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A Proposito Della Guerra Di Paolo IV Contro Il Regno Di Napoli: Le A proposito della guerra di Paolo IV contro il Regno di Napoli: le relazioni di papa Carafa con la Repubblica di Venezia e la sua condotta nei confronti di Carlo V e Filippo II Daniele Santarelli To cite this version: Daniele Santarelli. A proposito della guerra di Paolo IV contro il Regno di Napoli: le relazioni di papa Carafa con la Repubblica di Venezia e la sua condotta nei confronti di Carlo V e Filippo II. Annali dell’Istituto Italiano per gli Studi Storici, 2006, pp.69-111. halshs-00187009 HAL Id: halshs-00187009 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00187009 Submitted on 14 Nov 2007 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. 1 Daniele Santarelli A proposito della guerra di Paolo IV contro il regno di Napoli. Le relazioni di papa Carafa con la Repubblica di Venezia e la sua condotta nei confronti di Carlo V e Filippo II* 1 LA GUERRA DI PAOLO IV CONTRO IL REGNO DI NAPOLI NEL CONTESTO DEL CONFLITTO FRANCO-SPAGNOLO La guerra condotta dal pontefice Paolo IV Carafa contro il Regno di Napoli, o meglio contro l’imperatore Carlo V e i suoi ideali politico- religiosi e contro un giovane re di Spagna, Filippo II, considerato in un primo momento da papa Carafa del tutto simile a suo padre, fu l’ultimo dei tanti conflitti che sconvolsero la penisola italiana tra il 1494 e il 1559, l’epoca delle cosiddette “guerre d’Italia”. Un conflitto innescato dalle mire espansionistiche del Regno di Francia, che, come è stato messo in rilievo dalla storiografia più recente, alla fine del Quattrocento viveva una situazione di forte slancio demografico ed economico, e con i suoi quasi 20 milioni d’abitanti era il paese più popoloso d’Europa. Situazione decisamente opposta a quella della penisola italiana, frammentata in diversi stati il cui equilibrio, sancito dalla pace di Lodi del 1454, si reggeva su fragili basi: una preda che sembrava facile, tanto più se ci si metteva anche una congiuntura politica favorevole, come quella che rese possibile l’avventura italiana di re Carlo VIII1. Anche se le due monarchie * Desidero rivolgere un ringraziamento di cuore ai professori Jean Pierre Dedieu, Achille Olivieri e Adriano Prosperi per le loro letture, i loro suggerimenti e consigli. Abbreviazioni utilizzate : ASV= Archivio Segreto Vaticano; ASVen, APR = Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Secreta Archivi Propri, Roma ; BAV = Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana; BUP = Biblioteca Universitaria di Pisa; DBI = Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, Roma 1960 sgg.; DHEE = Diccionario de historia eclesiastica de España, dirigido por Q. ALDEA VAQUERO, T. MARIN MARTINEZ, J. VIVES GATELL, voll. I-V, Madrid 1972-1987; La France de la Renaissance = A. JOUANNA, P. HAMON, D. BILOGHI, G. LE THIEC, La France de la Renaissance. Histoire et dictionnaire, Paris 2001. 1 Cfr. per la Francia A. JOUANNA, Le temps de la Renaissance en France (vers 1470-1559) in La France de la Renaissance, pp. 3-359 : vedi pp. 91 sgg. Quanto alla situazione politica dell’Italia nei decenni immediatamente precedenti il 1494 si segnalano due saggi di Riccardo Fubini: R. FUBINI, Lega italica e “politica dell‟equilibrio” all‟avvento di Lorenzo de‟ Medici al potere in G. CHITTOLINI, A. MOLHO, P. SCHIERA (a cura di), Origini dello Stato. Processi di formazione statale in Italia fra medioevo ed età moderna, Bologna 1994, pp. 51-96; R. FUBINI, Diplomacy and government in the Italian city-states of the fifteenth century (Florence and Venice) in D. FRIGO, (a cura di), Politics and diplomacy in early modern Italy. The structure of diplomatic pratice, 1450-1800, Cambridge 2000, pp. 25-48. 2 contendenti, Francia e Spagna, presentavano alcuni significativi tratti in comune che contrastavano decisamente con la situazione italiana2, occorre porre in rilievo il fatto che la Spagna dei Re Cattolici, una monarchia recentemente unificata, assai meno popolata della Francia3 e che aveva appena risolto in via definitiva il problema della presenza politica araba nel suo territorio (col cui lascito spirituale ed ideologico era tuttavia costretta a fare i conti), era stata all’inizio piuttosto trascinata nel conflitto in seguito alla rottura degli equilibri di potere in Italia. Ma con l’ascesa al trono spagnolo (1516) e imperiale (1519) di Carlo V, le cose cambiavano radicalmente. Una serie di fatalità aveva posto quest’ultimo alla testa di un aggregato di stati plurinazionale, una costruzione politica i presupposti della cui esistenza, saldamente legata all’unità del cristianesimo occidentale, erano minati sul nascere dal successo della riforma protestante. I disordini politici e sociali legati all’affermazione della Riforma a partire dal 1517, acuitisi negli anni venti, non furono