Nonprofits and Elections in 2020
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Pacs Post–Citizens United: Improving Accountability and Equality in Campaign Finance
\\jciprod01\productn\N\NYU\86-4\NYU407.txt unknown Seq: 1 26-SEP-11 12:29 PACS POST–CITIZENS UNITED: IMPROVING ACCOUNTABILITY AND EQUALITY IN CAMPAIGN FINANCE JEREMY R. PETERMAN* In this Note I argue that the Federal Election Campaign Act’s $5000 limitation on individual contributions to political committees should be removed. I advance two main arguments. First, in light of recent campaign finance decisions, the limitation appears to be unconstitutional as it imposes a limit on First Amendment rights without being tailored to the government’s interest in preventing quid pro quo cor- ruption. Second, eliminating the contribution limitation will have previously unrec- ognized normative benefits. Smaller PACs representing a variety of viewpoints will be more able to compete with established corporate and union PACs, and the volume of accountable political speech may increase as more money is channeled through PACs to candidates’ hands. INTRODUCTION The modern campaign finance system is praised by few and maligned by many. At the center of the criticism lies the seminal 1976 Supreme Court decision Buckley v. Valeo,1 which requires any regula- tion of political speech to be closely related to preventing corruption. Buckley holds that the risk of corruption justifies regulating contribu- tions given to candidates but not independent expenditures made in support of candidates by unaffiliated individuals and groups.2 The presence of limits on direct contributions to candidates in the absence of restrictions on independent expenditures makes it easier for money to flow to independent expenditure groups.3 This outcome is worri- * Copyright 2011 by Jeremy R. Peterman. -
A GUIDE to ELECTION YEAR ACTIVITIES of SECTION 501(C)(3) ORGANIZATIONS
A GUIDE TO ELECTION YEAR ACTIVITIES OF SECTION 501(c)(3) ORGANIZATIONS BY STEVEN H. SHOLK, ESQ. STEVEN H. SHOLK, ESQ. GIBBONS P.C. ONE GATEWAY CENTER NEWARK, NEW JERSEY 07102-5310 (973) 596-4639 [email protected] ONE PENNSYLVANIA PLAZA 37th FLOOR NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10119-3701 (212) 613-2000 Copyright Steven H. Sholk 2018 All Rights Reserved 776148.40 999999-00262 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page STATUTORY PROVISIONS ON CONTRIBUTIONS, EXPENDITURES, AND ELECTIONEERING .......................................................................................................... 1 STATUTORY AND REGULATORY PROVISIONS ON CONTRIBUTIONS TO AND FUNDRAISING FOR SECTION 501(c)(3) ORGANIZATIONS ................................. 180 REGULATORY PROVISIONS ON CONTRIBUTIONS, EXPENDITURES, AND ELECTIONEERING ...................................................................................................... 212 VOTER REGISTRATION AND GET-OUT-THE-VOTE DRIVES......................................... 348 VOTER GUIDES........................................................................................................................ 359 CANDIDATE APPEARANCES AND ADVERTISEMENTS ................................................. 372 CANDIDATE DEBATES .......................................................................................................... 387 CANDIDATE USE OF FACILITIES AND OTHER ASSETS ................................................. 390 WEBSITE ACTIVITIES ........................................................................................................... -
Clarifying IRS Rules on Political Intervention Drafting
The Bright Lines Project: Clarifying IRS Rules on Political Intervention Drafting Committee Explanation Interim Draft May 8, 2014 Built upon five years of discussion and feedback, a committee of nine tax law experts, chaired by Greg Colvin (with Beth Kingsley as vice chair), has developed a set of six proposed rules which are designed to clarify the IRS regulations governing nonprofit organizations’ political activities. This document contains the proposed rules, as well as explanations and a number of examples prepared by Committee members and Public Citizen staff. The Colvin Committee also includes Eve Borenstein, Terence Dougherty, Rosemary Fei, Jim Joseph, Abby Levine, John Pomeranz, and Ezra Reese. Craig Holman and Lisa Gilbert, of Public Citizen’s Congress Watch, have also contributed. Others, too numerous to mention, have offered helpful comments and suggestions that have influenced the proposal and this explanation. For further information, please contact Lisa Gilbert at [email protected] or 202-454-5188. This draft represents the current state of the project as of December, 2013. Introduction Last year, a report by the Treasury Inspector General for Tax Administration revealed that over a two year period, improper search criteria were used by inadequately supervised IRS agents to select the exemption applications of 501(c)(4) organizations, as well as some 501(c)(3), (c)(5), and (c)(6) groups, for special scrutiny. The criteria were intended to identify advocacy organizations that might be involved in political campaign activity, but some of the terms used (e.g. “tea party”) were biased in that they were more likely to refer to conservative than to liberal applicants. -
Campaign Manual
