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Chapter 5 Sinicization and Indigenization: the Emergence of the Yunnanese
Between Winds and Clouds Bin Yang Chapter 5 Sinicization and Indigenization: The Emergence of the Yunnanese Introduction As the state began sending soldiers and their families, predominantly Han Chinese, to Yunnan, 1 the Ming military presence there became part of a project of colonization. Soldiers were joined by land-hungry farmers, exiled officials, and profit-driven merchants so that, by the end of the Ming period, the Han Chinese had become the largest ethnic population in Yunnan. Dramatically changing local demography, and consequently economic and cultural patterns, this massive and diverse influx laid the foundations for the social makeup of contemporary Yunnan. The interaction of the large numbers of Han immigrants with the indigenous peoples created a 2 new hybrid society, some members of which began to identify themselves as Yunnanese (yunnanren) for the first time. Previously, there had been no such concept of unity, since the indigenous peoples differentiated themselves by ethnicity or clan and tribal affiliations. This chapter will explore the process that led to this new identity and its reciprocal impact on the concept of Chineseness. Using primary sources, I will first introduce the indigenous peoples and their social customs 3 during the Yuan and early Ming period before the massive influx of Chinese immigrants. Second, I will review the migration waves during the Ming Dynasty and examine interactions between Han Chinese and the indigenous population. The giant and far-reaching impact of Han migrations on local society, or the process of sinicization, that has drawn a lot of scholarly attention, will be further examined here; the influence of the indigenous culture on Chinese migrants—a process that has won little attention—will also be scrutinized. -
Carroll 2018 [Dao]
1 This is a post-peer-review, pre-copyedit version of an article published in Dao: A Journal of Comparative Philosophy, December 2018, 17/4, 527–545. The final authenticated version is available online at: https://doi.org/ 10.1007/s11712-018-9627-5. This article may be used for non-commercial purposes in accordance with Springer Terms and Conditions for Self-Archiving. “Wittgenstein and the Xunzi on the Clarification of Language”1 Thomas D. Carroll Senior Lecturer, General Education The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shenzhen 2001 Longxiang Avenue, Longgang District Shenzhen, China 518172 Email: [email protected] ORCID: 0000-0003-2890-9323 Abstract: Broadly speaking, language is part of a social activity in both Wittgenstein and Xunzi 荀⼦, and for both clarification of language is central to their philosophical projects; the goal of this article is to explore the extent of resonance and discord that may be found when comparing these two philosophers. While for Xunzi, the rectification of names (zhengming 正名) is anchored in a regard for establishing, propagating, and/or restoring a harmonious social system, perspicuity is for Wittgenstein represented as a philosophical end in itself. The article ventures study in particular the themes of perspicuity and aspect-perception in Wittgenstein together with the topics of correcting names and the cultivation of the heart-mind (xin ⼼) in the Xunzi. The 1 A previous version of this article was read at the 2015 meeting of the International Society for Chinese Philosophy in Hong Kong. I am thankful to attendees for questions that have helped improve my thinking with respect to these philosophical traditions. -
What Is NP?-Interpretation of a Chinese Paradox" White Horse Is
What is NP ? - Interpretation of a Chinese paradox white horse is not horse Yu LI (1) MIS, Universit´ede Picardie Jules Verne, 33 rue Saint-Leu, 80090 Amiens, France (2) Institut of computational theory and application, Huazhong University of Science and Technology, Wuhan, China Abstract The notion of nondeterminism has disappeared from the current definition of NP , which has led to ambiguities in understanding NP , and caused fundamental difficulties in studying the relation P versus NP. In this paper, we question the equivalence of the two definitions of NP , the one defining NP as the class of problems solvable by a nondeterministic Turing machine in polynomial time, and the other defining NP as the class of problems verifiable by a deterministic Turing machine in polynomial time, and reveal cognitive biases in this equivalence. Inspired from a famous Chinese paradox white horse is not horse, we further analyze these cognitive biases. The work shows that these cognitive biases arise from the confusion between different levels of nondeterminism and determinism, due to the lack of understanding about the essence of nondeterminism. Therefore, we argue that fundamental difficulties in understanding P versus NP lie firstly at cognition level, then logic level. Keywords: recognition of problem; P versus NP ; nondeterminism; determinism; polynomial time verifiability; nondeterministic Turing machine; deterministic Turing machine; white horse is not horse 1 Introduction arXiv:1501.01906v1 [cs.CC] 8 Jan 2015 One of the main issues in the theory of NP -completeness is to study whether a NP problem can be efficiently solved by an algorithm, i.e., the existence of a polynomial time algorithm to solve a NP problem. -
