The Ukrainian Weekly 2008, No.51
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Ukraine Ukraine at a Glance: 2002-03
COUNTRY REPORT Ukraine Ukraine at a glance: 2002-03 OVERVIEW Efforts by both pro- and anti-presidential forces to gain the upper hand in the parliamentary election due by March 2002 will increasingly dominate the political scene. The president, Leonid Kuchma, and his parliamentary allies are likely to succeed in using their superior administrative and media resources to limit the gains of their opponents. The government will remain in power until the 2002 election and is unlikely to roll back its predecessor’s reform achievements, although electoral politics will preclude further significant reforms. The economy will grow at a more moderate pace in 2002-03, following buoyant growth in 2001. Year-end inflation will rise slightly to 12% in 2002, owing to further price liberalisation and election- related policy loosening, before falling again in 2003. Sustained export growth will ensure current-account surpluses in 2002-03, although these will narrow because of strengthening import demand and continued real currency appreciation. Key changes from last month Political outlook • The former prime minister Viktor Yushchenko looks increasingly likely to try to build an alliance for the 2002 election that is more centre- than reform-based. Economic policy outlook • Multilateral financing has resumed as expected, and should now permit completion of Ukraine’s Paris Club debts. The narrowing of the budget surplus in August underlines the Economist Intelligence Unit’s forecast that the government is likely to end the year with a slight budget deficit. Economic forecast • Preliminary trade data for the start of the third quarter has prompted a slight revision in our trade surplus forecast for this year. -
General Information About Ukraine
General Information about Ukraine Introduction The purpose of this document is to give a general overview of Ukrainian economy and the city of Slavutych to potential investors. The information provided covers a broad range of subjects to help potential investors understand Ukraine’s developing economy and was gathered from a variety of sources, including the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, World Bank, and International Monetary Fund. Ukraine is rich in culture, history and natural resources. The government of Ukraine is transforming its economic structure to a western market economy and continues solving problems related to this change. More detailed information about Slavutych, the hometown of Chornobyl Nuclear Power Plant workers, is provided. As the date of the Chornobyl NPP closure approaches, the Ukrainian government is taking steps toward economic diversification, including educating and attracting foreign and domestic investors. This guide aims to provide valuable information about investment opportunities, geography, people, government, and the economy of Ukraine and Slavutych. Geography Ukraine sits at a favorable strategic position between Europe and Asia and is the second-largest country in Europe. The contemporary city of Kyiv is Ukraine’s capital and one of the biggest cities in Europe. With a population of almost 3 million, it stands preeminent as the administrative, economic, research, cultural and educational center. The President, Supreme Council (Verhovna Rada), all ministries and government departments are all located in Kyiv. Location Eastern Europe, bordering the Black Sea, between Poland and Russia Time zone GMT +2:00 Area Total 603,700 sq. km (slightly smaller than Texas ) Land 603,700 sq. -
Hand-Me-Down Cabinet
Hand-me-down cabinet No. 23/224, June 4, 2001 "Today there is no time for experiments in the composition of the government, and of the parliament either" Anatoly Kinakh, UNIAN, May 29, 2001 "We'll live and see, but conclusions must be made" Leonid Kuchma, UNIAN, May 29, 2001 239 is one of the Ukrainian parliament's magic figures. Those who have followed Ukrainian politics for a relatively long time might recall the notorious "Group 239" in the 1st parliament (1990-1004), also known as a group "For a Soviet Sovereign Ukraine". The influential block consisted mainly of high- ranking Communist party apparatchiks and "red directors" that lobbied the election of former chief Ukrainian ideologist Leonid Kravchuk to replace Volodymyr Ivashko in July 1990. Among other possible candidates for the position was Ihor Yukhnovsky, MP, nominated by the democratic People's Council. At that time member of the parliament Anatoly Kinakh, 35, was not a member of the Group 239, but belonged to the oppositional People's Council - which was rather exotic for a politician from Southern Ukraine and an industrialist. On May 29, 2001, 239 votes were cast in favor of approving Kinakh, member of the 3rd parliament and chairman of the Ukrainian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs, in the position of Prime Minister of Ukraine. The new government is the tenth since Ukraine gained its independence in August 1991. Having approved the nomination of Kinakh the Ukrainian parliament, apparently, passed a test for being "democratic", "pro-market" and "society-conscious". Noteworthy, at the height of debates about potential candidates to occupy the top executive position President Leonid Kuchma warned publicly that the voting would "let us see who is who in the parliament, whether those who declare market reforms are really democrats" and that "we will see who really stands on the basis of democracy and market reform and who is just a salesman who speculates on the situation, cares about his own interests and interests of his clan" (UNIAN, May 25, 2001). -
