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Searchable Version SAGA-BOOK OF THE VIKING SOCIETY Vol. XIII 1946-1953 ('U:\TE:\TS PAGE SAXO GRA:\Il\IATICUS AND SCA:--lDI~AYL\" HISTO- RICAL TRADITIO:--l. A. Campbell I :\IABINOGI AND EDDA. Gwyn Jones 23 Review of A. S. C. Ross: THE TERFINNAS .\.'."D BEORMAS OF OHTHERE. Ursula Brown 48 Review of ANDRE MANGUIN: Au TDIPS DES VIKINGS: LES ~A\'fRES ET L.\ :\I.\RIXE NORDIQUES D'APRES LES vrz.rx TEXTES. ]. E. Turville-Petre 49 THE SAGA OF HROMUND GRIPSSO" A~D PORGILS- SAGA. Ursula Brown 51 AUDUNN AND THE BEAR. A. R. Taylor SIR ALDINGAR AND THE DATE OF THE E"GLISH BALLADS. W]. Entwistle 97 "J OLAKOTTUR ". "YUlLLIS Y ALD" AND SIMILAR EXPRESSIONS: A SUPPLEMENTARY :\OTE. A. S. C. Ross II3 THE ENGLISH CONTRIBUTION TO THE EPISTOLARY USAGES OF THE EARLY SCANDINAVIA" KINGs. Florence E. Harmer IIS THE BATTLES AT CORBRIDGE. F. T. Wainwright 156 RUDOLF OF Bos A:\D RUDOLF OF ROUEN. Dr. Jon Stefansson .. 174 THE ORIGINS OF GfSLASAGA. Ida L. Gordon 183 STURLUSAGA AND ITS BACKGROUND. P. G. Foote 207 PAGE KNl.lTS SAGA. A. Campbell.. 238 THE LANGUAGE AND CULTURE OF THE FAROE ISLANDS. W. B. Lockwood 249 THE BEGINNINGS OF RUNIC STUDIES IN ENGLAND. J. A. W. Bennett 269 Review of R. H. KINVIG: A HISTORY OF THE ISLE OF MAN. R. Quirk 284 HISTORY AND FICTION IN THE SAGAS OF ICELANDERS. Gwyn Jones 285 SOME EXCEPTIONAL WOMEN IN THE SAGAS. R. G. Thomas 307 ERLING SKAKKE'S DISPUTE WITH KING VALDEMAR. G. M. Gathorne-Hardy 328 THE PLACE-NAMES OF BORNHOLM. H. A. Koefoed 344 JON STEFANSSON. Eirikur Benedikz 364 SAXO GRAMMATICUS AND SCANDINAVIAN HISTORICAL TRADITION. (PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS DELIVERED TO THE SOCIETY, 22 MARCH, 1946). By A. CAMPBELL, B.LITT., M.A. HE Gesta Danorum of Saxo Grammaticus is well known T to consist of two main parts. The first-occupying Books I-IX-deals with Danish legendary history in the heroic age, and has been freely used by all modern students of Germanic legend. The second main part of Saxe's history occupies the bulk of Book XI and the whole of Books XII-XVI. It deals with the history of Denmark from the time when Sveinn Ulfsson was firmly established on the throne by the death of his great enemy, Haraldr Harthrathi, in 1066 down to Saxe's own period, and is well known to historians as a source of major importance. Between these two parts of Saxe's work there is a short section, occupying Book X and the first few pages of Book XI, which has attracted less attention than the other two, but which is full of interest, especially to the English student, for it deals with the period from 925 to 1066, during which Danish and English affairs were most intermingled, and during a part of which England was a province of a Danish empire. Upon this part of Saxe's work, apart from a few rather perplexed references to it in Freeman's Norman Conquest, modern historians of Anglo­ Saxon England have hardly drawn at all. This is perhaps understandable: it is often clearly at fault historically and much of it is derived from Adam of Bremen. Accordingly, the historian tends to dismiss this part of Saxo as an B 2 Saga-Book of the Viking Society. embroidery upon Adam which adds nothing to its source which can be trusted, and it must be admitted that its contribution to history is not great. It is the student of Scandinavian historical tradition, rather than the pure historian, who has lost by the neglect of the part of Saxo to which I refer. The period with which it deals corresponds to that covered by the great Icelandic Sagas of the kings of Norway from Haraldr Harfagri to Haraldr Harthrathi, during which the political contacts of Denmark and Norway were so close that Saxo and these Sagas inevitably often handle the same matters. It is thus the student of the traditions embodied in these Sagas, and hence the Saga critic in general, who will find this portion of Saxo of the greatest value. The major outline of the history contained in the Sagas mentioned is shown by comparison with the Norwegian compendia of history;' and with West Norse poems of about the same date," to represent a fairly settled West Norse tradition, which already existed shortly before 1200. Comparison of this tradition with a non-West Norse tradition is seldom possible. Adam of Bremen and other German chroniclers are meagre and disjointed in their allusions to Scandinavian affairs. English and Celtic chroniclers seldom mention Scandin­ avian matters, and when they do so it is onlv to horrifv by the grossness of their misconceptions. Sve'n Aggeson;s Danish history is brief, and the shadow of Adam of Bremen lies heavily upon the Aiinals of Roskilde. Saxo alone offers a connected and fairly detailed account of any part of the Scandinavian history of the tenth and the 1 I,e. Theodricus Monachus; Historia iYaYl'cgiac; Aerip. 