A New Examination of Confucius' Rectification of Names
Journal of chinese humanities � (���6) �47-�7� brill.com/joch A New Examination of Confucius’ Rectification of Names Cao Feng (曹峰) Professor of Philosophy, Renmin University, China [email protected] Translated by Brook Hefright Abstract Confucius’ explanation of the “rectification of names” is not necessarily related to the theories of “social status” and “names and actuality.” The reason scholars have inter- preted the rectification of names in the Analects in so many different ways is, to a large degree, due to assumptions about Confucius’ thinking by his successors, and based on the views on rectification of names among later generations. In the course of the devel- opment of thinking about names, scholars have augmented Confucius’ own explana- tion, gradually fleshing it out from an empty shell into a substantial edifice. The original meaning may have been very simple: Confucius did not wish to establish a standard system of names. Rather, he was simply the first person in history to realize the impor- tance of language in politics. As a politician, Confucius noticed and foresaw the influ- ence that the indeterminacy, ambiguity, and arbitrariness of names could have on politics. He discerned the political consequences when language could not accurately express meaning or when there was no way for people to accurately perceive it. He also recognized how names, as a way of clarifying right and wrong and establishing norms, could have a great effect on a society’s politics. Although Confucius noted that disunity in speech could lead to disunity in politics, he did not propose a solution. -
The Cultural and Religious Background of Sexual Vampirism in Ancient China
Theology & Sexuality Volume 12(3): 285-308 Copyright © 2006 SAGE Publications London, Thousand Oaks CA, New Delhi http://TSE.sagepub.com DOI: 10.1177/1355835806065383 The Cultural and Religious Background of Sexual Vampirism in Ancient China Paul R. Goldin [email protected] Abstract This paper considers sexual macrobiotic techniques of ancient China in their cultural and religious milieu, focusing on the text known as Secret Instructions ofthe Jade Bedchamber, which explains how the Spirit Mother of the West, originally an ordinary human being like anyone else, devoured the life force of numerous young boys by copulating with them, and there- by transformed herself into a famed goddess. Although many previous studies of Chinese sexuality have highlighted such methods (the noted historian R.H. van Gulik was the first to refer to them as 'sexual vampirism'), it has rarely been asked why learned and intelligent people of the past took them seriously. The inquiry here, by considering some of the most common ancient criticisms of these practices, concludes that practitioners did not regard decay as an inescapable characteristic of matter; consequently it was widely believed that, if the cosmic processes were correctly under- stood, one could devise techniques that may forestall senectitude indefinitely. Keywords: sexual vampirism, macrobiotics, sex practices, Chinese religion, qi, Daoism Secret Instructions ofthe Jade Bedchamber {Yufang bijue S Ml^^) is a macro- biotic manual, aimed at men of leisure wealthy enough to own harems, outlining a regimen of sexual exercises that is supposed to confer immor- tality if practiced over a sufficient period. The original work is lost, but substantial fragments of it have been preserved in Ishimpo B'O:^, a Japanese chrestomathy of Chinese medical texts compiled by Tamba Yasuyori ^MMU (912-995) in 982. -
{PDF EPUB} Five Lost Classics Tao Huang-Lao and Yin-Yang in Han China by Robin D.S
Read Ebook {PDF EPUB} Five Lost Classics Tao Huang-lao and Yin-yang in Han China by Robin D.S. Yates Learn - Explore | Bibliographical notes for the Ma Wang Dui texts. Mawang Dui 馬王堆 - the Horse King Mound - is an archaeological site located in Changsha, China. It is the site of three tombs belonging to the first Marquis of Dai, his wife, and a male who is believed to be their son. The site was excavated from 1972 to 1974. Most of the artifacts from Mawangdui are displayed at the Hunan Provincial Museum. This discovery was monumental, one of the most significant of the 20th century and has changed our view of the history of medicine and Daoism in China. The tomb contained various medical texts, including depictions of qigong (dao yin) exercises. For our purposes we will mainly focus on these philosophical and medical texts, but the tombs contained political and historical texts as well. the texts. These text were “written to advise ruling Han dynasty authorities on how to attune themselves to the cosmos at a time of rapidly changing political and social climate.” From the sleeve of Yates' Five Lost Classics : “In 1973, among the many unique documents discovered in the richly furnished tomb of a Han-dynasty aristocrat, were five books written on silk, primary texts of Huang-lao Daoism and Yin-yang philosophy that had been lost to mankind for more than 2,000 years. A discovery as important in China as the unearthing of the Dead Sea Scrolls was in the West, the Mawangdui texts created a sensation when they were first published, even leading to the foundation of a new religion on Taiwan… The recovery of the five lost classics sheds new light on a critical transitional period of Chinese political and intellectual history. -
