Universal Periodic Review

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Universal Periodic Review Universal Periodic Review Mid-Term Report 3rd Cycle Brazil – 2019 FEDERATIVE REPUBLIC OF BRAZIL MINISTRY OF WOMEN, FAMILY, AND HUMAN RIGHTS UNIVERSAL PERIODIC REVIEW MID-TERM REPORT 3RD CYCLE Brazil – 2019 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................... 4 2. METHODOLOGY ................................................................................................................... 6 3. INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS INSTRUMENTS .............................................................. 8 4. GENERAL RECOMMENDATIONS ON HUMAN RIGHTS ...................................................... 11 5. NATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS INSTITUTIONS ...................................................................... 21 6. POVERTY REDUCTION AND SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT ....................................................... 24 7. RACIAL EQUALITY ............................................................................................................. 44 8. INDIGENOUS POPULATIONS ............................................................................................... 53 9. POLICIES FOR WOMEN ...................................................................................................... 67 10. PROMOTION AND PROTECTION OF THE RIGHTS OF PERSONS WITH DISABILITIES ....... 86 11. PROMOTION AND PROTECTION OF THE RIGHTS OF CHILDREN AND ADOLESCENTS .... 89 12. LGBT RIGHTS .................................................................................................................. 108 13. MIGRANTS, REFUGEES, AND FIGHT AGAINST HUMAN TRAFFICKING ............................. 110 14. HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS .......................................................................................... 119 15. BUSINESS AND HUMAN RIGHTS ....................................................................................... 125 16. HUMAN RIGHTS EDUCATION .......................................................................................... 134 17. PUBLIC SECURITY ............................................................................................................ 138 18. PREVENTION AND FIGHT AGAINST TORTURE ................................................................ 159 19. JUSTICE SYSTEM .............................................................................................................. 166 20. ABOLITION OF SLAVERY .................................................................................................. 170 21. RIGHT TO HEALTH............................................................................................................ 180 22. RIGHT TO PROPER HOUSING........................................................................................... 202 23. RIGHT TO EDUCATION ..................................................................................................... 206 24. ANNEX I ............................................................................................................................ 208 1. INTRODUCTION 1. Brazil considers the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) an important mechanism for monitoring the situation of human rights in all states parties to the international human rights system since 2006, upon creation of the United Nations’ Human Rights Council. The principles of equality between nations, sovereignty, and, above all, lack of selectivity in addressing issues related to human rights in several countries represent significant milestones, which Brazil has supported since the inception of such mechanism. 2. What makes the UPR so valuable for countries in general, and for Brazil in particular, is the possibility of performing a self-assessment of the human rights situation together with one´s peers. The Brazilian Government is committed to overcoming the main challenges and obstacles to protect and promote human rights for its citizens. Since the UPR is an inter-governmental mechanism, the Government’s effort to look at its own situation is critical, with the valuable help of countries in different stages of development and understanding, which is very different from an expert panel with formulas ready to be applied. 3. Brazil committed to submit, on a voluntary basis, this mid-term report, in response for the recommendations received at the 27th session of the Human Rights Council, in May 2017, as part of the third cycle of the mechanism, currently underway. The Brazilian Government also undertook to submit this report as part of its voluntary commitments of its candidacy for reelection to the Human Rights Council (2020-2022), further reinforcing the role of this monitoring tool in the international human rights system. As in previous cycles of the UPR, Brazil has sought to raise awareness about the importance of the mechanism, not only by governmental bodies, but also – and especially – the civil society, which has embraced the normative framework and the routines of the mechanism, in a way it can actually become a beacon for monitoring of the human rights situation in the country. 