Ex-Combatants, Gender and Peace in Northern Ireland
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
PALGRAVE STUDIES IN COMPROMISE AFTER CONFLICT EX-COMBATANTS, GENDER AND PEACE IN NORTHERN IRELAND WOMEN, POLITICAL PROTEST AND THE PRISON EXPERIENCE AZRINI WAHIDIN Palgrave Studies in Compromise after Confl ict Series Editor John Brewer Queen's University Belfast United Kingdom Th is series aims to bring together in one series scholars from around the world who are researching the dynamics of post-confl ict transformation in societies emerging from communal confl ict and collective violence. Th e series welcomes studies of particular transitional societies emerging from confl ict, comparative work that is cross-national, and theoretical and conceptual contributions that focus on some of the key processes in post-confl ict transformation. Th e series is purposely interdisciplinary and addresses the range of issues involved in compromise, reconciliation and societal healing. It focuses on interpersonal and institutional questions, and the connections between them. More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/14641 Azrini Wahidin Ex-Combatants, Gender and Peace in Northern Ireland Women, Political Protest and the Prison Experience Azrini Wahidin Nottingham Trent University Nottingham , United Kingdom Palgrave Studies in Compromise after Confl ict ISBN 978-1-137-36329-9 ISBN 978-1-137-36330-5 (eBook) DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-36330-5 Library of Congress Control Number: 2016942452 © Th e Editor(s) (if applicable) and Th e Author(s) 2016 Th e author(s) has/have asserted their right(s) to be identifi ed as the author(s) of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Th is work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifi cally the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfi lms or in any other physical way, and trans- mission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. Th e use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specifi c statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. Th e publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. Cover illustration: Wall mural on Ascaill Ard na bhFeá/Beechmount Avenue, Belfast, by Danny Devenny and Marty Lyons. Photo by Brid McKernon Printed on acid-free paper Th is Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature Th e registered company is Macmillan Publishers Ltd. London ‘A strong woman is a woman determined to do something others are determined not to be done’. ‘Strong is what we make together’1. To all those whose experiences have made this book possible but in particular I would like to acknowledge: Che Mah Wahidin Evelyn Brady Kate McKinney Eibhlín Glenhomes 1 Piercy, M (2013) For Strong women in Moon Is Always Female, New York: Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group. v Series Edito r’s Preface Compromise is a much used but little understood term. Th ere is a sense in which it describes a set of feelings (the so-called ‘spirit’ of compromise) that involve reciprocity, representing the agreement to make mutual con- cessions toward each other from now on: no matter what we did to each other in the past, we will act toward each other in the future diff erently as set out in the agreement between us. Th e compromise settlement can be a spit and a handshake, much beloved in folk lore, or a legally binding statute with hundreds of clauses. As such, it is clear that compromise enters into confl ict transformation at two distinct phases. Th e fi rst is during the confl ict resolution pro- cess itself, where compromise represents a willingness amongst parties to negotiate a peace agreement that represents a second-best preference in which they give up their fi rst preference (victory) in order to cut a deal. A great deal of literature has been produced in Peace Studies and International Relations on the dynamics of the negotiation process and the institutional and governance structures necessary to consolidate the agreement afterwards. Just as important, however, is compromise in the second phase, when compromise is part of post-confl ict reconstruction, in which protagonists come to learn to live together despite their former enmity and in face of the atrocities perpetrated during the confl ict itself. In the fi rst phase, compromise describes reciprocal agreements between parties to the negotiations in order to make political concessions suffi cient vii viii Series Editor’s Preface to end confl ict; in the second phase, compromise involves victims and perpetrators developing ways of living together in which concessions are made as part of shared social life. Th e fi rst is about compromises between political groups and the state in the process of state-building (or re-build- ing) after the political upheavals of communal confl ict; the second is about compromises between individuals and communities in the process of social healing after the cultural trauma provoked by the confl ict. Th is book series primarily concerns itself with the second process, the often messy and diffi cult job of reconciliation, restoration and repair in social and cultural relations following communal confl ict. Communal confl icts and civil wars tend to suff er from the narcissism of minor diff er- ences, to coin Freud’s phrase, leaving little to be split halfway and com- promise on, and thus are usually especially bitter. Th e series therefore addresses itself to the meaning, manufacture and management of com- promise in one of its most diffi cult settings. Th e book series is cross- national and cross-disciplinary, with attention paid to inter-personal reconciliation at the level of everyday life, as well as culturally between social groups, and the many sorts of institutional, inter-personal, psy- chological, sociological, anthropological and cultural factors that assist and inhibit societal healing in all post-confl ict societies, historically and in the present. It focuses on what compromise means when people have to come to terms with past enmity and the memories of the confl ict itself, and relate to former protagonists in ways that consolidate the wider political agreement. Th is sort of focus has special resonance and signifi cance, for peace agreements are usually very fragile. Societies emerging out of confl ict are subject to ongoing violence from spoiler groups who are reluctant to give up on fi rst preferences, constant threats from the outbreak of renewed violence, institutional instability, weakened economies, and a wealth of problems around transitional justice, memory, truth recovery and victimhood, amongst others. Not surprisingly therefore, reconcili- ation and healing in social and cultural relations is diffi cult to achieve, not least because inter-personal compromise between erstwhile enemies is diffi cult. Lay discourse picks up on the ambivalent nature of compromise after confl ict. It is talked about in common sense in one of two ways, in which Series Editor’s Preface ix compromise is either a virtue or a vice, taking its place among the angels or in Hades. One form of lay discourse likens concessions to former protagonists with the idea of restoration of broken relationships and societal and cultural reconciliation, in which there is a sense of becom- ing (or returning) to wholeness and completeness. Th e other form of lay discourse invokes ideas of appeasement, of being compromised by the concessions, which constitute a form of surrender and reproduce (or dis- guise) continued brokenness and division. People feel they continue to be beaten by the sticks which the concessions have allowed others to keep; with restoration, however, weapons are turned truly in ploughshares. Lay discourse suggests, therefore, that there are issues that the Palgrave Studies in Compromise after Confl ict series must begin to problematize, so that the process of societal healing is better understood and can be assisted and facilitated by public policy and intervention. In this contribution to the series, we return again to one of the important groups in any process of post-confl ict social reconstruction, recovery and reconciliation; namely, ex-combatants. Of course, ex-com- batants compete for centrality with other stakeholders, such as victims, the state, and international and regional powers, but the importance of ex- combatants is recognised in the growth of an extensive literature on ex-political prisoners in post-confl ict societies. Th e issues this literature raises range from the various disarmament, demobilisation and reinte- gration (DDR) policies in the post-confl ict state, the mental health and well-being concerns they often face, their social marginalisation and risk of high levels of unemployment, questions of atonement and reparation, and, in Northern Ireland in particular, the positive contribution they make to community development and the peace process more generally. A striking feature of this literature, however, is its attention to men. Th is is partly because combatants were mostly male but, even so, this literature neglects the combatant role of women and the gendered experiences of women ex-combatants in prison, as well as the contribution that women ex-prisoners made to establishing and building the peace when outside jail. Th ese issues form the central theme of Professor Azrini Wahidin’s excellent analysis of Republican women ex-prisoners in Northern Ireland.