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Vol. 10 No. 5 REPORTpi Contents

Editorial: Ten Years Young ...... 1 ...

Regional Security: The 'New Security' in Southern Africa ......

Prisoner of the Past? The New Abroad ...... Southern Africa REPORT The Sad Saga of KwaZulu- ...... is produced 4 times a year by a volunteer collective of TCLSAC, the Toronto Committee for Links Donor Dollars and Mozambique's NGOs ...... between Southern Africa & Canada 603-1/2 Parliament St. Toronto, M4X 1P9 Gender Field Workers: Tel. (416) 967-5562 A Toronto Visit ...... Email telsac(web.apc.org Submissions, suggestions and help in production are welcome and invited. Undermining the RDP: ISSN 0820-5582 A Reply to Barry Pinsky ...... SAR is a member of the Canadian Magazine Publishers Association. All rights reversed. Review: Sporting Colours ...... Subscriptions Annual TCLSAC membership and Southern Africa Report subscription rates are as follows: SUBSCRIPTION: SAR Collective Individual (1 year) . ... $18:00 $40.00 Institution ...... Margie Adam, Christine Beckermann, MEMBERSHIP: (includes subscription) Lois Browne, Marlea Clarke, David Cooke, Regular ...... $35.00 David Galbraith, Dave Hartman, David Pottie, Vise Unemployed John S. Saul, Lauren Swenarchuk, Joe Student ...... $18.00 Senior Sustainer ...... over $100.00 Cover design by Art Work Cover photo by David Hartman Overseas add $10.00 ______i ~-

.0!W15l Canadian Publications Mail Product Sales Agreement No. 569607 man Ten Years Young Well, we did it. Now we'll just have to do it again. We're talking about ten years of Souilhern Africa Report Not that we've won any National Maga zine Awards here in Can ada. We've never been cited in the Toronto Globe and Mail's prestigious "Maga zines" overview. Nor have we ever had our existence noted by such Globe pun dits as Robert Fulford or Rick Salutin. However, we do seem to have a loyal, to judge by renewal rates, and even growing (albeit by tens and twenties rather than hundreds and thousands) readership, both in Can ada and abroad. Word of mouth, and the occasional letter, also tells us that both the aesthetic and political quality of what we've been doing remains at an accept able level. According to our readers, we've managed to weather the transition from the heady days of libera tion movements and anti ' struggle in south ern Africa to the present moment of greyer and more sobering realities in a rea sonably coivincing and in teresting manner. Certainly the enterprise continues to convince and interest us. The eaitorial collective still sports some of the same wizened veterans who helped launch our endeav ours a decade ago, for exam ple. And just enough young blood has since joined the magazine team to suggest that southern Africa sup port work is not merely an Vol. 1 No. 1 June 1985 agenda for geriatrics. True, we've come close to los-

REPORT july 199.5 Southern Africa REPORT july 1995 .r1-51 0______0_ ing our zest for the enterprise from that are being forged between Cana We hope, too, that you'll forgive time to time. This spring we went dians and southern Africans in the such slightly self-indulgent mid through some soul-searchirg when post-apartheid period. Political pur summer musings on the occasion of we questioned, quite fundamentally pose aplenty, then. As for finances, our tenth anni-versary. Your reward, and in concert with others beyond that's another question. In this re in the rest of the magazine, is some the working group itself, the present gard, we hope that any of you read of the same kind of strong stuff on state of our finances, of our energy ing this issue will subscribe, if you southern Africa that you've become level, and, not least, of our sense of don't do so already, and will also accustomed to. Front and centre are political purpose. get any institution you have access pieces by Roger Southall and Peter to (your library, for example) to sub Vale on some key aspects of South Political purpose? No problem, scribe as well. As hinted above, even Africa's foreign policy-making, part once we stopped to think about it. the odd five or ten new subscrip of our on-going effort to determine Who can doubt, as we've had oc tions is enough to revive our ener what's really new about the "new casion to emphasize in previous ed gies when they start to flag. We'd South Africa." Not enough, Vale at itorials in these pages, that south also be further energized if readers least seems to suggest, and this is an ern Africa remains an instructive were to take rather more active own c pinion shared by Patrick Bond in microcosm of much of what ails ership of the magazine. Certainly, these pages as he critiques an earlier the world, even if globally inflicted we'd welcome any advice you might article by our own Barry Pinsky on structural adjustment packages and have about the substance of what the ANC's housing strategy. Look, locally-generated despots have now we're doing: subjects to be cov too, for some illumination from replaced desiccated colonialisms and ered, authors to be solicited, lines of Gerry Mar6 of the sinister doings apartheid autocrats as the main in analysis to be explored. And how that continue to unfold in KwaZulu dices of regional blight? Nor should about a few more "public" letters Natal. And, from Alexander Costy, we doubt that southern Africans the more argumentative the better a nice spin on the question of in the present issue Marlea Clarke to enliven our pages and help push Mozambican NGOs and the state tells us of two women who well qual us all a step forward in our think of "civil society" in that country. ify as shining examples - will con ing. Help us, in short, to give you A good review, too, from long-time tinue to give us all lessons in what ten more years of something other contributor, Bruce Kidd, reflecting it means to fight back. And, as wise not easy to come by: pertinent back on the anti-apartheid struggle our shared vulnerability, North and and politically pretty correct writ on the sporting front. And wait 'til South, to the vagaries of footloose ing on something - we suspect you'll you see what we've got lined up for global capital becomes ever more ap agree- even more important than you in volume 11, number one. Yes, parent, there is also a lot to be the O.J. Simpson trial! we really are going to do our first learned from the new kinds of ties decade all over again.

