Panji – an icon of cultural heritage in East

Dr. Lydia Kieven

Introduction: Budaya Panji/ Panji Culture

Imagine an evening after 6 p.m. in Java when it’s dark and warm. There is a mild wind blowing so that you don’t get sweatened. We are near Trawas on the lower slopes of Mount Penanggungan, 50 km south of , the capital of the Indonesian province of . You hear children singing, one of them with a raised voice, sounds like narrating a story. Torches flicker in the darkness. Attracted by the voices and by the light, you get closer and see two children holding and slowly unrolling a paper scroll, with depictions of coloured figures, landscapes, houses, animals. One of the figures wears a helmet-like headdress. Another child sits in front of the paper scroll, points with a little stick on the depicted figures and, like a shadowpuppet player (dalang), narrates the story behind the depictions. About 10 other children with a soft voice sing their songs, accompanying the dalang. Next to the group stands a Javanese man, smiling and obviously being very happy with the event. Suryo Wardhoyo Prawiroatmojo from Trawas has enacted this spectacle. His idea is to initiate a revival of beber, an old traditional way of performing Panji stories. Wayang beber is one of numerous wayang forms in Java, others which are better-known are wayang kulit (the shadow play), wayang golek (wooden puppets), wayang topeng (the mask dance). Wayang beber having its origin in East Java is nearly exstinct. There still exist a few rolls in the region of Pacitan (East Java) and Gunung Kidul (Central Java near ) which for many years have not been performed any more.1 No child in common society would ever hear about wayang beber. But now here in Trawas there are a few children acting as dalang and as singers, obviously being very happy and enjoying themselves. Older people from the village in the audience look touched and smile at each other. They seem to be proud of this old tradition which was part of their youth and ever since seemed to be lost.

Another spot in Java: We are at Candi Panataran, near the provincial town of Blitar, located in the southern part of East Java, and better known for the location of the memorial of ’s first president Soekarno. Candi Panataran is an ancient site built during the pre- Islamic Javanese Hindu-Buddhist period. It was used as the State Temple of (14th to 15th centuries), the last great kingdom before Islam took over in Java. It is hot outside. In the pendopo, an open hall, a cooling wind makes the people, who sit in lesehan on carpets on the ground, feel quite comfortable. Mainly older men and a few women listen to a speaker: an enthusiastic man, a historian who talks about performing arts which were enacted in this sacred temple site in the time of Majapahit. Later a woman who is a western archaeologist,

1 See further down in this article for more recent developments in wayang beber performance.

1 speaks about the heroes Panji and who are depicted in beautiful reliefs on the temple walls. The audience seems to be inspired by all the specific information, some of them contribute their own knowledge or ask questions, so that a lively discussion is going on. Later in the heat of the day at 12 p.m. a small group, including some people of the audience, the temple guard (juru kunci) and the two speakers, will walk around the entrance part of the temple complex looking at reliefs carved in stone on the Pendopo Terrace, many of the reliefs depicting a man holding a woman on his lap in an affectionate situation. The man’s headgear is a helmet-like cap, same as the figures of wayang beber. This figure, both in the reliefs and in wayang beber, represents Prince Panji who searches for his beloved Princess Candrakirana. The group will walk towards the second courtyard, but they cannot stand the heat to continue up to the most sacred parts of the temple complex in the rear part where they would encounter the hero Hanuman. Still, they are satisfied and happy that two academics, one from the University of and the other coming from Germany, share their knowledge about a place which has made part of their own lives and which the younger generation does not very much care for.

The first event, described above, happened in 2007, the second one in 2010. Between these years and continuing until today other events with the theme of Panji have been carried out in East Java. They have been given the label ‘Budaya Panji’ [ ‘Panji Culture’].

Who is Panji? What are Panji stories? What is their significance for East Java? Why has the interest in Panji developed over the last years? What is the potential of the interest? This article discusses these and further questions.

Delving into the ‘Panji’ theme

Prior to discuss the raised questions, I present my own envolvement and perspective in the process of ‘Budaya Panji’. Starting in the mid-1990s I did research on the topic of Panji in the depictions of narrative reliefs on temple walls of the Majapahit period. This topic was actually embedded in a broader scope looking at stone-carved figures wearing a cap as headgear. Many of these specific figures turned out to depict Prince Panji, the hero of the so-called Panji stories. Eventually my research ended up in my PhD thesis and in my recent publication on the ‘cap-figures'.2 During the time of research I frequently visited sites in East Java which dispose reliefs with the ‘cap-figures’. I got help from Indonesian experts and enthusiasts in the field.

In the early 1990s, during my frequent stays in a favorite place of mine on the foot of Mount Penanggungan, the Centre for Environmental Education (PPLH = Pusat Pendidikan

2 Lydia Kieven, Following the cap-figure in Majapahit Temple Reliefs. A New Look at the Religious Function of East Javanese Temples, 14th and 15th centuries. Leiden: Brill 2013.

2 Lingkungan Hidup) in Trawas, regency of Mojokerto about 40 km south of Surabaya, I got to know Suryo Wardhoyo, the founder of this place. In 1996, inspired by a visit to Candi Kendalisodo on Mount Penanggungan, which shows beautiful depictions of a Panji story carved in stone, my very first interest in Panji aroused. It was a happy coincidence that Suryo, who originally was a veterinarian and later worked as an environmentalist, was very enthusiastic about Javanese tradition and culture and especially about Panji. He had ideas of developing educative programs for children to revive the knowledge of Panji and to work against the loss of Javanese traditions. Panji is an element of the Javanese, particularly the East Javanese, culture; Panji stories were told by grannies to their grandchildren, were the topic of performances of wayang topeng, wayang beber and wayang klitik. Nowadays this tradition has been fading away, as do other traditions of Javanese culture. Suryo wanted to use Panji as an examplary and concrete element to be easily applied in educational programs. He was convinced that education of the young generation is an important means for conserving and preserving culture. Suryo had recognized that awareness and respect for the own culture support awareness and respect for the environment, and vice versa. Throughout the two or three last decades, in a time of globalization, young people in Indonesia have become more and more attracted by Western culture and behaviours, and their attitude towards life has been completely differently shaped than that of the previous generation. Suryo’s vision was not to destroy this attitude but to keep alive the own tradition alongside. He inspired me with this vision and kind of ‘infected’ me with the idea to keep going on with Panji. He had a strong impact on me conducting my research on the Panji reliefs, and at the same time he made me join his educative programs. In 2004 he initiated a workshop in Surabaya, housed at the French Cultural Institute. A broad range of people from Java and overseas, artists, performers, historians, people with interest in culture, and others met and discussed possible ways of enacting the Panji tradition. The outcome was the idea of organizing a ‘Panji Festival’, consisting of three parts under one umbrella: academic, art, and education. It took three years to develop and organize this Panji festival. However, in the course of time, the three parts had fallen apart individually. Still, the three parts were carried out at roughly the same time in early September 2007. An international seminar on 'Local Wisdom from Panji Era’ took place at Universitas Merdeka in Malang. Indonesian and international experts of the Panji theme attended the conference and presented a wide range of topics.3 The papers exposed the many facets of the Panji theme in the fields of literature, visual and performing arts, and history. Another part of the festival, the educational program by Suryo, was carried out in a village near Trawas. It was the wayang beber event described above. Suryo told the participating children a Panji story, and the kids painted scenes of the story on a large paper

3 To mention but a few: Josef Prijotomo on ' architectur in Panji era', Henricus Supriyanto on 'Panji as the Nusantara Hero', Adrian Vickers on 'Panji: the spread of culture from Jawa to Birma', Karl Mertes on 'Wayang Beber in Pacitan', myself on 'Panji in temple reliefs'.