The Qin/Han Unification of China Course Description in Geography
Hum 230 Fall 2016 The Qin/Han Unification of China Course description In geography and cultural advances, the Qin and Han dynasties surpassed their predecessors, and together they number among the world’s greatest empires. This course examines their heritage through a selection of primary texts including the Confucian Analects, the enigmatic Dao de Jing, the cosmological Book of Changes, and the historical narrative tradition of Sima Qian’s Shi Ji. It samples cultural expression ranging from the poetic discourse of rhapsodies and pentasyllabic verse to the religious endeavors manifested in funerary artifacts. Alongside textual studies, this course explores the Han’s physical remains, including the ruins of its capitals, the Wu Liang shrine, and its important tombs. The Qin/Han portrays itself as a territorial, political, and cultural unifier, and it sets the benchmark against which all later dynasties must measure themselves. Course requirements 1. Reading and pondering all assigned readings before conferences. This will include regularly writing reading responses, discussion questions, poetic analyses, visual exploratories, and the like. 2. Attending all conferences, including regular, active and substantive conference participation. 3. Attending all lectures (which also means keeping 11:00-11:50 a.m. open on Wednesdays and Fridays for additional lectures or activities). All lectures meet in the Performing Arts Building, Rm 320, 11:00-11:50. 4. Three short (5-7 pages) analytical papers; deadlines & format will be set by conference leaders. 5. One group project; parameters to be established by individual conference leaders. Faculty Ken Brashier Conference leader ETC 203 x 7377 Alexei Ditter Lecturer E 423 x 7422 Douglas Fix Lecturer E 423 x 7422 Jing Jiang Chair E 119 x 7376 Hyong Rhew Lecturer E 122 x 7392 Michelle Wang Conference leader Lib 323 x 7730 Required texts Lewis, Mark E. -
Moss Roberts, 2001
00-C1919-FM 9/10/2001 2:04 PM Page i DAO DE JING . 00-C1919-FM 9/10/2001 2:04 PM Page ii 00-C1919-FM 9/10/2001 2:04 PM Page iii A BOOK The Philip E. Lilienthal imprint honors special books in commemoration of a man whose work at the University of California Press from 1954 to 1979 was marked by dedication to young authors and to high standards in the field of Asian Studies. Friends, family, authors, and foundations have together endowed the Lilienthal Fund, which enables the Press to publish under this imprint selected books in a way that reflects the taste and judgment of a great and beloved editor. 00-C1919-FM 9/10/2001 2:16 PM Page iv 00-C1919-FM 9/10/2001 2:04 PM Page v DAO DE JING The Book of the Way LAOZI Translation and Commentary by MOSS ROBERTS UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS Berkeley · Los Angeles · London 00-C1919-FM 9/10/2001 2:04 PM Page vi University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles, California University of California Press, Ltd. London, England © 2001 by the Regents of the University of California Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Roberts, Moss, 1937– Dao de jing : the book of the way / translation and commen- tary by Moss Roberts. p . cm . ISBN 0-520-20555-3 1. Laozi. Dao de jing. I. Laozi. Dao de jing. English. II. Title. BL1900.L35 R628 2001 299Ј.51482—dc21 2001005077 Manufactured in the United States of America 9876543210 10987654321 The paper used in this publication meets the minimum re- quirements of ANSI/NISO Z39 0.48-1992 (R 1997) (Perma- nence of Paper).᭺ϱ 00-C1919-FM 9/10/2001 2:04 PM Page vii DEDICATION AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS IT WAS THE LATE Professor C. -
Ideas, Values, Practices Working Paper Series
Excellence Forum CHINA global - ideas, values, practices Working Paper Series No. 2 /2019 Wang Mingming Antiquity and China: Notes on Chronological Occidentalism in Post-Traditional China Abstract: In the late 19th century, the dynasty-bound historiography began to be perceived by a minority of Chinese thinkers (e.g. Kang Youwei) as "backward". An attempt was made to substitute it with what mimetic of the missionary way of historical time-reckoning - in particular the temporal succession following the birth of Confucius or Buddha. By the beginning of the 20th century, the project had been conceived as unsatisfactory. A whole new generation of Chinese historians were led by Liang Qichao to rewrite China's "national history". They saw imperial historiography as "individualistic" - tied to the emperor's "lineage" and life course - and the "national history" as "collective" - made by the "nation" as a "unity of diversity". To change the old into the new, they painfully adapted the dynastic cycles to the newly adopted years, decades, centuries, and ages and, very soon, they accomplished their mission of "historiographic estrangement". The "historiographic estrangement" has resulted in the consequential re-division of "Chinese history" into antiquity, Middle Age, and modernity whose accumulative and teleological contents have deeply affected Chinese political life since the early 20th century. Wang Mingming reflects on the transition by situating it in the Western priestly sinological translation of "ancient China" and the post-traditional Chinese "chronological Occidentalism", and by contrasting the "new history" with classical and early imperial Chinese ideas of the ancient. While he will emphasize the importance of understanding the radicality of the chronological transformation, he will also draw attention to the "secret lives" of the old history. -