Africa REPORT july 1995199.5 Southern Africa REPORT Regional Security The 'New Security' in Southern Africa

BY ROGER SOUTHALL defines the region has been the con resentatives of other parties, foreign viction that relations between South embassies and academia. Roger Southall is Professor of Politics at Rhodes University. Africa and its neighbours will now Inevitably, however, the restruc be based on mutual trust in a shared turing of regional relations is not An era of regeneration and inter project of regional peace and devel problem free. SADC is having to state cooperation throughout the opment. redefine its SADCC-inherited mis Southern African region seems pos The arrival of the new govern sion: whilst regional countries are sible with the fall cf apartheid, the looking to South Africa's industrial democratization prbcess that has ment in Pretoria headed by Pres ident has been economy to jump-start the regional taken place throughout the region, economy, they are no more keen to and the winding down of the exter viewed as synonymous not only with legitimate government but also with day to become dependent upon a re nally fuelled civil conflicts in An gional hegemon than they were be gola and Mozambique. Hopes for the birth of a new moral order. This perspective has drawn convic fore. This poses problems in for such a period of renewal have been mulating a policy for manufactur symbolized and institutionalized by tion from a series of ANC policy statements made both before and ing that will both attract foreign in the transformation of the old South vestment (which will flow mostly to ern African Development Coordinat after the election. The most pro grammatic of these was the ANC's South Africa) and narrow regional ing Conference (SADCC) into the disparities. Yet some of the most new Southern African Development commitment, elaborated in October 1993, to a foreign policy future that dramatic developments are occur Community (SADC), launched in would make central a preoccupation ring in the security sphere - im 1994 with the new, post-apartheid with human rights, the promotion portant above all for guaranteeing South Africa at its heart. of democracy worldwide, respect for human rights - where there is a The background to this is well international law, a striving for in quite remarkable willingness of for known: how apartheid South Africa ternational peace, and commitment mer enemies within regional military tried to dominate the region by to the best interests of Africa gener and intelligence networks to work to drawing its most immediately de ally and of the Southern African re gether towards a shared conception pendent neighbours into a Constel gion in particular. Influential, too, of a common, regional good. lation of Southern African States was the view expressed by Kadar The emergent structures and the (CONSAS); how these same coun Asmal that post-apartheid South potential of these new regional secu tries responded by forming SADCC Africa would owe its regional neigh rity arrangements are important for in 1980 in the hopes of reducing their bours compensation (via the forg the promotion of a more humanistic, dependence on South Africa through ing of special relationships if not fi less state-centred conception of secu mutual cooperation; and how South nancial restitution) for the devasta rity . However, the possibility exists Africa replied with its policy of "to tion it had wreaked upon them in that the new South Africa's aspira tal strategy" and a vicious military the past. And more recently, the tion towards a human-rights based destabilization of those countries in region took heart from the formal foreign policy could yet be derailed. the region that supported the ANC apology offered to Mozambique by struggle. new Speaker of the National Assem Towards a new security? The end of the Cold War was bly, Frene Ginwala, upon the occa Peace in Southern Africa is forcing the precursor to the wider transition sion of President Chissano's visit to a dramatic re-thinking of the defini to democracy that has taken place the South African Parliament. Do tion of security. During the apart throughout the region. Competi mestically, too, encouragement was heid era, South Africa looked to its tive elections since 1989 in Namibia drawn from the apparent meeting of borders as a defence against its en (twice), Zambia, Lesotho, Malawi minds around a new foreign policy emies; its neighbours stared back in and Mozambique have contributed orientation that seemed to emerge fearful anticipation of destabilizing to enormously improved prospects from meetings that drew the Depart military raids by the South African for inter-state collaboration. Cen ment of Foreign Affairs (DFA) and Defence Force. Today, with hostili tral to the new optimism that now ANC personnel, together with rep- ties replaced by friendship, the ma-