3 scroll. They rehearsed the singing and the talk of the dalang, and later in the dark they were excited to present the performance. They might never forget this extraordinary event which was visited by their families, by villagers, and by international guests. Still another event took place at the PPLH: Suprapto Suryodharmo, a dancer and spiritual teacher caring for cultural tradition, and a group of Javanese as well as international dancers and artists performed a ‘Panji dance’ accompanied by traditional Javanese musical instruments. The traditional Panji theme was not merely revitalized in a nostalgic way, but it was rather transformed into a new creation.

In the following years I was invited at several occasions to give talks about my research on the Panji reliefs. One of them was the seminar at Candi Panataran, mentioned above. Often I felt not at ease and embarrassed, because I felt being used as a Westerner to blow up the importance of the Panji theme. A Westerner, participating in an event in Indonesia, is always highly appreciated. There are Indonesian experts in the field as well, so why making me as a foreigner ‘the’ Panji expert to tell Javanese people about their own culture? I was often afraid that Javanese people would consider my appearance as arrogant and neo-colonial. Still, the request and frequent invitations, and many discussions carried out with friends and people interested in culture, showed me that my knowledge and my enthusiasm really gave useful inputs and served as a contribution to maintaining, preserving, and managing the Javanese traditions. Frequently I heard the comment by Javanese people: the fact that a person from far away comes to Java again and again and travels from one site to the next, to investigate the temples and the reliefs, makes them feel embarrassed [‘saya malu’] because they themselves do not know and do not care about their own culture. Through the attention given by a Western expert it becomes clear to them that their own culture really is something important and worth to be studied and to be looked at. There ‘must be something’ about Panji.

After having acquired a broad and deep knowledge and insight into ancient Javanese art, culture, and history, I realized that I really can give something ‘back’ to the country that has attracted and inspired me over the years. My attitude has changed to take own initiative and offer my knowledge and expertise to the Javanese people.

A short look into Javanese history

Java and other parts of today’s Indonesia came unter Indian influence since the early centuries of our modern calender. The religions and Buddhism as well as political structures were emplemented. Two major kingdoms, the Buddhist Shailendra and the Hindu Sanjaya, arose in Central Java during the 8th and 9th centuries and built the two famous temples and , respectively. By some reasons which are still discussed among historians, the centre of power shiftet in early 10th century from Central Java to East Java. Three major kingdoms arose there: the Kediri period until early 13th century, followed by the 4 Singasari kingdom until the end of the 13h century; the Majapahit kingdom (1292 to 1527) developed to a politically and economically powerful era, it adhered to both Hinduism and Buddhism. Majapahit was, based on a rich agriculture and a broad trade network, able to extend its power over most parts of present Indonesia, and spread its political and cultural influence over Mainland Southeast Asia. Until today Majapahit is valued as the ‘Golden Age’ of Indonesian pre-Islamic history. Islamic traders from China and Arabic countries entered Java throughout the Majapahit period. This once mighty Hindu-Buddhist kingdom was then, after a time of internal political instability, taken over by Islamic sultanates which had developed at the trade centres on Java’s northcoast. Still, throughout the Islamic time up to present, Hindu-Buddhist values, religious beliefs and practices, as well as material culture were adopted and integrated into Javanese Islam in certain forms and extent. Mystic qualities of Sufi-Islam, Hindu-Buddhist and indigenous animistic beliefs imparted a specific “religion of Java”, also labelled as “kejawen”. Ancient sites of the pre-Islamic period were venerated and visited by pilgrims throughout the centuries. During colonial time such practices were also important means in strengtening the local power and pride against Dutch rulership. Since the early 19th century the ancient sites were “re-discovered” by European historians and archaeologists, and many of them underwent restauration, primarily in the early 20th century. During the Suharto regime (mid-1960es to 1998) tourism was developed as a major factor in Indonesia’s economy, which imparted large and expensive renovations of the temples of Borobudur and Prambanan, since then being the two major touristic sites. Along with these changes, kejawen practices decreased not only in these well-known places, but also in less famous ancient holy sites. Since the fall of Suharto there has been a gradual revival, which lately, however, has again diminished under the threat of radical Muslims.

I want to put special attention to the Majapahit period which provides the major historical background of the subject of this paper. Majapahit’s political stability did to a large extent rely on the union of its sub-kingdoms, in particular of the two prominent kingdoms of Janggala and Kediri. This aim of the union of the realm is attested to by the Old Javanese Nagarakertagama/ Desawarnana (1365), a praise hymn on King Hayam Wuruk (1350-89) who was the ruler during the heyday of Majapahit. The East Javanese period saw the development of many new features in politic, religion and art. Particularly during Majapahit time literature and art flourished, most of them in a religious context art. They were characterized by a high creativity: new architectural structures were developed, sculptural art saw new styles of representing figures, new literary narratives were composed and depicted in reliefs on the temple walls. The Panji stories are one conspicious example of Majapahit’s creativity, which enhanced the increased independence from the Indian influences, still dominant in the earlier Central Javanese art. The specific character of East Javanese and

5 particularly Majapahit culture has been labelled by ‘Local Genius’.4

Panji stories5

The Panji stories relate of Prince Panji from the kingdom of Jenggala, who is betrothed to Princess Candrakirana from Kediri. Before getting married, they are separated from each other by some circumstances. They walk and travel about the country, experience adventures, have amorous episodes, and keep searching for one another. After having passed a number of obstacles and challenges, eventually they meet again and happily marry. There exist many versions of Panji stories, but the plot is always the same. The variation lies mainly in different circumstances causing their separation, and in different kinds of adventures during their search for one another. Also, the names of the protagonists may be different: ‘Panji’ is actually only a title to denote a prince, thus he appears with names such as Panji Asmarabangun, Panji Jayakusuma, Panji Semirang. Also Candrakirana is known with other names, such as Galuh, or Sekartaji. A ‘genuine’ Panji story is not known.

Panji stories belong to the literary genre of kidung, an Old Javanese poetry that was created during the East Javanese Singasari period (13th century). Prior to these compositions was the earlier Old Javanese poetic kakawin literature – the Old Javanese from the ninth century being the earliest kakawin. During the East Javanese period - Singasari and Majapahit - poems of both genres were composed contemporarily. Language, metre, story plots, and the protagonists of kakawin draw back on Indian Sanskrit literature. However, kidung poetry is created independently from Indian models and has a strong Javanese character. This unique character manifests in the language called ‘Middle Javanese’, in the poetry metre, and in the narratives themselves which are new creations not based on the Indic tales. Both genres have a court setting, the protagonists being princes, princesses, kings, and queens. Kakawin, though, have a stronger religious and esoteric purpose; the poets of the kakawin declare their compositions to be a means to achieve union with the Divine. Kidung are more ‘down to earth’, more related to daily life, their theme is the struggle of young princes to become an accomplished (a full member of the royal class), while the protagonists of the kakawin have already reached this status. This dichotomy of kakawin and kidung is mirrored in the terms ‘mythological stories’ and ‘post-mythological stories’, keyed by A. Forge (1978) in his analysis of traditional Balinese paintings. Panji stories are ‘post-mythological stories' par excellence: Through their encounter with common people and peasants on their search for

4 Edi Sedyawati 1990.

5 This chapter and the following one give a summary of the major points of my book (Kieven 2013).

6 each other, Panji and his beloved very much appeal to an average audience.