Disrupted Democracy in Ukraine? Protest, Performance and Contention in the Verkhovna Rada
Disrupted Democracy in Ukraine? Protest, Performance and Contention in the Verkhovna Rada SARAH WHITMORE Abstract Protest performances inside parliament articulated claims to uphold democracy that contributed to the maintenance of pluralism in Ukraine during attempted authoritarian consolidation. Simultaneously, such protests were para-institutional instruments in the ongoing power struggle engendered by a patronal system where formal institutions and norms weakly constrain actors. A diverse repertoire of protest, including rostrum-blocking, visual protest, withdrawal, auditory disruption, somatic protest and the spectacle, was used frequently and was adapted in response to changes in the political opportunity structure. Innovations to the repertoire adapted performances from social movements. In recent years, violent altercations and theatrical protests in Ukraine’s parliament involving tens of deputies have attracted attentive publics to a wide range of issues from language use, imprisoned opposition politicians and deputies’ multiple voting violations, but such spectacular performances belie hundreds of routinised deputies’ protests on procedural and policy matters. Both raise important questions about Ukraine’s political system and democratic practice1 more widely. How should we understand such protests, which are conducted by elected representatives that are already privileged in the system of power and have a range of formal legislative tools for protest at their disposal (Spary 2013), but choose instead to disrupt parliamentary proceedings? Why were such modes of behaviour so prevalent in Ukraine? What do the adaptation of distinctive types of protest reveal about the political system? Could such protests actually signify the vibrancy of democratic practice in Ukraine? Conceptualising Parliamentary Disruption The extant literature on the Verkhovna Rada offers limited orientation on such questions. -
New Coalition Emerges Amidst Crisis in Ukraine
ïêàëíéë êéÑàÇëü! CHRIST IS BORN! HEPublished byKRA the Ukrainian NationalIN AssociationIAN Inc., a fraternal non-profit associationEEKLY Vol. LXXVIT UNo. 51 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER W 21, 2008 $1/$2 in Ukraine U.S.-Ukraine Business Council New coalition emerges welcomes its 100th member, Microsoft amidst crisis in Ukraine by Zenon Zawada ment, the coalition is highly flawed – it Kyiv Press Bureau was established on a de facto basis, not having legal standing; and it lacks a KYIV – Forged with defectors from 226-vote majority in Parliament and, the president’s camp, a de facto coalition therefore, is dependent on drawing votes government emerged on December 16 to from other factions. offer stability, keep the current Cabinet of “The practical experience of voting has Ministers in place and replace the failed shown the [Party of] Regions and alliance between the Yulia Tymoshenko Communists can offer several votes,” said Bloc and Our Ukraine – People’s Self- Borys Tarasyuk, leader of the People’s Defense. Rukh of Ukraine party and vice-chair of The National Development, Stability the Our Ukraine – People’s Self-Defense and Order Coalition consists of the parliamentary faction. Tymoshenko Bloc, the Volodymyr Lytvyn Following the election of Mr. Lytvyn Bloc, and 37 national deputies from the as Verkhovna Rada chair, the de facto Our Ukraine – People’s Self-Defense bloc coalition was the latest step taken by no longer loyal to the president, including Prime Minister Tymoshenko to establish all 17 deputies from the People’s Self- some measure of political stability amidst Defense party. a Ukrainian financial and economic crisis Oleksiy Synelnychenko “The coalition’s creation is the end of that worsens with each passing day. -
Forces of Yanukovych, Tymoshenko on the Brink of Forming a Coalition
INSIDE: • Arseniy Yatsenyuk’s possible routes to the presidency – page 3. • Is Moscow declaring a cold war against historians? – page 6. • USCAK Canada wins international soccer tournament – page 13. THEPublished U byKRAINIAN the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profitW associationEEKLY Vol. LXXVII No.23 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JUNE 7, 2009 $1/$2 in Ukraine Ukrainian Journalists of North America Forces of Yanukovych, Tymoshenko meet at conference at Soyuzivka on the brink of forming a coalition by Zenon Zawada for economic stabilization,” Ms. Kyiv Press Bureau Tymoshenko told the June 3 Cabinet of Ministers meeting. “And I’d like for us to KYIV – Ukraine’s two largest political continue to work the way we have in forces, the Party of Regions of Ukraine these difficult conditions. But I would and the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc, are want for this work to occur in political reportedly on the brink of forming a long- comfort, with the political unity of all term coalition government capable of political forces in Parliament.” amending the Constitution of Ukraine to The coalition is also recruiting the allow the Parliament, instead of the peo- Volodymyr Lytvyn Bloc, a centrist politi- ple, to select Ukraine’s next president. cal force, reportedly making the alluring While leaders are in intense negotia- offer of allowing Mr. Lytvyn to remain as tions over the coalition’s conditions, the Rada chair for six more years, reported key provisions involve electing Viktor Ukrayinska Pravda, an authoritative web- Yanukovych to a 10-year term as presi- site that has reported many significant dent and holding the next parliamentary leaks of information. -