4. The coordinating effort to compile information related to the UPR is within the mandate of the Ministry of Women, Family, and Human Rights. It currently has a Coordination Office dedicated to the preparation of reports, within the structure of the Special Office for International Affairs. Its task is also to address the list of information provided in the international human rights system, in equivalence with the UN’s classification of a National Mechanisms for Reporting and Follow-up (NMRF). In the previous reviews, such competences belonged to governmental bodies, which merged into the current Ministry of Women, Family, and Human Rights, leaving a legacy of inter- institutional coordination, which surpasses any one government administration, encompassing the perspective of the Brazilian State regarding its international human rights commitments. This perception was clear at the commitment of the sectoral agencies responsible for the several public policies, as well as the other branches (Legislative and Judiciary branches), whenever they were required to participate in discussions regarding the UPR. Therefore, it is crucial to emphasize the importance of this report as a result of the Brazilian Government’s commitment towards its current international obligations undertaken with respect to human rights. 5. For the third cycle, Brazil received 246 recommendations and accepted 242. Since then, the Government has been monitoring these recommendations within the scope of national public policies to ensure, first, that the recommendations reach the policy implementation bodies and, more broadly, that they affect the formulation of new measures directed to the population, aiming for full implementation of human rights. 6. Intense social participation is another aspect that deserves attention, as the Brazilian civil society has been heavily involved with the monitoring of the UPR since the first cycle and has been increasing its participation every year. The UPR reports are submitted to public consultations and hearings and provide a wide debate on society’s most sensitive issues. Additionally, the National Human Rights Council has a Permanent Commission on Monitoring of and Actions for Implementation of International Human Rights Obligations, which systematically monitors such obligations, including UPR recommendations. In this regard, the Coordination Office for International Human Rights Reporting was invited to attend the 6th, 7th, and 8th meetings of the Commission to engage in the discussion with the civil society organizations represented therein regarding working methods to better monitor UPR recommendations. 7. This mid-term report refers to the period between September 2017 and August 2019 and provides an overview on the supervision and monitoring of the implementation of the 242 recommendations submitted to Brazil in the third cycle of the review. 2. METHODOLOGY 8. Many of the merits of the UPR rely on the inherent participative discussion and inclusive methodology. In view of the self-assessment performed by the Government through the analysis of recommendations received, the structure of this report by itself already represents an effort to understand the most significant movements and tendencies related to the human rights situation in the country. 9. The first effort, therefore, is to identify the partner bodies for implementation of the recommendations received. Out of the 242 recommendations, 150 are under the mandate of the Ministry of Women, Family, and Human Rights, which occupies a position of prominence in the public administration, not only regarding mandate over the coordination and preparation of the report, but also with respect to the actions to be taken for its effective compliance. For this reason, the first measure was to establish an internal working group in the Ministry, formed by representatives from all thematic Offices, in order to follow up on and monitor the recommendations of the UPR. The group was created through Ordinance No. 177 of the Ministry of Women, Family, and Human Rights (MDH) of March 28, 2018. In May 2018, it delivered the Preliminary Report of Monitoring and Supervision of the Implementation of the Recommendations of the Universal Periodic Review, a 70-page document divided into sections according to each Ministry Office at that time. 10. In addition to preparing its own report, the Ministry of Women, Family, and Human Rights coordinated a
Recommended publications
  • Constitutional & Parliamentary Information