Panji stories evidently became very popular during Majapahit time which is attested by the great number of their depictions in temple relief. Going along with the political and economic influence of Majapahit in the Southeast Asian world, Panji stories also became known in countries of Mainland Southeast Asia such as Thailand and Laos.6 Creation of new variations of Panji stories were carried on in Java, , , and other parts of Indonesia during the Islamic period.7

Scholars from various countries have been attracted by the theme of the Panji stories. Throughout the 20th century, scholars from the fields of philology, anthropology, history, and archaeology have discussed the origin, the literary aspects, the historical relation, and the aspect of art.8 It is not the scope of this article to give a full overview of the previous research. While the literary aspect dominated the studies, the aspect of visual and performing art had, however, only got minor attention. A first intertextual look at the theme in terms of performing and visual art, and of literature was presented by A. Vickers (2005) in his study of the Malat, the Balinese form of a Panji story. My study of the Panji reliefs on Majapahit temples has filled the gap of looking at the theme in visual presentations in ancient Javanese art.

The Panji theme in Majapahit temples: Candi Panataran and beyond

I present here the outcome of my long-term research on the Panji reliefs and my interpretation of their meaning and function (Kieven 2013). Major objects of my studies are the temples Jago, Panataran, Surowono, Mirigambar, and Kendalisodo. For this paper I select the two most specific places: Candi Panataran and Candi Kendalisodo. Candi Panataran offers the most characteristic aspects of my interpretation which, in a more condensed form, also rule the deep symbolism of Candi Kendalisodo. Candi Panataran is assumed to be the State Temple of Majapahit. It was built during a long period between the end of the 12th century and early 15th century; the major parts date to the heyday of Majapahit during the 14th century. The large temple complex consists of three courtyards, a layout we still find today in Balinese temples (pura). Beyond this tripartite structure, there is a water place (petirtaan) in the very rear part of the complex. Walking along the linear layout of the temple, one proceeds from a less sacred part to the very sacred one.9 Panji stories are depicted in the first courtyard of the

6 See further discussion below. 7 A large number of Panji stories and their copies are preserved in manuscripts in Bali. 8 My publication (Kieven 2013) gives a detailed overview about the previous research in the field of Panji studies. To mention but a few scholars and publications: Rassers 1922; 1940, 1968; Berg 1954; Robson 1971; Vickers 2005. 9 This system also applies to temple buildings which have a terraced architecture, where the 7 Panataran complex. They are carved on the walls of the so-called Pendopo Terrace which served as the basement of an open hall (pendopo) used for preparing offerings to the temple and to the gods.

Based on iconographic descriptions and iconological interpretations, I conclude a symbolic message to be embedded in the depictions. This interpretation has to be seen in the context of my understanding of the meaning and function of ancient Javanese narrative art: stories carved in stone convey a message on a symbolic level, and this message has a function within the overall meaning and function of the temple.10 Others have applied this approach before: Worsley (1986), Klokke (1993), O’Brien (1988, 1990). They have recognized that the selection and the placement of scenes and narratives was deliberately done to convey a certain meaning. Prior to this approach, most of the scholarly investigation of ancient Javanese sculpture and reliefs was determined by descriptions and identifications of the stories whithout aiming at their deeper meaning. It is important to emphasize that the visual medium allows to convey specific messages, which differ from the literary medium.

Tentatively I detected eight variations of Panji stories in the relief series, not pursuing the aim of identifying them with known narratives. For me, it was important to understand the symbolic message which is underlying the visual depictions which may differ from the symbolic message of the literary form of the story. Iconographically Panji can be identified by the helmet-like cap which is his usual headdress. All of the eight stories display the three major elements of the literary plot of the Panji stories: (a) the separation of the two betrothed, (b) their search for each other, (c) their final reunion. Beyond this, I found two other elements which appeared in most of the relief series: (d) scenes where Panji and/or Candrakirana meet a hermit; (e) depictions of one or both of the two protagonists crossing water. I interpret the hermit scenes as seeking advice from a religious teacher. The water scenes carry the symbolism of esoteric purification through the water of immortality (amerta), and the passage of water () to proceed to a higher stage of spiritual wisdom. Both elements - (4) and (5) - do not play a comparable role in the literary versions of the Panji stories. In order to generally comprehend the meaning of relief depictions in a temple it is important to look at the selection of depicted scenes and their placement in the temple building or its layout. The selection of the narrative, selection of scenes, and their placement are not arbitrary, but are deliberate as a means to convey a certain message. The visual medium of presenting a narrative differs from the literary medium and allows another focus and symbolic meaning. I understand the combination of the five elements of the depictions, outlined above, as follows:

visitor proceeds in a vertical way from the secular level on the lowest terrace to the sacred level on the upper terrace. 10 In a simplified way this method of interpretation is based on Panofsky’s (1975) iconological method which, based on iconography, leads to the understanding of the symbolism of an art object within the broader scope of time, society, and religion. 8 Panji and Candrakirana who are meant for each other, need to struggle to meet again. In seeking advice from religious teachers and in purifying themselves, they are prepared to achieve higher wisdom and eventually are ready to achieve their final union. I understand this final union which is depicted in very romantic and erotic ways, as a means in the esoteric path of achieving union with the Divine. This path is the Tantric Kundalini path, an esoteric Hindu doctrine, which aims at the yogic experience of the union of the male and female principle, symbolizing the union of and . This experience leads to the deliverance of the soul. The Panji stories only indicate this Tantric path, they do not carry it out. The final implementation is achieved in the sacred parts of the temple.

Since the depictions of Panji stories display features of simple life, such as dress and attitudes of common people, they act on a mundane level. No deity figures are shown. The Panji stories very much appeal to the pilgrims and visitors who have just left their daily life and have entered the temple. Through their popularity at the time, the Panji stories welcome the pilgrims. They introduce the pilgrims to the religious meaning of the temple, by indicating the Tantric path. Acting on a mundane level, the stories prepare the pilgrims to proceed to the sacred parts of the temple which represent the supramundane world. Panji as the major protagonist in the depictions of the narratives has the role as an intermediary between the world of the humans and the world of the Divine.

Besides the Panji stories, the walls of the Pendopo Terrace display depictions of three other stories: the two kidung narratives Sang Satyawan and Sri Tanjung which have the same characteristics as the Panji depictions; the third story, the Bubukshah and Gagak Aking story, is the only one on the Pendopo Terrace with no features of the Panji theme. This latter story is placed in the middle of the east side of the Pendopo Terrace; drawing back on the principle of the deliberate placement of certain depictions, this means that the Bubukshah and Gagak Aking story points towards the more sacred parts of the temple in its eastern parts. The theme of the story is the liberation of the soul (), and it fits as an indicator of one of the functions of the temple.