Summing up Some Conclusions from the Election Process
Summing up some conclusions from the election process Vol. 4, No. 109, April 6, 1998 The opposition to the president and the government - i.e., those are likely to vote against the president's positions on a number of principle issues - received much more than 200 seats in the new parliament. There will be about 120 representatives of the Communist party in the new legislature, compared to 87 in the previous parliament. The Communists proved to be the most disciplined among the lawmakers: they showed remarkable solidarity when voting on a number of key issues. The Socialist and the Peasant faction will number 35 persons, a slight reduction from 37 in the previous Verkhovna Rada. In addition, there will be 17 members of the Progressive Socialist party, whose members keep stressing their independence and difference from other left-wingers and may vote differently on a number of issues. The Hromada received 16 seats under the proportional system, and at least 14 more of its members and declaratively nonpartisan individuals with close connections to Hromada leader Pavlo Lazarenko won in majoritarian constituencies. In the previous Verkhovna Rada, the Yednist faction, controlled by Lazarenko, numbered 32 MPs. Furthermore, there are at least five nonpartisan new MPs who are radically opposed to the executive branch, in particular, independent businessman and newspaper owner Mykhailo Brodsky and former mayor of Kyiv Leonid Kosakivsky. On the other hand, there are 27 new MPs who associate themselves with the pro-presidential People's Democratic Party, 19 members of the Green party, 17 members of the Social-Democratic party (united), 7 members of the Agrarian party, 2 Liberals and 3 members of the Party of Reforms and Order. -
Toronto's Ukrainian Catholic Eparchy Subjected to Major Reassignments
INSIDE:• Interview with Patriarch Filaret — page 3. • Ambassador to Kyiv addresses TWG forum — page 8. • Soyuzivka opens 44th summer season — centerfold. Published by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profit association Vol. LXVI HE KRAINIANNo. 29 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JULY 19, 1998 EEKLY$1.25/$2 in Ukraine OrthodoxT parishesU in the U.S. VerkhovnaW Rada elects vice-chairs ask to join Kyiv Patriarchate Committee chairmanships divided among factions by Irene Jarosewich eral parishes was submitted this past by Roman Woronowycz Agrarians) received two committees; and spring from an ad hoc coalition of parish Kyiv Press Bureau the Social Democrats (United), with 25 PARSIPPANY, N.J. – The division councils, The All-Ukrainian Committee members, took one committee, as did the among Ukrainian Orthodox faithful in “Coalition of Parishes in the Diaspora for KYIV – Ukraine’s Verkhovna Rada Greens, with 24 members. The Progressive the U.S. regarding the vision and future elected two vice-chairpersons on July 10, the Kyiv Patriarchate,” which had been Socialist faction, which has 16 members, of their Church deepened recently when and approved the chairpersons of its 22 par- founded in 1997, and is headed by Wasyl was not voted a committee chairmanship. the request of several parishes in the U.S. liamentary committees. Kosohor of Chicago. Chairman Tkachenko has said the first to be accepted under the omophorion of According to the Rev. Posakiwsky, the The national deputies agreed to the can- the Ukrainian Orthodox Church – Kyiv didacies put forward by the Verkhovna order of business for the newly seated decision of the parishes to leave the Parliament, which took two months to elect Patriarchate (UOC-KP) was granted. -
The Rank-And-File Perpetrators of 1932-1933 Famine in Ukraine and Their Representation in Cultural Memory
ʻIdle, Drunk and Good-for-Nothingʼ: The Rank-and-File Perpetrators of 1932-1933 Famine in Ukraine and Their Representation in Cultural Memory Daria Mattingly Robinson College July 2018 This dissertation is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Preface This dissertation is the result of my own work and includes nothing that is the outcome of work done in collaboration. It is not substantially the same as any that I have submitted, or, is being concurrently submitted for a degree or other qualification at the University of Cambridge or any other University or any other University or similar institution except as declared in the Preface and specified in the text. I further state that no substantial part of my dissertation has already been submitted, or, is being concurrently submitted for any such degree, diploma or other qualification at the University of Cambridge or any other University or similar institution except as declared in the Preface and specified in the text. The word count of this dissertation is 77, 082. This falls within the word limit set by the Faculty of Modern and Medieval Languages Degree Committee. Abstract This dissertation examines identifiable traces of the perpetrators of the 1932-1933 famine in Ukraine, known as the Holodomor, and their representation in cultural memory. It shows that the men and women who facilitated the famine on the ground were predominantly ordinary people largely incongruous with the dominant image of the perpetrator in Ukrainian cultural memory. I organise this interdisciplinary study, which draws on a wide range of primary sources, including archival research at all levels – republican, oblast’, district, village and private, published and unpublished memoirs and, on one occasion, an interview with a perpetrator; major corpora of oral memory, post-memory and cultural texts – into two parts. -