    UNION INTERPARLEMENTAIRE INTER-PARLIAMENTARY UNION CCoonnssttiittuuttiioonnaall && PPaarrlliiaammeennttaarryy IInnffoorrmmaattiioonn Half-yearly Review of the Association of Secretaries General of Parliaments Preparations in Parliament for Climate Change Conference 22 in Marrakech (Abdelouahed KHOUJA, Morocco) National Assembly organizations for legislative support and strengthening the expertise of their staff members (WOO Yoon-keun, Republic of Korea) The role of Parliamentary Committee on Government Assurances in making the executive accountable (Shumsher SHERIFF, India) The role of the House Steering Committee in managing the Order of Business in sittings of the Indonesian House of Representatives (Dr Winantuningtyastiti SWASANANY, Indonesia) Constitutional reform and Parliament in Algeria (Bachir SLIMANI, Algeria) The 2016 impeachment of the Brazilian President (Luiz Fernando BANDEIRA DE MELLO, Brazil) Supporting an inclusive Parliament (Eric JANSE, Canada) The role of Parliament in international negotiations (General debate) The Lok Sabha secretariat and its journey towards a paperless office (Anoop MISHRA, India) The experience of the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies on Open Parliament (Antonio CARVALHO E SILVA NETO) Web TV – improving the score on Parliamentary transparency (José Manuel ARAÚJO, Portugal) Deepening democracy through public participation: an overview of the South African Parliament’s public participation model (Gengezi MGIDLANA, South Africa) The failed coup attempt in Turkey on 15 July 2016 (Mehmet Ali KUMBUZOGLU)
    [Show full text]
  • Representing Different Constituencies: Electoral Rules in Bicameral Systems in Latin America and Their Impact on Political Representation
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Nolte, Detlef; Sánchez, Francisco Working Paper Representing Different Constituencies: Electoral Rules in Bicameral Systems in Latin America and Their Impact on Political Representation GIGA Working Papers, No. 11 Provided in Cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Suggested Citation: Nolte, Detlef; Sánchez, Francisco (2005) : Representing Different Constituencies: Electoral Rules in Bicameral Systems in Latin America and Their Impact on Political Representation, GIGA Working Papers, No. 11, German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/182554 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten,
    [Show full text]
  • Federalism, Bicameralism, and Institutional Change: General Trends and One Case-Study*
    brazilianpoliticalsciencereview ARTICLE Federalism, Bicameralism, and Institutional Change: General Trends and One Case-study* Marta Arretche University of São Paulo (USP), Brazil The article distinguishes federal states from bicameralism and mechanisms of territorial representation in order to examine the association of each with institutional change in 32 countries by using constitutional amendments as a proxy. It reveals that bicameralism tends to be a better predictor of constitutional stability than federalism. All of the bicameral cases that are associated with high rates of constitutional amendment are also federal states, including Brazil, India, Austria, and Malaysia. In order to explore the mechanisms explaining this unexpected outcome, the article also examines the voting behavior of Brazilian senators constitutional amendments proposals (CAPs). It shows that the Brazilian Senate is a partisan Chamber. The article concludes that regional influence over institutional change can be substantially reduced, even under symmetrical bicameralism in which the Senate acts as a second veto arena, when party discipline prevails over the cohesion of regional representation. Keywords: Federalism; Bicameralism; Senate; Institutional change; Brazil. well-established proposition in the institutional literature argues that federal Astates tend to take a slow reform path. Among other typical federal institutions, the second legislative body (the Senate) common to federal systems (Lijphart 1999; Stepan * The Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa no Estado
    [Show full text]
  • Brasilia and Sao Paulo), 2 April - 5 April 2013
    Committee on Foreign Affairs The Secretariat 8 May 2013 OFFICIAL VISIT OF THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO BRAZIL (Brasilia and Sao Paulo), 2 April - 5 April 2013 MISSION REPORT MAIN FINDINGS Strengthening dialogue with the Brazilian authorities should one of the priorities of the Committee on Foreign Affairs (AFET) in the context of the EU strategic partnership and the EU-Brazil joint action plan (2012-2014). There are currently more than 30 on-going dialogues under the EU-BR strategic partnership. A Civil Society Forum and a Business Forum take place every year, back to back with EU- BR Summitt. Yet, a true regular and structured dialogue between the EP and the Brazilian Congress is still missing. Visits of MEPs are numerous but still often ad-hoc and unbalanced with BR visits to Europe. A Parliamentary Forum that could meet before Summits could be a useful tool to structure this dialogue and to improve the EU-BR partnership. In reply to the interest shown by both the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate to structure better their dialogue with the European Parliament, reflected also in the Brazil-EU Joint Action Plan for 2012-2014 the AFET delegation urged both houses to come up with a joint initiative and promised that it would be met favourable in the European Parliament. The meetings held with governmental representatives confirmed their commitment, announced at the CELAC Summit in January, to submit a negotiating offer on market access regarding the EU- Mercosul Agreement by the end of the year with due account taken of the electoral deadlines of some key players (Paraguay, Venezuela) and the impact of the last economic crisis (Argentina).