The second courtyard has the so-called Naga-temple as its major architecture. This building seems to symbolize the myth of the Churning of the Ocean. This story relates the production of amerta by the gods.11 Purified by the holy water, the pilgrim can now proceed to the third courtyard dominated by the Main Temple. The walls of this building are decorated with relief series depicting episodes of Old Javanese kakawin narratives: the Ramayana (first terrace) and the Krishnayana (second terrace). The Ramayana depictions emphasize Hanuman and not , the latter in fact being the hero of the literary form of the Ramayana kakawin. In the reliefs, Hanuman is ascribed the major role in the struggle of setting Rama’s wife free

11 As related in the Old Javanese texts Adiparwa from the late 10th century (Phalgunadi 1990) and Tantu Panggelaran from the 16th century (Pigeaud 1924).

9 from her imprisonment by the demon king Rahwana. However, the final union of Rama and Sita in the story is not thematized in the reliefs. Again, the selection of the visual scenes differs from the literary medium. Hanuman has the role of encourageing and supporting the pilgrims to go on with their struggle towards the aim of their pilgrimage. Thus, he acts as an intermediary between the human world and the world of the Divine, similar to Panji, however on the higher level of the more sacred kakawin genre. The following relief depictions of the Krishnayana kakawin, take up again the struggle for the union of man and woman, in this case and his wife Rukmini. Krishna becomes the accomplished kshatriya. The final depictions of the series display the union of the righteous couple and thus underline the outstanding meaning of the union of male and female. I understand this as an indicator to the aim of the Tantric path underlying the all-encompassing concept of Candi Panataran. It is remarkable that the two final depictions show water which I recognize as a crucial element in this concept: the purification and the passage to a higher stage of wisdom, same as in the Panji stories on the Pendopo Terrace. The afore mentioned dichotomy and hierarchy of the kidung and kakawin genre is implemented in the selection and the placement of the respective depictions.

Eventually the pilgrim climbs down the Main Temple and proceeds to the small water place behind the third courtyard. The walls of the water place are decorated with Tantri reliefs and with carved figures; I identify one of the figures to represent Panji. The other figures would represent Candrakirana and two companions of Panji who frequently appear in other Panji reliefs. Following my interpretation of Panji as an intermediary, I understand his depiction in this location as a symbolic invitation to enter the water. I think that indeed this holy water place (petirtaan dalam)12 was the most sacral part of the whole temple complex.13

There is a parallel to another myth, the Bhimasuci which was composed in 15th century. We may assume that this myth did already exist in former time and that it was known in some variation during the time of the construction of the Main Temple of Panataran.14 This myth relates that Bhima, the third of the five Pandawa brothers in the , is sent to get the amerta which is preserved by the gods on . He is rejected by the gods and is told to enter the ocean to find amerta. He follows the advice and meets a tiny dwarf who is a miniature of himself. This dwarf is the god Dewaruci who orders Bhima to enter his ear. Bhima does so and finds wisdom and amerta within Dewaruci. Thus he encounters the Divine within himself and experiences the union with the Divine. This union is in fact the aim and target of the esoteric yogic path, inherent in the Tantric path.

12 This is the so-called inner (= dalam) water place. Another one is located 300 m outside the temple complex and is called petirtaan luar (luar = outside) 13 This preliminary interpretation still requires further investigation. 14 Stutterheim 1935. 10 The parallel between this story and the concept of Candi Panataran is as follows. Coming from the mundane world, the pilgrim is prepared by Panji to approach the Divine. Struggling in climbing Mount Meru, symbolized by the Main Temple, and supported by Hanuman’s magic qualities, he eventually encounters the union of the male and female principle. He is then indicated to water, both in its qualities of tirtha and amerta, to reach the ultimate union with his personal god, the ishtadewata. This happens when the pilgrim climbs down the Main Temple and proceeds to the holy water place behind the third courtyard. Here he is invited to enter the water where he will encounter the union with his personal god. This is the final point in the Tantric Kundalini path which is described in esoteric Indian and Old Javanese texts. The concept underlying this path is the Kundalini energy rising through the body of the adept, finding the union of Shiva and Shakti, the god and the goddess, and eventually getting down to the Anandakanda-padma, a chakra below the heart, where the very final union with the ishtadewata takes place. This yogic path has been decribed by Pott (1966) and by Zoetmulder (1974), and Creese (2004) when referring to Old Javanese kakawin texts.15 The holy water place in Panataran may represent the Anandakanda-padma which in Tantric texts is described as a beautiful island in the water or a beautiful lake. Thus, the pilgrim is supposed to experience the final encounter with his personal god in the location of the holy water place. The secrecy and secludedness of the petirtaan dalam fit the secret character of the esoteric Tantric path. In this concept Panji acts as inviting, introducing, and guiding the adept to proceed to this path, and to approach the Divine.

The placement of the relief series in the temple complex follows a certain hierarchy. 'Post- mythological stories' appear in the entrance part while 'mythological stories' are placed in the rear part. Also the style of the relief depictions differs: while the former are characterized by simple dress and by Panji’s specific headdress, the latter show the heroes in a wayang-like style, characterized by the supit urang (the headdress of wayang figures)16 and by more elaborate dress. The dichotomy between kidung and kakawin, explained above, applies to their placement in the temple.17

The placement of the Panji figures in the petirtaan dalam, assumed to be the most spiritual place in the complex, in fact seems to contradict the aforementioned principle of the placement of mundane and sacred scenes in a temple. The appearance of Panji in this most sacral part of the Panataran temple complex makes evident that he was indeed considered appropriate to implement his role as a guide to the esoteric realm. This role was obviously commonly established and acknowledged at the time.

15 For a broader scope on Tantrism see Gupta et al. 1979. 16 Balinese wayang, not Javanese wayang. 17 This principle underlies all temples with a hierarchical layout, be it in a linear form as in Panataran, or in a vertical order such as for example in the terraced structure of Candi Jago. 11 Besides the religious meaning of temples and the decoration with narrative reliefs, the religious buildings had of course a political meaning which was also conveyed through the visual medium of the relief depictions. Since this aspect has not been the major focus of my studies, I only roughly touch on it. The 'post-mythological' stories, placed in the entrance part, thematize the struggle of young royals in achieving the status of a kshatriya, while the 'mythological stories', placed in the sacred part, show the ideal king who has already become an accomplished kshatriya by both, passing battles against enemies and by having a consort. One major reason for the popularity of Panji stories in Majapahit period has historical reasons, it is fact that the stories relate the separation and the final union of the two kingdoms of Jenggala and Kediri which was an important political issue, as mentioned above. The Panji stories symbolized the struggle as well as the achievement of this union of the realm.

The fact that popular stories such as Panji stories with their daily-life character and lacking the sacral connotation of the kakawin stories, were chosen for depictions in prominent locations at a temple and in a large number, attests to their high esteem by society, by religious circles, and by royalty. It also suits Hayam Wuruk’s policy of approaching the rural people during his manyfold travels through the countryside and by this way manifesting his claim to be a just and caring king.

It needs to be highlighted that the temple reliefs had several levels of functions and understanding. Beyond merely entertaining the visitors by showing interesting stories, they conveyed a moral teaching, a symbolic message and spiritual teaching. It was the initiated pilgrim who proceeded to the highest level of understanding, by being given guidance and instruction by a teacher.