2020 State of Minnesota CAMPAIGN MANUAL CAMPAIGN FINANCIAL REPORTING & FAIR CAMPAIGN PRACTICES Minnesota Statutes, Chapters 211A and 211B, including related laws and summary Office of the Minnesota Secretary of State 180 State Office Building 100 Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Blvd. St. Paul, MN 55155 Phone: (651) 215-1440 Toll Free: 1-877-600-8683 Minnesota Relay Service: 1-800-627-3529 Email: [email protected] Website: www.sos.state.mn.us Office of the Minnesota Secretary of State 2020 Campaign Manual 2 PREFACE State law requires the Secretary of State to publish an easily understandable annotated digest of Chapters 211A and 211B of Minnesota statutes. This booklet contains: • The required digest; • The text of Chapters 211A and 211B; • Annotations to these chapters and to former Chapter 210A, known as the Fair Campaign Practices Act, which had some provisions comparable to 211A and 211B. Chapter 211A generally regulates campaign reporting requirements of candidates and committees supporting county, municipal, school district or other political subdivision candidates for office and questions. Candidates and committees supporting candidates for federal, state and judicial office are not regulated by Chapter 211A. Chapter 211B regulates a variety of campaign practices and applies to all federal, state, judicial and local candidates, except for President and Vice President, and committees supporting them. It also regulates the activities of committees formed to promote or oppose ballot questions and proposed constitutional amendments. COMPLAINTS A complaint alleging a violation of Chapter 211A or 211B MUST be filed with the Office of Administrative Hearings (OAH). For further information on complaints and penalties, see the OAH’s Fair Campaign Practices webpage (https://mn.gov/oah/self-help/administrative-law-overview/fair-campaign.jsp), or contact OAH at: Office of Administrative Hearings 600 North Robert Street St. -
Rules and Regulations Federal Register Vol
5595 Rules and Regulations Federal Register Vol. 72, No. 25 Wednesday, February 7, 2007 This section of the FEDERAL REGISTER PART 72—LICENSING For the Nuclear Regulatory Commission. contains regulatory documents having general REQUIREMENTS FOR THE Michael T. Lesar, applicability and legal effect, most of which INDEPENDENT STORAGE OF SPENT Federal Register Liaison Officer. are keyed to and codified in the Code of NUCLEAR FUEL, HIGH-LEVEL Federal Regulations, which is published under [FR Doc. E7–2035 Filed 2–6–07; 8:45 am] 50 titles pursuant to 44 U.S.C. 1510. RADIOACTIVE WASTE AND BILLING CODE 7590–01–P REACTOR-RELATED GREATER THAN The Code of Federal Regulations is sold by CLASS C WASTE the Superintendent of Documents. Prices of new books are listed in the first FEDERAL I 1. The authority citation for 10 CFR FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION REGISTER issue of each week. part 72 continues to read as follows: 11 CFR Part 100 Authority: Secs. 51, 53, 57, 62, 63, 65, 69, 81, 161, 182, 183, 184, 186, 187, 189, 68 Stat. [Notice 2007–3] NUCLEAR REGULATORY 929, 930, 932, 933, 934, 935, 948, 953, 954, COMMISSION 955, as amended, sec. 234, 83 Stat. 444, as Political Committee Status amended (42 U.S.C. 2071, 2073, 2077, 2092, 10 CFR Part 72 2093, 2095, 2099, 2111, 2201, 2232, 2233, AGENCY: Federal Election Commission. RIN 3150–AH93 2234, 2236, 2237, 2238, 2282); sec. 274, Pub. ACTION: Supplemental Explanation and L. 86–373, 73 Stat. 688, as amended (42 Justification. List of Approved Spent Fuel Storage U.S.C. -
Interest Group Scorecards and Legislative Satisfaction: Using Ratings to Explore the Private Bias in Public Policy Daniel E
University of Arkansas, Fayetteville ScholarWorks@UARK Theses and Dissertations 8-2013 Interest Group Scorecards and Legislative Satisfaction: Using Ratings to Explore the Private Bias in Public Policy Daniel E. Chand University of Arkansas, Fayetteville Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.uark.edu/etd Part of the Political Theory Commons, and the Public Policy Commons Recommended Citation Chand, Daniel E., "Interest Group Scorecards and Legislative Satisfaction: Using Ratings to Explore the Private Bias in Public Policy" (2013). Theses and Dissertations. 864. http://scholarworks.uark.edu/etd/864 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UARK. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UARK. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Interest Group Scorecards and Legislative Satisfaction: Using Ratings to Explore the Private Bias in Public Policy Interest Group Scorecards and Legislative Satisfaction: Using Ratings to Explore the Private Bias in Public Policy A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Public Policy By Daniel E. Chand Lamar University Bachelor of Science in Journalism, 2002 Illinois State University Master of Science in Political Science, 2005 August 2013 University of Arkansas This dissertation is approved for recommendation to the Graduate Council. Dr. William D. Schreckhise Dissertation Director Dr. Brinck Kerr Dr. Todd G. Shields Committee Member Committee Member ABSTRACT Despite their importance to our system, the study of interest groups has produced few concrete findings compared to other actors such as administrative agencies and political parties in the policymaking process. -
Independent Expenditures What Are They and What Are the Rules?