    [Show full text]
  • Assessing Brazil's Political Institutions
    Comparative Political Studies Volume 39 Number 6 August 2006 759-786 © 2006 Sage Publications Compared to What? 10.1177/0010414006287895 http://cps.sagepub.com hosted at Assessing Brazil’s http://online.sagepub.com Political Institutions Leslie Elliott Armijo Portland State University, Oregon Philippe Faucher Magdalena Dembinska Université de Montréal, Canada A rich and plausible academic literature has delineated reasons to believe Brazil’s democratic political institutions—including electoral rules, the polit- ical party system, federalism, and the rules of legislative procedure—are suboptimal from the viewpoints of democratic representativeness and policy- making effectiveness. The authors concur that specific peculiarities of Brazilian political institutions likely complicate the process of solving societal collec- tive action dilemmas. Nonetheless, Brazil’s economic and social track record since redemocratization in the mid-1980s has been reasonably good in com- parative regional perspective. Perhaps Brazil’s informal political negotiating mechanisms, or even other less obvious institutional structures, provide suffi- cient countervailing influences to allow “governance” to proceed relatively smoothly despite the appearance of chaos and political dysfunction. Keywords: Brazil; democracy; political institutions; policy making, economic reform; developing countries any comparative political scientists and economists now emphasize Mthe incentives for “good governance” created by a country’s set of formal political rules. Though numerous scholars judge Brazil’s political institutions to be almost paradigmatically poorly designed, the country has adopted and implemented politically difficult economic reforms, suggest- ing an apparent puzzle. One’s view of Brazil also influences judgments Authors’ Note: We gratefully acknowledge the helpful comments of Vicente Palermo, Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira, Javier Corrales, Peter Kingstone, Stephan Haggard, Adam Przeworski, James Caporaso, William C.
    [Show full text]
  • Congressional Record-Senate. 251
    1895. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 251 Warren E. Watson, to be postmaster at Mancelona, in the county ment of appropriation and expenditures, was referred to the Com­ of Antrim and State of Michigan. mittee on Interstate Commerce, and ordered to be printed. _ Adolph F. Greenbaum, to be postmaster at Waverly, in the ENROLLED BILLS SIGNED. county of Pike and State of Ohio. A message from the House of Representatives, by Mr. W. J. Edgar L. Cory, to be postmaster at Degraff, in the county of BROWNING, its Chief Clerk, announced that the Speaker of the Logan and State of Ohio. House had signed the following em·olled bill and joint resolution; Charles Edgar Brown, to be postmaster at Cincinnati, in the and they were thereupon signed by the Vice-President: county of Hamilton and State of Ohio. A bill (H. R. 803) to amend section 2601 of the Revised Statutes D. Lane Conover, to be postmaster at Atlantic Highlands, in relative to ports of entry; and the county of Monmouth and State of New.Jers~y. A joint resolution (H. Res. 26) to paytheofficers and employees Patrick Burns, to be postmaster at Raritan, m the county of of the Senate and House of Representatives their respective sal­ Somerset and State of New Jersey. aries for the month of December, 1895, on the 20th day of said John C. Hutchins, to be postmaster at Cleveland, in the county month. of Cuyahoga and State of Ohio. PETITIONS AND MEMORIALS. Joseph E. Haynes, to be postm.aster at Newark, in the county of Mr.
    [Show full text]
  • The Evolving Role of Brazil's Supreme Court
    BRAZIL INSTITUTE A Conversation with Justice José Antonio Dias Toffoli The Evolving Role of Brazil's Supreme Court THE WOODROW WILSON INTERNATIONAL CENTER FOR SCHOLARS, established by Congress in 1968 and headquartered in Washington, D.C., is a liv- ing national memorial to President Wilson. The Center’s mission is to commem- orate the ideals and concerns of Woodrow Wilson by providing a link between the worlds of ideas and policy, while fostering research, study, discussion, and collaboration among a broad spectrum of individuals concerned with policy and scholarship in national and international affairs. Supported by public and private funds, the Center is a nonpartisan institution engaged in the study of national and world affairs. It establishes and maintains a neutral forum for free, open, and informed dialogue. Conclusions or opinions expressed in Center publica- tions and programs are those of the authors and speakers and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Center staff, fellows, trustees, advisory groups, or any individuals or organizations that provide financial support to the Center. Jane Harman, Director, President and CEO BOARD OF TRUSTEES Thomas R. Nides, Chairman Public members: James H. Billington, Librarian of Congress; John F. Kerry, Secretary, U.S. Department of State; G. Wayne Clough, Secretary, Smithsonian Institution; Arne Duncan, Secretary, U.S. Department of Education; David Ferriero, Archivist of the United States; Fred P. Hochberg, Chairman and President, Export-Import Bank; Carole Watson, Acting Chairman, National Endowment for the Humanities; Kathleen Sebelius, Secretary, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services Private Citizen Members: Timothy Broas, John T. Casteen III, Charles Cobb, Jr., Thelma Duggin, Carlos M.