Candi Kendalisodo

Candi Kendalisodo is a mountain sanctuary located on the slopes of Gunung Bekel, part of Mount Penanggungan (1653 m). Mount Penanggungan has over the centuries been considered as very sacred since its shape of having one peak surrounded by eight hills corresponds to Mount Meru, the seat of the gods in . More than 100 sanctuaries have been dedected on the slopes of Mount Penanggungan. Candi Kendalisodo is one of the most beautiful and rather well conserved sites. It encompasses a terraced sanctuary decorated with Panji reliefs, and a hermitage whose walls formerly displayed depictions of the and the Bhimasuci, both of them being based on the Indian epics. The Panji story is depicted in four beautifully carved episodes full of romantic and erotic atmosphere. Three of the major aspects of Panji depictions are, though in another order as in Candi Panataran, visible in these reliefs: the union of the two lovers - (c) - is shown in a romantic way, Panji holding his beloved on his lap and playing the musical instrument vina; their separation - (a) - as well as the crossing of water - (e) - are the major factors in the final panel. In this panel Panji 12 indicates with his hand towards the hermitage which the pilgrim would approch, after having visited the sanctuary. Panji acts again as the guide for the pilgrim to proceed to the place of achieving higher wisdom by a spiritual teacher in the hermitage, thus encorporating point (d). The Arjunawiwaha and the Bhimasuci depict and symbolize the struggle of and Bhima in achieving insight into Higher Knowledge and to achieve amerta as a means to reach this aim. Again, same as in Panataran, the selection of scenes and their placement follows the hierarchy of the literary genres of the narratives – kidung and kakawin, and it conveys the same symbolic meaning. Candi Kendalisodo is, in a way, the concise version of Candi Panataran.

Very sadly, the Panji heads in two of the panels having been destroyed in recent time, while all of the three reliefs on the hermitage walls were already destroyed years and even decades ago.18

The climax of the popularity and the symbolic meaning of Panji was reached in the Panji Sculpture (ca. 1450) from Candi Selokelir, a small sanctuary located on the foot of Mount Penanggungan.19 This statue, depicting Panji with the typical iconographic elements known from the reliefs, in particular the cap as the headdress, additionally displays features that are typical of a deity: Panji stands on a lotus cushion, he has a caste cord (upawita), and holds a lotus bud in this hands in front of the chest. This iconography makes evident that Panji was worshiped like a deity without, however, being a deity himself. It is evident that the symbolic meaning of Panji as a guide to the divine world was fully acknowledged by the middle of the 15th century. The location of the sculpture on the foot of Mount Penanggungan even enhances this meaning, since further up the mountain there are dozens of sanctuaries and hermitages which were visited by pilgrims; prior to the climb on the mountain the pilgrims would have 'received' and accepted guidance by Panji.

Javanese culture today

In this chapter I will first present an overview of Javanese cultural changes to provide the background for my later discussion of the role of the Panji theme in present-day culture. I will not embedd this in a theoretical approach on cultural change and discussions on heritage matters; rather, my interest is focussed on the question of the concrete role and potential of a specific object of cultural heritage, namely the Panji theme and in particular Candi Panataran.

Let’s first take a broader look at Javanese attitudes towards their culture, tradition and belief systems throughout the last decades. Indonesian society in general and Javanese in particular

18 OD-photos, kept in the archives of the Kern Institute in Leiden, show the original reliefs in full detail. 19 This sculpture is kept in the Library of the Fine Arts at the Institute of Technology in Bandung (ITB). 13 have been strongly influenced and shaped by Western principles and orientations. Same as in the Western countries, young people in Indonesia are crazy about digital equipment such as handphones, computers, computer games, and digital networks such as facebook, whenever possible in the newest versions. When using this equipment, the youngsters in Indonesia believe themselves to be modern. This digital mania is actually a peak of changes which have already a longer tradition, namely that young people became less and less interested in their own cultural roots. They tend to consider traditional arts as old-fashioned and out of date, and judge traditional beliefs as superstituos. General mainstream and political attitudes have increasingly considered adat, the Indonesian term for traditional practices and behaviour, as antiquated and as objecting modernity. For example, since the late 1990s, performances of the shadow play wayang kulit strongly decreased in the area of Yogyakarta and Surakarta, which are known as the major centres of this traditional performing art. The classical dance of the kratons of these two towns has undergone a major change from a ritual performance to an entertainment and a tourist attraction (Huges-Freeland 2008). This is one of many examples which show the change of spirituality and enhancing self-awareness to an entertaining medium. Against this development, there are projects of preserving and maintaining the “original” culture. Institutions such as the UGM (Universitas Gadjah Mada) in Yogya have initiated programs of keeping wayang alive. Still, it is not clear if these attempts aim at keeping the spiritual or ‘only’ the technical quality of the performances. It is not the scope of this article to go further into these questions.

Besides western influence, recent years have seen an increasing development of orthodox Islamic values in Indonesia, impacted by a strong influence from Middle-Eastern countries.20 Indonesian Islam has always been considered as very moderate. Javanese Islam in particular has been characterized by practices and beliefs which have been labelled as ‘kebatinan’, ‘kejawen’ (Mulder 1978, 1998; Magnis-Suseno 1989; Pemberton 1994, Ricklefs 2006), or 'Javanese religion' (Geertz 1960). Early Islamization in Java started during the late Hindu- Buddhist period in the 14th century, and Islam became the dominating religion from the early 16th century on. It was shaped by mystic Sufi beliefs which suited well the pre-Islamic Hindu- Buddhist beliefs as well as other indigenous religious concepts. The essence of this philosophy of life is the belief that the human mundane world corresponds to the supramundane world, and that a human can seek and achieve union with the supramundane in the form of god: manunggaling kawula gusti – the servant becoming one with the Almighty (Zoetmulder 1995). This means that the esoteric concept of Old Javanese literature and art was carried on during the Islamic period. Throughout the centuries, Islam in Java developed in two major lines: the way of mystic beliefs and practices, and the orthodox Islamic way. In recent time orthodox Islamic leaders have labelled traditional practices as superstitious and

20 Andrée Feillard 2010.

14 thus as pagan (musrik). It seems that such judgments and sanctioning already shape the way of thinking of large parts of the population today. People feel intimidated to practice their rituals of ancestor worship by bringing offerings to the graves, since there have been menaces against this ‘pagan’ practice which does not agree with fanatic Islamic beliefs. I give two examples which became topics of media headlines: In 2011 a wayang kulit performance in the region of Surakarta was attacked by a fanatic Islamic group. In September 2013 a group of fanatics damaged a grave of a member of the Sultan's family in Imogiri;21 the royal graves in Imogiri are highly venerated by the inhabitants of Yogyakarta. This incident yielded strong protest by moderate people in Yogyakarta.22

Within these outlined cultural and religious changes, the Javanese attitude towards life, in particular by the older generation, is still to some degree characterized by mystic traditions.

To mention but a few examples of these traditions: wayang performances still are ascribed a mystic character by some people, though nowadays the connotation of artistic entertainment has become more important; ancient sites are visited by pilgrims to practice rituals and meditaion to enhance spiritual power; a particular group are representatives of politics and economics who seek for good positions and welfare; the belief in ghosts still exists mostly in rural Javanese society. Other forms of tradition, however, have completely vanished, such as conducting harvest rituals by peasants giving offerings to the Hindu Goddess . Concerning traditional arts, compared to Central Java, East Java lacks kraton centers, and its art has longtime been considered as having a lower value or even as being kasar (having a rough character). The old performing art wayang beber, rooted in East Javanese art of the Majapahit period, was nearly extinct; however in very recent time it has seen a revitalization. The late dalang of wayang beber in Pacitan, having no son or grand-child who wanted to learn this traditional art, in 2011 initiated a young man belonging to the broader family.23 This man gave an impressive wayang beber performance at the Panji Festival in Bangkok in March 2013 which I will discuss further down. Another wayang beber player has become active in the area of Wonogiri in Gunung Kidul. Wayang beber has even very recently become a topic for study at ISI Solo (the Indonesian Institute of the Arts in Solo/Surakarta).24 Also contemporary artists draw back on wayang beber and integrate it in their creative work.25

21http://regional.kompas.com/read/2013/09/18/1732098/Warga.Yogya.Kecam.Perusakan.Mak am.Cucu.HB.VI 22 The political situation and development in Indonesia after the presidential election on 9 July 2014 have not been taken into account yet in the time of writing this paper.