Southern Africa REPORT july 1995 jor threats to states' stability are a protocol on the free movement of fective political arm of SADCC in increasingly viewed as coming not persons between states, and another the struggle against apartheid - dis from any military quarter, but from on industry and trade. None the solved and was replaced with a new the common enemies of poverty and less, in so far as they may easily framework for political and security lack of hope, unemployment and impact upon the stability of any or cooperation. massive economic migration south all the regional states, these prob The SADC secretariat is known wards, environmental degradation, lems retain an important security to have favoured incorporation of AIDS, drug-running and organized aspect. Indeed, defence establish this new structure within SADC crime, the alarming availability of a ments remain very much alive to the but the meeting of SADC For massive supply of small arms in the potential the "new" security chal eign Ministers in Harare in March wake of numerous wars, and so on. lenges have for transforming them 1995 proposed instead the estab These are as much developmen selves into more conventional threats lishment of a separate, but paral tal as they are security challenges. to peace and democracy. lel, Association of Southern African Just as South Africa is seeking to Out of this concern has come States (ASAS). Should this be rat tackle them through its Reconstruc the commitment by SADC at its ified at the SADC Heads of Gov tion and Development Programme founding to set up "a framework ernment Summit scheduled for Au (RDP), so other governments in the and mechanisms to strengthen re gust, ASAS will become the primary region are pursuing their own agen gional solidarity and provide for mu mechanism for dealing with conflict das. Importantly, however, the tual peace and security ... " Conse prevention, management and resolu recognition that these are shared dif quently, following South Africa's ac tion in Southern Africa. ficulties is providing some basis for cession to SADC in June 1994, the ASAS, which is meant to com regional cooperation. Hence, SADC Frontline States (FLS) organization plement and not replace OAU mech is working towards promulgation of - the entente that served as the ef- anisms, will operate independently

july 1995 Southern Africa REPORT of the SADC secretariat, but will that any South African military the "Department of Floundering report directly to the SADC sum engagement outside the country Affairs" is now reaching a crescendo. mit. Bureaucracy will be kept to will always be conducted within The concerns voiced by critics are a minimum, its Chair will rotate the framework of international law; numerous, but they centre around amongst member states every two that any participation in peace the failure of Mandela's South years, heads of government will be support, peace keeping or peace Africa to provide moral leadership in its decision-making authority, and making operations will be driven by international affairs, together with all its decisions will be implemented the Department of Foreign Affairs the DFA's apparent reluctance to by two Committees serviced by the (DFA), and not by the Department restructure. Foreign Ministry of the Chairing of Defence; that military force In recent months, disturbing re state - one committee for political is not an acceptable instrument ports have surfaced in the press matters and one for defence and se for conducting foreign policy and about how post-1990 covert sup curity matters. settling disputes; and that the long ply of arms by Armscor, the South term objective of South African African arms manufacturing para If these arrangements are ap defence policy within the region statal, have helped to fuel the civil proved, it seems likely that the Inter should be the prevention of conflict conflicts in Yemen, Rwanda, Croa State Defence and Security Commit in the first place. tia and Angola in defiance of var tee (ISDSC), established by SADC ious UN embargoes. Although states at Arusha in November 1994, The SANDF - which is still being will provide the basis for the ASAS forged in the integration of SADF, Defence Minister Joe Modise re sponded to early signals by ap defence and security committees. homeland and liberation armies pointing an investigatory commis As established at present, this pro argues that its commitment to the sion under Judge Edward Camerron vides for a series of sub-committees new agenda could be exemplified for operations, intelligence, person by its engagement in such major in September 1994, and although re such illicit trading nel and logistics under a Commit operations as mine-clearing in An sponsibility for tee of Ministers, and is intended to gola and Mozambique, demobiliza lies with the former regime, there that - be focus on training and cooperation tion and disarmament of paramili is widespread concern rather than on the creation of ei tary and irregular forces, and mon tween them - the DFA and the De ther a regional peace-keeping force itoring of peace agreements. It fence Ministry have not yet sub or any form of regional command. has also been made aware of the jected Armscor to anything like ad accountability. Indeed, the Nonetheless, it is already recognized enormous sensitivity to the South equate major worry is that in its concern to as important that such a multilat African defence presence within the boost employment eral organization be able to provide region, and the need to avoid any promote exports, and fund the RDP, the government intelligence support for preventive suggestion of attempts to impose to address the diplomacy initiatives in the case of a new, even if benevolent, military is failing miserably key issue of how participation in the pending or actual conflicts within hegemony. trade may under the region, as well as be able to international arms mine any serious commitment to a plan combined operations and estab Against this, whilst there are indications that human rights-based foreign policy. lish security arrangements between these encouraging states on specific issues such as coun the SANDF is learning fast how to Controversy has also erupted tering weapons smuggling. behave within the region, there are around the possible purchase by disconcerting signs that its better South Africa of four corvettes for One of the most encouraging efforts are being undermined by the Navy from Yarrow, a subsidiary aspects of these developments has other elements within the Defence of GEC, Britain's largest electronics been the leading role played by and Foreign Affairs establishments. has South Africa, in particular the and defence contractor, which Remaking South African for a long record of supplying weapons commitment displayed by senior to non-democratic countries (such figures in the South African National eign policy as Brazil, Nigeria and Indonesia) Defence Force (SANDF), most of The replacement of Pik Botha as that violate human rights. In whom have been retained from the Foreign Minister by the ANC's deed, counter-trade proposals put by former SADF. Whatever their past Alfred Nzo, and the appointment Yarrow suggest that GEC wants to involvements in fighting apartheid's of Aziz Pahad as Deputy Minister, coopt South Africa into manufactur battles, they are now ostensibly were widely deemed as providing a ing British weapons under licence for committed to serving under Defence progressive shift in South African export to politically sensitive regions Minister Joe Modise and Deputy foreign policy and policy-making such as the Middle East. Minister . That structures. However, some fifteen means subscribing to key tenets of months later, criticism of what the Concerns such as these are sup the new defence strategy, notably: Mail and Guardian has now dubbed ported by the controversial deci-