    [Show full text]
  • INTA Legislation and Regulation Latin America & Caribbean
    INTA Legislation and Regulation Latin America & Caribbean Subcommittee Report on Plain Packaging in Latin America September 2016 I. INTRODUCTION Plain packaging refers to a regulatory measure that requires generic or standardized packaging for a consumer product, whereby all branding (including colors, logos, imagery and trademarks) is removed from the packaging, and manufacturers are permitted to print only the brand name on the pack in a standardized size, font, and color. Australia was the first country to require plain packaging for any consumer product when it passed the Tobacco Plain Packaging Act in 2011. Since December 2012, all tobacco products in Australia must be sold in brown-colored packages, with no branding except the name of the brand and variant. The United Kingdom, Ireland and France have also passed laws requiring plain packaging for tobacco products, and other countries are considering similar proposals. Governments that have enacted plain packaging laws argue that they are justified on public health grounds, because the removal of all branding will reduce consumer deception from misleading packaging, will increase the noticeability of health warnings, and will ultimately lead to less smoking. To date, the discussion regarding plain packaging has largely been limited to tobacco products, although some in the public health community have called for similar measures for other consumer products, including alcohol, sugary foods and drinks, and pharmaceuticals. In South Africa, logos and imagery have been prohibited on infant formula and similar products on the basis that they could undermine breastfeeding. The impact of plain packaging on trademark owners and consumers is significant, as manufacturers can no longer use their valuable intellectual property to signify the origin and quality of their products, and consumers are more likely to be confused and unable to distinguish between competing products.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter One 'Introduction'
    Indonesian Democracy: The impact of electoral systems on political parties, 1999–2009 Reni Suwarso College of Arts Victoria University Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy April 2016 ABSTRACT This study analyses the impact of electoral systems and electoral mechanics on political parties and party systems, 1999–2009. Throughout this period, Indonesia conducted nearly 500 elections. These elections have their own systems (proportional representation, SNTV (Single Non-Transferable Vote) and majoritarian systems) and each has different mechanics (ballot structure, electoral threshold, electoral formula and district magnitude). They are conducted in the same political, social and cultural environment and are participated in by the same parties and voters. This study was conducted as qualitative research and involved elite interviews with 75 informants during fieldwork in the provinces of DKI-Jakarta, West Java, East Java, South Sulawesi and Riau Islands. This study shows that institutions do matter and electoral systems and electoral mechanics are powerful instruments for institutional engineering with far-reaching impacts for parties and party systems. However, institutionalism has difficulty in explaining the various different processes, unforeseen problems and unexpected impacts. It finds that the changes to electoral systems and electoral mechanics since reformasi 1998 have restored the importance of elections, whereby the ruling elite are no longer able to legitimise themselves through methods other than elections. The importance of political parties has been reinstated by granting them exclusive authority in determining who will control the government and dominate the political system. However, this study finds that practices, such as money politics, vote buying and abuse of authority remained; older figures, such as former members of Golkar, senior government officials and retired military officers, dominated electoral results.