23 Personal information by Mas Rudi from Pacitan, 4 March 2013. 24 For a broader look at changes in traditional attitude and practice in Java see for example: Beatty 1999, 2009; Schlehe 2006, 2008. 25 See for example: Adi, G.N. (2013): The metamorphosis of ‘wayang beber’. Article in Jakarta Post, 19/04/2013: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2013/04/19/the- metamorphosis-wayang-beber.html. 15 To sum up: the decline of practicing Javanese traditions happens mainly for two reasons. The western orientated youth considers the traditions to be antiquated; orthodox Muslim concepts condemn traditional practices as pagan. Both aspects induce an intimidation and condemnation of people who still stick to the tradition. The fear of the people becomes another cause of the decline of traditional practice. Attitudes which are an impact of fear and constraint, make people mentally and possibly also physically sick. On a broader level a whole ethnic entity becomes sick, since they are cut off their roots.

These changes also need to be considered against the background of more general Indonesian attitudes towards preservation of cultural heritage. Indonesia consists of many different regional and ethnic cultures, different histories and languages. There does not exist an all- embracing national 'Indonesian culture'. Indonesian policy aims at both, strengthening the specific regional traditions and on the other side an overall Indonesian cultural identity. These two guiding principles are reflected by the acknowledgment of specific Indonesian arts and traditions as world heritage by UNESCO. To mention but a few: Borobudur and Prambanan Temple Compounds (1991), Cultural Landscape of Bali Province: the Subak System as a Manifestation of the Tri Hita Karana Philosophy (2012), being examples of cultural material heritage; Wayang Puppet Theatre (2008), Indonesian (2009), Saman dance Sumatra (2011), being examples of intangible heritage.

Borobudur has become a major label of Indonesia's cultural heritage, both for Indonesian and for foreigners, although this temple is actually specific of Java's history and not of Indonesia as a whole. The acknowledgement of more recent properties - wayang, batik, and - by UNESCO as specific Indonesian heritage must be seen against the background of longstanding disputes between Indonesia and Malaysia who both claim these cultural properties to be originally theirs. An impact can be seen in the enormous increase in the fabrication and wearing of batik since 2009, both in traditional ways and patterns and also in modern fashion, not only in Java, but to a certain degree also on the other islands.

International tourism is another important factor having shaped an awareness of Indonesians towards their own culture. Its peak was reached in the late 1990s before Suharto’s fall. The decline of tourism due to the economic crisis in Southeast Asia reached a peak a few years later in 2002 after the bombing in , a desaster which over night kept tourists off Bali and other parts of Indonesia. In the meantime tourist rates have increased again and got roughly back to the old statistic figures. In Java the major targets are visits of Borobudur and Prambanan temples, and Yogyakarta with its classical arts – wayang kulit, classical dance and music, and batik shops. While international tourists’ interest is strongly directed to acquire knowledge on history and art, national tourists to a large degree just want to be at a place that is famous and want to 'eternalize' their visits by taking pictures of themselves. On Borobudur

16 locals usually climb the building straight away along the main stairways to take pictures of each other on top. Most Westerners circumambulate some of the terraces first and watch the beautiful reliefs before getting to the peak; both groups even look a bit amused at each other’s behaviours. Westerners may get irritated by becoming photo objects for local visitors. The fact Borobudur attract this strong interests by foreigner, enhances the pride of Indonesians on their culture and country. However, I would say, that the sacral meaning and function of this amazing Buddhist temple has died. Only at Waisak, the fullmoon day in May being the most important day in Buddhist religion, a large ceremony is conducted at Borobudur.26

Development of Budaya Panji

Within these complex developments and changes, ‘Budaya Panji’ plays a significant role. Throughout roughly the last decade, a process of revitalization of local traditions and culture in Java has been happening. This expression of people’s interest in their own tradition is partly initiated and fostered by political stakeholders, but to a larger degree by individual actors in the social field or the world of artists. In the case of ‘Budaya Panji’ in the beginning there were such individual actors who, by various reasons had developed interest in the theme of Panji and had got into contact with each other: Suryo Wardhoyo Prawiroatmojo was the initiator to bring many of these people together. A first outcome was, as mentioned above, the Panji Festival in 2007. Some of the people who were involved in the festival as presenters or participants, as well as those who pulled back from the program, continued their interest, while others did not. Through ongoing personal contacts and initiatives by single persons, activities in the field of ‘Panji’ were developed in the fields of education, environment, ritual, art and performance, research. In the beginning, much of it happened on a grassroot-level, but soon activities were conducted on a broader level of the Javanese community and society. Suryo Prawiroatmojo’s impetus lay on strengthening the knowledge and the awareness by local people of their own culture and tradition. By this means, the pride of their rich culture was developed and supported, which would then impart an attitude of valueing and preserving culture, and alongside the preservation of environment.

By inviting me as a foreigner to join his activities, Suryo wanted to demonstrate to locals the richness, beauty, value, and specifity of ancient and traditional Javanese culture which even did attract attention by an enthusiastic researcher from abroad. In the early years I felt uneasy in this role, being ‘misused’ in neo-colonial concepts. However, throughout the years of my research and the increased knowledge and expertise I realized that I really can give something ‘back’ to the people. Especially when talking to young people in East Java, nobody could answer me who or what is Panji. Also, nobody had ever heard about Candi Panataran; only,

26 Criticism and discussion on the impact of tourism is legend, and I do not want to deepen it here. See Hitchcock 2009, 2010.

17 when I mentioned that this temple is located in the regency of Blitar, did they react: Blitar is of course well-known because of the city housing the grave of Soekarno! People above the age of around 50 still remembered that their grannies were telling fairytales and love stories about Panji and Sekartaji. However, in general, Panji was dead.

The specificity of the Panji theme makes it a conspicuous object of revitalization of cultural heritags. As outlined above, the Panji theme demonstrates the creativity and the uniqueness of classical East Javanese art and literature, continued lateron in creations of unique forms of performance art – wayang beber, wayang topeng – and local narratives. The fact that all of these forms of a rich heritage are to a large degree enacted in the sphere of common people rather than on the high level of the Central Javanese courts, makes the Panji theme even more appropriate to convey pride to local people. They own something which goes beyond the well-known ‘big’ arts, such as wayang kulit, glamorous Ramayana dance performances, batik, the famous temples in Central Java, and the like. This is mirrored by the dichotomy of the role of the Panji stories and the kakawin narratives in Candi Panataran and other ancient temples.