senz’altro l’unico tra i molti problemi che afflissero sin da subito il giovane sovrano fiammingo4; ma i principi protestanti tedeschi che gli facevano guerra nel seno del suo Impero rappresentarono sempre la sua spina nel fianco. I Francesi non mancarono certo di sfruttare a loro favore la situazione religiosa in Germania, coordinando la loro azione militare contro l’imperatore con quella dei principi protestanti e persino con i Turchi, sfruttando a loro vantaggio la mai sopita rivalità tra Ottomani ed Asburgo5. La partita tra Francesi e Imperiali, dunque, si svolgeva parallelamente sul terreno militare e diplomatico: tutte le spedizioni francesi in Italia, a partire da quella di Carlo VIII, furono anticipate da missioni diplomatiche preparate con estrema cura, e particolarmente curate erano state le relazioni con Firenze e con Venezia6. 2 Entrambe le monarchie presentavano una certa stabilizzazione del potere regio, una burocrazia sviluppata, un esercito efficiente); inoltre beneficiavano entrambe dell’allargamento degli orizzonti commerciali dovuto alle nuove scoperte geografiche. 3 I dati più attendibili, che contrastano con ricostruzioni passate che sopravvalutavano la consistenza demografica della Spagna all’inizio dell’età moderna, parlano di 4 milioni di abitanti per il Regno di Castiglia e 860 mila per quello d’Aragona. Cfr. J.-P. DEDIEU, L‟Espagne de 1492 à 1808, Paris 20052, p. 156: i dati, estrapolati da J. NADAL, La población española (Siglos XVI a XX), Barcelona 19842, pp. 74 e 188, si riferiscono al 1530. Sull’argomento cfr. altresì A. MOLINIÉ-BERTRAND, Le nombre des hommes – La saisie de l‟espace in C. HERMANN (a cura di), Le premier âge de l‟État en Espagne, Paris 2001, pp. 271-300. 4 Negli stessi anni in Italia riprendeva il conflitto con i francesi, che peraltro assumeva sempre più una dimensione europea e in Castiglia scoppiava la rivolta dei comuneros, espressione del malcontento di una società poco disposta ad accettare un sovrano straniero che per di più era costretto ad imporre una notevole pressione fiscale per finanziare le sue guerre. Sugli avvenimenti cfr. K. BRANDI, Carlo V, Torino 19713, pp. 83-281, capitoli III-VI. 5 A proposito delle relazioni franco-turche cfr. La France de la Renaissance, pp. 539 sgg. Ma si segnala altresì B. VINCENT, Charles Quint, François Ier et Soliman in J. MARTĺNEZ MILLÁN (coord. gen.), Carlos V y la quiebra del humanismo politico en Europa (1530-1558), vol. I, Madrid 2001, pp. 533-539. 6 Cfr. A. JOUANNA, Le temps de la Renaissance en France, cit., pp. 210 sgg. A proposito delle relazioni tra la Francia e Firenze cfr. la voce di A. JOUANNA in La France de la Renaissance, pp. 823-825, delle relazioni tra la Francia e Venezia quella di P. HAMON, ibid., pp. 1117-1119. 3 Di qui l’obbligo di prestare la massima attenzione alle fonti di carattere politico-diplomatico, troppo spesso in passato trascurate e neglette, ai fini di una migliore comprensione degli eventi. Tali fonti, infatti, ci permettono di studiare gli orientamenti e le decisioni dei principali attori della scena mondiale nel momento stesso del loro svolgimento e della loro attuazione pratica: questa loro caratteristica peculiare le rende fonti privilegiate per ogni ricerca storica che cerchi di penetrare un momento fondamentale della storia mediterranea ed europea. Una congiuntura favorevole ai progetti politico-religiosi dell’imperatore Carlo V si presentò negli anni quaranta: l’imperatore siglava con il re di Francia Francesco I il trattato di Crépy (18 settembre 1545), contemporaneamente Ferdinando d’Asburgo, re dei Romani, siglava la pace con i Turchi (10 novembre 1545), quindi poco dopo la battaglia di Mühlberg (aprile 1547) rendeva Carlo V, trionfatore sui principi protestanti, padrone incontrastato della Germania. Ma ancora una volta, occorre sottolinearlo bene, i Turchi e i principi protestanti tedeschi furono determinanti. Nel 1551-52 l’imperatore Carlo V si trovava a Innsbruck per seguire da vicino il concilio di Trento, riconvocato da papa Giulio III su pressioni dello stesso imperatore, che adesso si prefiggeva tra i suoi scopi precipui la riconciliazione tra cattolici e protestanti: a tal fine era prevista la partecipazione al concilio di delegati protestanti. Questi piani furono totalmente rovinati dalla nuova alleanza tra Francesi e principi protestanti, capeggiati da Maurizio di Sassonia: gli alleati approfittarono del fatto che nel 1551 Carlo V era stato costretto a lasciare sguarnite le piazzaforti tedesche per tutelare la Sicilia, esposta ancora una volta al pericolo turco: colto di sorpresa dall’offensiva coordinata contro di lui da Francesco I e da Maurizio di Sassonia, l’imperatore fu costretto a fuggire in tutta fretta da Innsbruck, la ripresa della guerra imponeva la sospensione delle sedute del concilio7.
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