Full Text of the Issue
Volume 9 / Issue 27 / August 2019 Case Studies on Mass Atrocities and Survival in the Modern History of Ukraine Guest Editors: Frank Grelka and Yuri Radchenko Online Open Access Journal of the Center for Governance and Culture in Europe University of St. Gallen URL: www.gce.unisg.ch, www.euxeinos.ch ISSN 2296-0708 Center for Governance and Last Update 31 August 2019 LANDIS & GYR Culture in Europe STIFTUNG Table of Contents Editorial: Towards a Historiography from the Bottom up – Studies on Genocide and Survival in Modern Ukrainian History by Frank Grelka and Yuri Radchenko....................................................................................3 No Novel for the Ordinary Men? Representation of the Rank-and-File Perpetrators of the Holodomor in Ukrainian Novels by Daria Mattingly...............................................................................................................12 A Chance for Survival: Trapped within the Confrontation between Unified State Political Department and Torgsin by Mykola Horokh................................................................................................................40 „Eastern Operation” of OUN(b) and the Anti-Jewish Violence in the Summer 1941: Smotrych and Kupyn Case by Andriy Usach..................................................................................................................63 Women’s Body as Battlefield: Sexual Violence during Soviet Сounterinsurgency in Western Ukraine in the 1944-1953 by Marta Havryshko.............................................................................................................85 -
The Ukrainian Weekly
INSIDE: • Conference on historical memory and World War II – page 3. • Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky (1865-1944) – page 9. • Haydamaky rock Toronto Ukrainian Festival – page 13. THEPublished U byKRAINIAN the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profitW associationEEKLY Vol. LXXVII No.44 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 1, 2009 $1/$2 in Ukraine Yatsenyuk campaign on the decline Top two candidates kick off by Zenon Zawada to the mainstream candidates backed by Kyiv Press Bureau oligarchs and tainted by scandal, dema- battle for Ukraine’s presidency goguery and broken promises. KYIV – Arseniy Yatsenyuk’s presiden- Since hiring his Russian advisors in the tial campaign has plunged into a tailspin spring, however, Mr. Yatsenyuk has that has him tenuously holding on to third become unrecognizable, particularly to his place among Ukraine’s presidential candi- key base of young Western Ukrainians. He dates, a position that is coveted by his has adopted an entirely new foreign policy, competitors, including President Viktor abandoning his earlier stalwart support of Yushchenko. Ukraine’s integration into the European Ukrainian experts blame his rapid Union and the North Atlantic Treaty decline since the summer on the Russian Organization (NATO). political advisers he hired, which have Instead, Ukraine is supposed to inte- altered his public image from a straight- grate with Eastern Europe and initiate a talking, no-nonsense, pro-Western reform- Russia-Belarus-Kazakhstan Union as part er to a technically engineered political cre- of a “Greater Europe” project, declared ation with a muddled message and repul- newsletters distributed recently by the sive campaign tactics. Front of Changes (Front Zmin), Mr. -
US Department of State
1 of 143 U.S. Department of State FY 2001 Country Commercial Guide: Ukraine The Country Commercial Guide for Ukraine was prepared by U.S. Embassy Kiev and released by the Bureau of Economic and Business in July 2000 for Fiscal Year 2001. International Copyright, U.S. & Foreign Commercial Service and the U.S. Department of State, 2000. All rights reserved outside the United States. This information has been compiled as a source of information for American business representatives currently working in Ukraine, or U.S. firms interested in developing new business opportunities in this market. Company listings should not be seen as an official U.S. Government endorsement of any particular company or its services. Individuals requiring business services in Ukraine are urged to exercise caution in selecting a company best suited to meet their individual needs. THE COMMERCIAL SERVICE WOULD APPRECIATE LEARNING OF ANY ADDITIONS OR CORRECTIONS TO BE MADE TO THIS PUBLICATION. TABLE OF CONTENTS Note: Due to the primary nature of this publication as an electronically transmitted document, pre-set page numbers are not included in the printed version. CHAPTER I EXECUTIVE SUMMARY CHAPTER II ECONOMIC TRENDS AND OUTLOOK A. Major Trends and Outlook B. Principal Growth Sectors C. Government Role in the Economy D. Balance of Payments Situation E. Infrastructure CHAPTER III POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT 2 of 143 A. Nature of Bilateral Relationship with the United States B. Major Political Issues Affecting Business Climate Change C. Political System, Election Schedule, Orientation of Major Parties CHAPTER IV MARKETING U.S. PRODUCTS AND SERVICES A. Distribution and Sales Channels B.