The creativity embedded in the origins of the Panji theme, can be applied to creative processes enacted by society today. Local people can be stimulated and encouraged to be creative, and not to follow the mainstream, as well as not to feel having less value compared to wealthy people or to Western or orthodox religious influences. Still, it should not be neglected and underestimated that enacting the Panji theme on a higher and more public level, like dance performances of wayang topeng for a broad audience, will also contribute to an increase of awareness and pride. On still another level, the academic discourse and publications of research in the field of Panji culture imparts a high valuation. Thus, the Panji theme and the so-called ‘Budaya Panji’ is ‘rediscovered’ and ‘re-enacted’ on several stages.

I list a few major events and activities enacted during recent years:

2004: First meeting of “Panji-enthusiasts” in Surabaya, initiated by Suryo Wardhoyo Prawiroatmojo

2007: Festival and Seminar Panji at Universitas Merdeka Malang, Wayang Beber-workshop for children in Trawas, Choreographies of Panji dance at PPLH

2007: Workshop for design students at House of Sempoerna in Surabaya, with a demonstration of fashion displayed in deity statues of ancient Javanese art, having the objective of applying own indigenous motives instead of only using foreign models.

2008: Panji program in the Centre of Environmental Education in Trawas, in cooperation, amongst others by the choreographer Suprapto Suryodarmo and the journalist Henri Nurcahyo.

2009: Meeting of artists, culture and environmental activists, in the Cultural and Environmential Centre Kaliandra, north of Malang, discussing the foundation of an

18 information centre on Panji.

2009: Lectures for school teachers about the tradition of Panji in ancient Javanese art and literature, initiated by Henri Nurcahyo.

2010: Seminar in Candi Panataran; in combination with a workshop for children in painting architecture or specific motives in the temple complex.

2010: Festival Panji in Malang, conducting performances of wayang topeng and other related dances, an academic seminar on the Panji theme, initiated by a group of historians and cultural activists in Malang.

2010 with follow-ups until today: Workshops for schoolchildren at the Majapahit Museum in , thematizing local knowledge and wisdom, including the Panji theme, conducted by Suro Prawiroatmojo.

2012: Start of a routine festival – Purnama Seruling - on the Pendopo Terrace in Candi Panataran by full moon, conducted by the head of the art’s association of Blitar (Dewan Kesenian Kabupaten Blitar). Originally with a major focus on performances referring to the Panji reliefs, over the years it has developed to be a more general theatre and music festival, attracting houndreds of young people, enhanced by huge loudspeakers. A group of musicians and a choreographer from Blitar has continued to create performances related to some specific Panji episodes, and even got awards on province level.

2013: SEAMEO (Southeast Asian Ministers of Education Organization) in Bangkok organized a 5 days-long event: “Seminar and Performances of a Shared Heritage: The Panji/Inao Traditions in Southeast Asia 2-6 March 2013”. Academic speakers from Southeast Asian countries – Laos, Myanmar, Cambiodia, Vietnam, Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia – and me speaker demonstrated a broad range of Panji traditions in the arts. Beautiful performances of Panji dances (Panji is called Inao in Mainland Southeast Asian countries) were glamorously presented. This major event demonstrates the important meaning of the Panji theme beyond Java, highlighting Java as the origin and the roots for the development in the other countries.

2013: Panji Festival, displaying a competition for school-classes in creations of choreographies on a Panji theme, conducted by the art’s association of Blitar.

2014: Second Panji Festival in Blitar, along with a seminar on Panji.

Throughout the years, Mask Dance (wayang topeng) performances in the Malang style have gradually increased in East Java, by attracting more public interest. Central Java as well has a tradition of Mask Dance, whose character is influenced by the court dances and has a more refined style. Performances especially in Surakarta have increased during the last years. I am not sure if the development of these activities has any interconnection with the tendencies in East Java. In 2012 a Topeng Festival was held in Solo. In September 2014 another ‘Festival 19 Topeng’ with a special focus on Panji is planned; groups from other Southeast Asien countries will also perform.

For September 2014 a meeting of Panji enthusiasts in East Java is planned, to discuss the foundation of a Pusat Pecinta Panji (Centre of Panji Admirers) and its concept and form which is planned to comprise both, a website and practicle applications. The intention is to interconnect groups, individuals and activities in the field of Panji, with a focus on strengthening and deepening the potential of the Panji theme.

The National Library in Jakarta plans a seminar on Panji in October 2014, connected with an exhibition of the Panji manuscripts, conserved in the library. This program goes along with the idea of including the Panji stories in the list of UNESCO intangible world heritage.

The Panji Culture also has yielded a few publications the number of which will certainly increase in future. See the bibliography at the end of the article, in particular Henri Nurcahyo 2009, Lydia Kieven 2013. Two other major publications should be mentioned, dating from the time shortly before ‘Panji Culture’ was born: Adrian Vickers 2005, Kant-Achilles 1990.

The potentiality of the Panji theme today

I have demonstrated above, that there are three major categories of embodiment of the Panji theme: (1) in form of literature, (2) in forms of art, (3) in religiosity, all of them being intereconnected with each other. What is the potential of these three aspects of the Panji theme within Javanese society and within a broader society?

On a general level, it is valuable to revitalize and preserve the rich tradition of the Panji theme as a feature of local genius which had been endangered. Teaching and presenting the Panji theme in its various aspects enhances the cultural identity of Javanese people. It is in particular the East Javanese people who become aware that they own a unique tradition. But there is more in it: It is the specifity of the Panji theme itself which intrinsically provides a multi-faceted potential. Drawing back on my elaborations on the functions of Panji in ancient and traditional Javanese art, literature, and religion I try to outline a structure of these multi- facets, starting from a more general level, and breaking down to the essence. The Panji theme represents indigenous creativity, set against dominating influences from outside cultures. Its quality of common people culture makes it more easily accessible in contrast to the refined arts of the palaces in Central Java. The content of the Panji theme provides ideals of human attitude towards life: the struggle for an intended aim, the acceptance of hindrances in this process and the self-confidence in mastering them. Others are: the loyalty to a once given promise, faithfulness, and eventually achieving the aim – union of the two poles of life - which yields harmony and peace. The way of undergoing this struggle is simplicity, not

20 overacting, and sticking to the given environment and capabilities. In its utmost essence Panji indicates to spirituality which is embedded in the achieved harmony. Human beings, who are struggling to master and to understand life, do not need to seak advice straith away by sophisticated teachers and speakers, they can start on a basic level and, mastering step by step, proceed to an understanding. They can learn by Panji, who acts as their guide. This is the process I have outlined in the symbolism of the temples Panataran and Kendalisodo.

‘Creativity’ becomes a keyword in this whole process and is embodied in different levels: The literary genre of the Panji stories and their enactment in forms of art are examples of the indigenous creativity, starting from the ancient East Javanese period until recent time. The different Panji stories - all of them having the same plot of separation, search and reunion - display a high creativity in the various ways of mastering the circumstances within the narratives. Panji himself is a creative figure who is a master in composing music, poems and other forms of art. The Panji theme is a medium par excellence which allows to implement creative processes today, same as it did over the centuries.

Ways and forms of applications are manyfold: performances and art, educational programs, discussions, research. Many of these applications did already happen, as listed above. They have a broad scale ranging from entertainment on one edge to spiritual enactment on the other edge. In between lie interconnected forms and ways of these two parts. There is still a large potential of implementation to be worked out which may find manifestation in the future. An important role play educative programs imparting knowledge and stimulating creative transformations of the Panji theme. The specific and unique nature of the Panji theme, the simplicity and the daily life-character, could be the essence of such projects. Workshop for school children as well as for teachers have been conducted by conveying knowledge and practical activities. Examples are the above described wayang beber worskhop and another workshop including the writing on lontar leaves, the ancient writing material, and modelling small Terracotta Panji figures, both events being conducted by Suryo Prawiroatmojo. The field of performing arts - dance, theatre, and music – does also, beyond merely being entertainment, provide a broad potentiality to apply the intrinsic qualities of the Panji theme and to enhance creative processes. The medium of performances may to a larger degree attract attention and appreciation by young people. Glamorous and noisy presentations of Panji dances and music do, however, actually counteract the essence of the Panji theme.