Independent Expenditures What are they and what are the rules? The 2010 Citizens United decision by the Supreme Court may have reinvented political spending, but it did not invent the independent expenditure. Organizations–largely through their political action committees (PACs) —have engaged in independent expenditures to elevate their issues and influence— election outcomes for decades. 1 What the Court’s ruling did, was to allow—for the first time— corporations (including nonprofit corporations like 501(c)(4)s and labor unions) to make independent expenditures from their own bank accounts without having to rely on a connected PAC. It also triggered a wave of court decisions and Federal Election Commission (FEC) advisory opinions that redefined how and what money can be spent on elections, invalidated entire sections of the Federal Election Campaign Act (FECA), and helped create a new type of political organization. This fact sheet explains what an independent expenditure is, briefly addresses how different types of organizations may effectively make independent expenditures, and reviews the rules and federal law that govern them. 2 It ends with Frequently Asked Questions that apply the rules and concepts to common activities in which you may be engaging. Because the rules governing these activities are complicated and evolving, we encourage you to consult more detailed publications like The Connection: Strategies for Creating and Operating 501(c)(3)s, 501(c)(4)s and Political Organizations, available through Alliance for Justice (AFJ) or consult your legal counsel. What IS an Independent Expenditure? An independent expenditure is a communication that “expressly advocates” for the election or defeat of a candidate and is made independently of any campaign, candidate, political party and their agents. -
Independent Expenditures What Are They and What Are the Rules?
Independent Expenditures What are they and what are the rules? The 2010 Citizens United decision by the Supreme Court may have reinvented political spending, but it did not invent the independent expenditure. Organizations—largely through their political action committees (PACs) —have engaged in independent expenditures to elevate their issues and influence—election outcomes for decades.1 What the Court’s ruling did, was to allow—for the first time—corporations (including nonprofit corporations like 501(c) (4)s and labor unions) to make independent expenditures from their own bank accounts without having to rely on a connected PAC. It also triggered a wave of court decisions and Federal Election Commission (FEC) advisory opinions that redefined how and what money can be spent on elections, invalidated entire sections of the Federal Election Campaign Act (FECA), and helped create a new type of political organization. This guide explains what an independent expenditure is, briefly addresses how different types of organizations may effectively make independent expenditures, and reviews the rules and federal law that govern them.2 It ends with Frequently Asked Questions that apply the rules and concepts to common activities in which you may be engaging. Because the rules governing these activities are complicated and evolving, we encourage you to consult more detailed publications like The Connection: Strategies for Creating and Operating 501(c)(3)s, 501(c)(4)s and Political Organizations, available through Alliance for Justice (AFJ) and consult your legal counsel. What IS an Independent Expenditure? Broadly speaking, an independent expenditure is a communication (flyer, speech, robocall, etc.) you pay for that a) encourages the election (or defeat!) of a candidate and b) is made without working with a candidate or political party. -
How Political Organizations Profiteer Off the First Amendment and What Congress Should Do About It
FIRST AMENDMENT LAW REVIEW Volume 12 | Issue 3 Article 7 3-1-2014 Put Your Mouth Where Your Money Is: How Political Organizations Profiteer off the irsF t Amendment and What Congress Should Do about It Philip A. Thompson Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.unc.edu/falr Part of the First Amendment Commons Recommended Citation Philip A. Thompson, Put Your Mouth Where Your Money Is: How Political Organizations Profiteer off ht e First Amendment and What Congress Should Do about It, 12 First Amend. L. Rev. 725 (2014). Available at: http://scholarship.law.unc.edu/falr/vol12/iss3/7 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by Carolina Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in First Amendment Law Review by an authorized editor of Carolina Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Put Your Mouth Where Your Money Is: How Political Organizations Profiteer Off the First Amendment and What Congress Should Do About It PhilipA. Thompson* INTRODUCTION Political organizations, such as political actions committees (PAC), super PACs, and 501(c)s raise and spend money to advocate for or against issues and candidates. These organizations are regulated subject to the First Amendment's speech clause and certain tax laws. Recently, these organizations-especially super PACs and 501(c)s- have become significant outlets for core political speech. For instance, in the 2010 election cycle, "[seventy-nine] groups registered as super PACs spent a total of approximately $90.4 million."I In the 2012 election cycle, "1,310 groups organized as Super PACs have reported total receipts of $828,224,700 and total independent expenditures of $609,417,654 . -