    [Show full text]
  • Ineli-Asean Convening I
    INELI-ASEAN – CONVENING I 21-24 October 2015 – Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia ATTENDEE PACKET & PRE -READING This packet includes everything you need to know about the convening. Review in advance this packet so you can make the most of our event. It includes information to ensure you: / Have important logistics details & know the final agenda for our time together / Can learn more about our activities and presenters / Get to know your fellow INELI-ASEAN Convening participants NOTE : We will NOT be printing this document, so we suggest you print any pages you would really like to have handy and bring them with you, or save it on your laptop or tablet for your reference during the meeting. IN THIS PACKET * Important Logistics Information and Guide to Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia * Agenda-At-a-Glance * Sessions Objectives * Participants Biographies DATES/TIMES OF CONVENING EVENTS* * Wednesday, 21 October Arrival / Welcome Dinner * Thursday, 22 October Meeting Day / Group Dinner * Friday, 23 October Meeting Day / Library & Site Visits / Group Dinner * Saturday 24 October Meeting Day / Departure NOTE: *Some participants will be arriving early or staying late for pre- and post-meetings and have been notified IMPORTANT LOGISTICS INFORMATION ON-SITE CONTACT INFORMATION: If you have questions or need for assistance related to the convening, contact anyone of the following: Melody Madrid Chin Loy Jyoon Asst. Project Director, IA Senior Deputy Director Tel No.: +63917-529-5871 Tel Nos.: +603-2687 1764 Email: [email protected] +603-2692 7305 (Direct) H/P: +6016-628 8899 Fax: +603-2692 7502 Email: [email protected] TRAVEL ASSISTANCE * For assistance, contact anyone of the following: Ginalene Magallano Therese Esplana Tel No.: +63917-871-8228 Tel No.: +63917-8008612 (viber) Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] TRANSPORTATION TO/FROM AIRPORT Transportation will be arranged between Kuala Lumpur International Airport and the Hotel; details will be shared via email prior to departure.
    [Show full text]
  • Na Mídia Brazilian Senate Approves Long-Awaited
    Na Mídia 27/11/2020 | Global Restructuring Review Brazilian senate approves long-awaited law Kyriaki Karadelis Brazil’s senate has approved a long-tabled bankruptcy law, which is set to introduce cross-border provisions based on the UNCITRAL Model Law to the country’s regime. Brazilian lawyers confirmed to GRR that the senate had approved the bill for Law No. 4,458/2020 on 25 November and it was now heading to Brazil’s president for sign-off. If enacted, the bill would amend Brazil’s current 2005 Bankruptcy Law to add cross-border provisions based on the Model Law, as well as a 180-day stay period on claims against debtors, a new option for creditors to file an alternative restructuring plan if the debtor’s plan fails, and debtor-in-possession (DIP) financing, among other things. DA #10726358 v1 It would also reduce the time period after which debtors can make a fresh start, and permit debt-for-equity swaps as well as the sale of distressed businesses as a whole for the first time. According to Thomas Felsberg, founding partner of Felsberg Advogados in São Paulo, Brazil’s president now has 15 days to sanction the bill. TozziniFreire partners Flávia Cristina Moreira de Campos Andrade and Liv Machado in São Paulo, who wrote a memo on the bill’s passing, tell GRR that while the president legally has the power to veto bills if they violate the public interest, it is unlikely to happen to this bill as it has generally received the Brazilian government’s support.
    [Show full text]
  • Corruption As an Obstacle to Development
    Chapter 4: Corruption as an Obstacle to Development 4 Corruption as an Obstacle to Development Brazilians protesting government corruption in March 2016. President Dilma Rousseff was impeached the following August. While democracy in Brazil has allowed citizens to mobilize against wrongdoing, corruption has proven to be deeply rooted in the political system and difficult to eradicate. Source: Wilson Dias/ Agência Brasil. 112 Handelman and Brynen_9781538116661.indb 112 19-11-2018 18:48:02 Corruption as an Obstacle to Development 113 ON AUGUST 31, 2016, THE BRAZILIAN SENATE, having found Presi- dent Dilma Rousseff guilty of breaking budget laws, voted to impeach her and remove her from office. The irony of her impeachment was that Rousseff’s illegal activities—using funds from government banks to cover budget deficits—had not stolen any funds for herself, while a large number of the senators who voted to remove her were knee-deep in self-enriching corruption. Numerous officials of the national oil and gas company, Petrobras, have been convicted of taking substantial bribes in return for awarding lucrative contracts to private companies. High-ranking government and Petrobras officials took millions in bribes and kickbacks. Among these was former president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, who was convicted of receiving a beach-front apartment in exchange for helping an engineering company secure contracts with Petrobras. At the time of President Rousseff’s impeachment, 60 percent of the members of Brazilian Congress had been accused of criminal activities, including bribery and corruption, illegal deforestation, even kidnapping and murder.1 Indeed, the man who replaced Rousseff as president, Michel Temer (Rousseff’s vice president), for many years had been suspected of corruption when he was a congressman.
    [Show full text]