2 I refer to Noregskonungaial ; Oldfs drdpa Tryggvasonar ; Rekstefja; ]6nzsviklllgadrdpa; Bnadmpa ; Geisli. .'.JI these poems are to be placed in the twelfth or verv early thirteenth century, and are derived from the West Norse historical tradition independently of the Sagas. Accordingly, their value to the student of the state of the tradition in question before it recel\'ed literary form in the Sagas is great, and the general neglect of them is to be regretted. Their existence seems still entirely unknown to English historians. Saxo and Scandinavian Historical Tradition. 3 first half of the eleventh century, which may be profitably compared with the West Norse accounts of that period. The Sagas of the Norwegian kings from Haraldr I to Haraldr II are most familiar in the versions of Snorri in Heimskringla. Older versions are, of course, extant of several of them, but these do not differ from Snorri in the major outline of history presented;' and the same outline appears in the Norwegian compendia, and to some extent in the West Norse poems alluded to above, though these cover only a part of the period. Heiniskringla can, therefore, fairly be regarded as giving the history of this period according to a well-established '.Vest Norse tradition of the twelfth century. I propose to examine Saxe's account of the same period with two questions in mind. Firstly, how far does Saxo in dealing with this period draw upon tradition, and how far does he offer reproductions or (like the Annals of Roskilde) literary modifications of Adam of Bremen? Secondly, does Saxo suggest that the Danish historical tradition was in such close agreement with the West Norse tradition that this must be explained as due either to the direct influence of the one upon the other (and Saxo, it may be remembered, claims to have had Icelandic informants), or to the two traditions having risen independently from the same historical truths; or does he rather suggest that the Danish historical tradition differed so widely from the West Norse that neither can be regarded as founded upon long transmitted memories of real events, but that both have , Snorri diverges most in purely historical matters from his predecessors in H aralds saga H aroraoa, because he elected to follow H dkonar saga j varSOllar • rather than the earlier Saga of Haraldr preserved in Morkinski.nn« and Fl.itcviarbok. and summarised in Fagrskinna. Nineteenth-cen t urv scholars tended to place a high historical value on Hakottar Saga (which is extant in a late recension in a fragmentary state). but E. Bull, in his recent sketch of the history of the period iDet Norske folks IIV og historie, II, 97). reverts to the older Saga of Haraldr as a source. In his article OIl Htikonar Saga the same scholar has demonstrated its historical unreliability (Edda, I()27. pp. 33-44)' 4 Saga-Book of the Viking Society. independently distorted history, or, at least, that one has distorted history, and the other preserved it, so that we cannot now decide which should be believed, except when we have an account in a good non-Scandinavian source to decide the matter? Should the enquiry lead to the latter conclusion, it will follow that the Sagas which deal with Icelandic affairs must also be suspected of presenting a development from history rather than history itself. Saxo opens his tenth book with the succession of Haraldr Blatonn to the throne of Denmark, an event which he makes practically contemporary with lEthelstan's succession in England. Both Danish and Icelandic sources- give Haraldr a reign of fifty years, and Snorri, Fagrskinna, Agn:p, and the Historia N orvegiae regard his reign as having begun in the time of Hakon Gothi," who was, of course, a younger contemporary of lEthelstan. Haraldr died about 986, so there is no difficulty in regard­ ing his reign as extending back into the time of lEthelstan, though we cannot extend it to the beginning of lEthelstan's reign (925) as Saxo does. According to Saxo, the king of Xorway, who is not named but is evidently Haraldr Harfagri, launched an attack on .Ethelstan when that king succeeded to the English throne, and the war ended with a treaty under which .Ethelstan had to bring up Hakon, the SOIl of the Norwegian king. This story of the fostering of Hakon is, of course, in remarkable agreement with a well known story found in the \\'est :\'orse sources, except that in the latter the relationships of Haraldr of ;\()n\'a~' and iEthelstan are entirely friendly. On the other hand, a bellicose expedition of Haraldr to the British Isles, though not to England, is mentioned by both Snorri, who quotes apparently eurlv verse to support his 1 Chronicon Erin; Annals of j'".,kildc; Kuytlinga Saga.
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