The Old Master
INTRODUCTION Four main characteristics distinguish this book from other translations of Laozi. First, the base of my translation is the oldest existing edition of Laozi. It was excavated in 1973 from a tomb located in Mawangdui, the city of Changsha, Hunan Province of China, and is usually referred to as Text A of the Mawangdui Laozi because it is the older of the two texts of Laozi unearthed from it.1 Two facts prove that the text was written before 202 bce, when the first emperor of the Han dynasty began to rule over the entire China: it does not follow the naming taboo of the Han dynasty;2 its handwriting style is close to the seal script that was prevalent in the Qin dynasty (221–206 bce). Second, I have incorporated the recent archaeological discovery of Laozi-related documents, disentombed in 1993 in Jishan District’s tomb complex in the village of Guodian, near the city of Jingmen, Hubei Province of China. These documents include three bundles of bamboo slips written in the Chu script and contain passages related to the extant Laozi.3 Third, I have made extensive use of old commentaries on Laozi to provide the most comprehensive interpretations possible of each passage. Finally, I have examined myriad Chinese classic texts that are closely associated with the formation of Laozi, such as Zhuangzi, Lüshi Chunqiu (Spring and Autumn Annals of Mr. Lü), Han Feizi, and Huainanzi, to understand the intellectual and historical context of Laozi’s ideas. In addition to these characteristics, this book introduces several new interpretations of Laozi. -
Revisiting the Scene of the Party: a Study of the Lanting Collection
Revisiting the Scene of the Party: A Study of the Lanting Collection WENDY SWARTZ RUTGERS UNIVERSITY The Lanting (sometimes rendered as "Orchid Pavilion") gathering in 353 is one of the most famous literati parties in Chinese history. ' This gathering inspired the celebrated preface written by the great calligrapher Wang Xizhi ï^è. (303-361), another preface by the poet Sun Chuo i^s^ (314-371), and forty-one poems composed by some of the most intellectu- ally active men of the day.^ The poems are not often studied since they have long been over- shadowed by Wang's preface as a work of calligraphic art and have been treated as examples oí xuanyan ("discourse on the mysterious [Dao]") poetry,^ whose fate in literary history suffered after influential Six Dynasties writers decried its damage to the classical tradition. '^ Historian Tan Daoluan tliË;^ (fl. 459) traced the trend to its full-blown development in Sun Chuo and Xu Xun l^gt] (fl. ca. 358), who were said to have continued the work of inserting Daoist terms into poetry that was started by Guo Pu MM (276-324); they moreover "added the [Buddhist] language of the three worlds [past, present, and future], and the normative style of the Shi W and Sao M came to an end."^ Critic Zhong Rong M^ (ca. 469-518) then faulted their works for lacking appeal. His critique was nothing short of scathing: he argued Earlier versions of this article were presented at the annual meeting of the Association for Asian Studies in Phil- adelphia in March 2012 and at a lecture delivered at Tel Aviv University in May, 2011, and I am grateful to have had the chance to present my work at both venues. -
Han Fei and the Han Feizi
Introduction: Han Fei and the Han Feizi Paul R. Goldin Han Fei 韓非 was the name of a proli fi c Chinese philosopher who (according to the scanty records available to us) was executed on trumped up charges in 233 B.C.E. Han Feizi 韓非子, meaning Master Han Fei , is the name of the book purported to contain his writings. In this volume, we distinguish rigorously between Han Fei (the man) and Han Feizi (the book) for two main reasons. First, the authenticity of the Han Feizi —or at least of parts of it—has long been doubted (the best studies remain Lundahl 1992 and Zheng Liangshu 1993 ) . This issue will be revisited below; for now, suffi ce to it to say that although the contributors to this volume accept the bulk of it as genuine, one cannot simply assume that Han Fei was the author of everything in the Han Feizi . Indeed, there is a memorial explic- itly attributed to Han Fei’s rival Li Si 李斯 (ca. 280–208 B.C.E.) in the pages of the Han Feizi ( Chen Qiyou 陳奇猷 2000 : 1.2.42–47); some scholars fear that other material in the text might also be the work of people other than Han Fei. Second, and no less importantly, even if Han Fei is responsible for the lion’s share of the extant Han Feizi , a reader must be careful not to identify the philosophy of Han Fei himself with the philosophy (or philosophies) advanced in the Han Feizi , as though these were necessarily the same thing.