Political Organizations Under Section 527 of the Internal Revenue Code
Order Code RS21716 January 23, 2004 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Political Organizations Under Section 527 of the Internal Revenue Code Erika Lunder Legislative Attorney American Law Division Summary Political organizations have the primary purpose of influencing federal, state, or local elections. Those that qualify under section 527 of the Internal Revenue Code are generally treated as tax-exempt organizations, but are taxed on certain income. Section 527 organizations are subject to reporting requirements involving (1) registration, (2) periodic disclosure of contributions and expenditures, and (3) the annual filing of tax returns. In the 108th Congress, three bills have been introduced, S. 1059, H.R. 429, and H.R. 2368, that would affect 527 organizations; all would reduce the rate at which certain income is taxed. Prior to 1975, the Internal Revenue Code (IRC) was silent as to the tax treatment of organizations whose primary purpose is influencing elections. The Internal Revenue Service (IRS) treated contributions to political organizations as gifts, which meant that the organizations did not have taxable income and were not required to file tax returns. In the early 1970s, as it became apparent that these organizations had sources of income besides contributions, the IRS began requiring those with investment and other types of income to file tax returns and pay tax at the corporate rate. In 1975, Congress enacted section 527 to clarify the tax treatment of political organizations.1 Section 527 has three purposes: (1) it clarifies that expenditures by political organizations on behalf of an individual are generally not income to the individual, (2) it imposes a tax on 501(c) organizations that make political expenditures,2 and (3) it generally grants tax-exempt status to qualifying political organizations. -
The Political Implications of 527 Organizations Necessitate Reform, 50 Santa Clara L
Santa Clara Law Review Volume 50 | Number 2 Article 6 1-1-2010 The olitP ical Implications of 527 Organizations Necessitate Reform Ryan Watkins Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.law.scu.edu/lawreview Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Ryan Watkins, Comment, The Political Implications of 527 Organizations Necessitate Reform, 50 Santa Clara L. Rev. 547 (2010). Available at: http://digitalcommons.law.scu.edu/lawreview/vol50/iss2/6 This Comment is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Santa Clara Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Santa Clara Law Review by an authorized administrator of Santa Clara Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE POLITICAL IMPLICATIONS OF 527 ORGANIZATIONS NECESSITATE REFORM Ryan Watkins* I. INTRODUCTION During the 2004 presidential campaign, an organization called the Swift Boat Veterans for Truth (Swift Boat) televised controversial commercials attacking Democratic presidential challenger John Kerry's military service in Vietnam.1 In response, the Kerry campaign accused the group of misrepresenting information about his military record and of being "tools of the Bush campaign."2 Because it was organized under section 527 of the Internal Revenue Code,3 Swift Boat was able to accept millions of dollars in contributions from wealthy donors.4 Swift Boat spent at least $10 million on the presidential campaign,' and while 527 organizations were not as controversial in the 2008 presidential election, they remained powerful political contributors because, under section 527, their donors are free *Lead Symposium Editor, Santa Clara Law Review, Volume 50; J.D. -
Shays II Mccain Feingold Amici Brief FINAL 4.3.07
UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA __________________________________________ ) CHRISTOPHER SHAYS and ) MARTIN MEEHAN ) ) Plaintiffs, ) ) v. ) ) Civil Action No. 04–1597 (EGS) FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION, ) ) Defendant. ) __________________________________________) MEMORANDUM OF U.S. SENATORS JOHN McCAIN AND RUSSELL D. FEINGOLD AS AMICI CURIAE SUPPORTING PLAINTIFFS’ MOTION FOR FURTHER RELIEF J. GERALD HEBERT (D.C. Bar No. 447676) PAUL S. RYAN (D.C. Bar No. 502514) THE CAMPAIGN LEGAL CENTER 1640 Rhode Island Ave. NW, Suite 650 Washington, DC 20036 Tel: (202) 736-2200 Fax: (202) 736-2222 Counsel for Amici Curiae Senators John McCain and Russ Feingold TABLE OF CONTENTS Page TABLE OF AUTHORITIES .......................................................................................................... ii INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT ..............................................................1 ARGUMENT...................................................................................................................................5 I. For Nearly Three Years, Spanning Three Election Cycles (2004, 2006, 2008), Amici Have Urged the FEC to Effectively Regulate 527 Groups—to No Avail ........................5 II. The FEC’s Lack of Clear Guidance Regarding Political Committee Status Has Frustrated Amici , Plaintiffs, and 527 Groups Alike........................................................10 III. The Legal Framework Upon Which the Supplemental E&J Depends is Contrary to Law, Rendering the FEC’s Supplemental E&J