. 1590-1670: local problems of enforcement and collection, with special reference to Norfolk." Ph.D., University of Cambridge, 1988. 5068. ---. Parliamentary taxation in seventeenth-century England: local administration and response. Woodbridge: Royal Historical Society, 1994. 353p. 5069. Brown, Keith M. "The origins of a British aristocracy: integration and its limitations before the Treaty of Union." In Conquest and Union: fashioning a British state, 1485-1725, edited by Steven G. Ellis and Sarah Barber: 222-49. London: Longman, 1995. 5070. Cherry, George L. Early English liberalism: its emergence through parliamentary action, 1660-1702. New York: Bookman Associates, 1962. 325p. 5071. "A compleat collection of all the remarkable speeches in both Houses of Parliament: discovering the principles and temper of all parties and factions; the conduct of our chief ministers, their management of public affairs, and the maxims of government, from the year 1641, to the happy union of Great Britain. -
The Long Nineteenth Century in Intellectual History
UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Previously Published Works Title The Long Nineteenth Century in Intellectual History Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2q25k638 Journal Journal of Victorian Culture, 6 Author Bevir, Mark Publication Date 2001 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California 1 THE LONG NINETEENTH CENTURY IN INTELLECTUAL HISTORY By Mark Bevir Department of Political Science University of California, Berkeley Berkeley CA 94720-1950 USA Email: [email protected] 2 THE LONG NINETEENTH CENTURY IN INTELLECTUAL HISTORY Historiographies Railways and canals, children cleaning chimneys, Dickensian Christmases, cheeky cockneys, gas-lit streets, smog, formal drawing rooms, heavy furniture, and imperial adventures. Nineteenth-century Britain readily calls to mind certain images. Behind the images there lurks a historiography in which this era represents a time of unprecedented growth and modernization. During the early nineteenth century, the Industrial Revolution brought a sudden and rapid take-off to modernity: it wrought a decisive break with traditional society, inaugurating a world of factories, urbanization, the bourgeoisie, political reform, an organized working class, and class conflict and accommodation.1 The images of the nineteenth century are thus over-whelmingly of industry, cities, a self-satisfied middle-class, and urban poverty. Intellectual histories of the nineteenth century have long been subservient to this historiography and its images. Recently, however,