The ancient sites themselves, be it with relief depictions of Panji stories or not, provide another environment of applying the qualities of the Panji theme. In particular Panji’s role of acting as a guide can be easily transferred. Events like the painting workshop in Candi Panataran in 2010 are a good example to let the participants be guided through the temple complex in an indirect way. Leaflets with information about history and function of the temple can be enriched by educational tasks for children, which, so far are rarely provided in

21 heritage sites all over Indonesia (including Borobudur).27 Personal guides to a temple and particularly to Candi Panataran could act like Panji and lead the visitors through the temple by explaining Panji’s original role and thus conveying the meaning and function of the sacred site. By this means the temple would not be a mere tourist attraction but be understood as a once – or still – holy place. A few years ago the artist Agus Bimo Prayitno gave a performance by singing traditional Javanese macapat with a self-composed text describing the Panji reliefs on the Pendopo Terrace. This performance was actually rather a ritual, and it may have demonstrated the way of guidance through the temple complex in the olden days. These examples present the scale between entertainment and religious/mystic qualities inherent in the temple site. It correlates to the same range of approach and understanding by pilgrims to the place in former time which I explained above. The idea of the Panji Festival in Blitar actually fits well into this range of examples: school classes were given the task to compose a 5 minutes performance referring to one of the Panji episodes on the Pendopo Terrace. By this means they would intensely look at the reliefs, learn about them, and transform them into a creative process. Unfortunately not all classes really looked at the reliefs, but rather referred to a story told them by their teacher; many of the choreographies did not incorporate the specific daily life-character of the Panji theme, but presented glamorous performances, enhanced by over-dimensioned loudspeakers. While many of the choreographies seemed to be based on the classical Central Javanese Ramayana dance, there were still a few which displayed a high and innovative creativity and mirrored the essence of the Panji theme. Thus, the essential potential was in fact not completely exhausted. Festivals like this do have the potential to be further developed. A good example of innovative performances is the music composition by a group of young people in Blitar (leaded by Kholam Shiharta) who took the depiction of an ancient music instrument – reyong – on the walls of the Pendopo Terrace of Candi Panataran as a model to re-construct this instrument and use it in a popmusic-composition. They called the piece “panel 55” referring to the original depiction.

Candi Panataran has during recent years been payed increasing attention to, by the district administration, event managers, by the archaeological service, and by people conducting rituals. The focus of my own research may in some way even have contributed to this development. In former times, Candi Panataran was only visited by few domestic and international tourists; some pilgrims stayed overnight in the temple compound and conducted their rituals particularly in the small bathing place, doing so in a secret atmosphere. Nowadays the number of visitors has increased, and glamorous rituals have been allowed by the archaeological service. A masterplan has been set up and will shape Candi Panataran to

27 A leaflet for Candi Panataran composed by me and printed by the Dewan Kesenian Kabupaten Blitar was unfortunately only available in small number and was even hidden in the drawer of the desk of the temple guards.

22 become a major tourist destination consisting of a taman wisata – a tourist park – to surround the temple complex. I guess the place will change into a miniature of the Borobudur areal. Will the spirit of Panji have a chance to survive? Majapahit has throughout the last years attracted immense attention by society, researchers, politicians, and it makes sense that along with this development Candi Panataran, which was once the State Temple of Majapahit, will gain more importance.

There are other ancient sites, though, which maybe – due to having smaller scale or being located more remote - even better suit as places to enact the Panji theme. There are still many options for application. A walk up on Mount Penanggungan, passing by several small sanctuaries, struggling with the steep slope and the heat, and eventually reaching the remote site Kendalisodo may be such an option.

The development and process of ‘Budaya Panji’ has another critical aspect: throughout the years various groups have claimed that they ‘own Panji’. The city of Kediri proclaimed to be ‘Kota Panji’ (Panji-city); Blitar – represented by the Arts’ Association of the district – gives the ‘Budaya Panji’ a glamorous shape by the Panji Festivals and by a journal called “Sahabat Panji”; Sidoarjo claims to be the original location of Jenggala (the name of the home kingdom of Prince Panji); Malang presents itself as the Panji Performance centre (through wayang topeng). Hopefully, in future the synergetic attitudes will be stronger than the competitive ones.

Outlook: the Panji theme in agricultural context In the olden days the Panji myth made part of fertility rites during the cycle of rice-growing and harvesting. Rituals and performances incorporating myths of Sadono and Sri, considered as incarnations of Panji and Candrakirana, mirrored the aim of their final union in the Panji stories: by ways of Sadono and Sri being in harmony with each other, fertility was garantueed. By practicing such rituals, the people expressed their respect of nature and agriculture and the need to care for it. After the introduction of the 'green revolution' during the Suharto era, agriculture had become an object of optimizing the quantity of harvest by means of using chemical fertilizers and hybrid rice. The environmentalist Suryo Wardhoyo recognized that educating people in making use of the old traditions would strengthen their care for quality instead for quantity, and would impart the awareness and respect for nature and environment. The same holds true for cultural traditions: when people know and understand them, they will see their value and be proud of these traditions. Both, the respect for nature and for cultural traditions strengthen each other. Since cultural activities apply more to the senses, they can be used as a 'door' to initiate this process.

23 Conclusion

Panji’s role in ancient literature and art as an intermediary between daily life and higher understanding of spirituality, and as an indicator of harmony and peace, can be transformed and applied today. In this way Panji culture is not only revitalized in its value as a specific cultural heritage of Java, but beyond this the intrinsic quality of Panji as a culture hero can be conveyed. In a broader context, the revitalization and application of these qualities can contribute to strengthen the attitude of Javanese society towards Western globalization and towards the increasing impact of fanatic Islamic values. Javanese people can learn from their history, develop respect of their tradition and become ready to preserve their culture in a creative way..

The fact that the Panji theme is even known throughout larger parts of Southeast Asia, can of course also contribute to strengthening self-esteem of Javanese people and to develop a consciousness of being interconnected with other cultures.

Cologne, 14-07-2014

24 Figures

Panji sculpture from Selokelir on the slopes of Mount Penanggungan, kept in ITB Bandung

Relief depicting a scene from a Panji story, Panji holding a vina, at Candi Kendalisodo, photo taken in 1996 before destruction of Panji’s head.

25

Scene from a Wayang Topeng performance in the Malang style, showing Panji and Candrakirana, Tumpang 2000.

26 Bibliography

Beatty, A. 1999 Varieties of Javanese Religion. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Berg, C.C. 1954 ‘Bijdragen tot de kennis der Panji-verhalen’, BKI 110:189-216, 305-34.

Creese, H. 2004 Women of the kakawin world. Marriage and sexuality in the Indic courts of Java and Bali. Armonk, N.Y: Sharpe.

Feillard, A. 2010 The end of innocence? Indonesian Islam and the temptation of radicalism. University of Hawai’I Press.

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