Southern Africa REPORT july 1995 Ing&

sions to establish diplomatic re Finally, and importantly, severe Lesotho in August-September 1994 lations with Sudan and Indone criticism has been directed at the indicates its commitment to the sia, whose regimes have come un DFA by the all-party National maintenance of democracy through der widespread international criti Assembly Committee on Foreign out the region. However, while the cism for their gross abuse of human Affairs under the chairmanship new government's moves within the rights. Worse, accusations - which of the ANC's Raymond Suttner. sub-continent can yet scarcely be have not been convincingly rebutted Apart from adding to the concerns faulted, the wider context of its for - have been made that the connec already mentioned, the Committee eign policy poses questions that can tion with Indonesia has been forged has also sharply criticized the not but have eventual implications because President Suharto made fi DFA's proposed budget allocation of for Southern Africa: nancial donations to the ANC be only R105 million of its allocated Can South Africa speak authori fore the election. Combined with R645 million on the servicing tatively on human rights within the further allegations that the govern and extension of South Africa's region and Africa if in its wider for ment's support for the US stand diplomatic missions on its own eign policy it has friendly links with

on the renewal of the Nuclear Non continent of Africa. Suttner regimes like those of Sudan, Nigeria Proliferation Treaty was connected has been quoted as calling for a and Indonesia? "rupture" to subsequent approval of an IMF with the past in the Is the ANC in sufficient control loan, the broader worry is that some DFA, especially with regard to its of the DFA to shift foreign policy to aspects of South Africa's foreign pol policy process, and has demanded wards a more Africa-centred focus? icy are coming up for sale. The that foreign policy be rendered more apparent clash between the ANC's accountable to the people of South Is the new government prepared foreign policy aspirations and real Africa. to back its commitment to a peaceful policies are linked by critics to the world order by imposing a firm continued domination of the DFA Regional implications grip on Armscor, and by seriously by old-guard bureaucrats. Led by The major role that South Africa questioning how much the moral Director-General Rusty Evans, re has played in re-thinking the na basis of its whole foreign policy may tained to lead the Department by ture of security and in devising be undermined by its engagement in Nzo, these bureaucrats have been more appropriate structures to re the international arms trade? accused of resisting recruitment of orient the military towards peace ANC and other potential diplomatic support operations testifies to the These are early days. But an ur recruits trained abroad before the new government's desire to place hu gent question is already being asked: election in favour of so-called "for man rights and development at the Is it possible for the new South eign policy" personnel previously centre of its regional foreign pol Africa to combine a human rights employed by the "Foreign Affairs" icy. Its high profile diplomatic role, and peace-based policy in Southern departments of the formerly "inde with Botswana and Zimbabwe, in re Africa with a more dubious foreign pendent" homelands. solving the constitutional crisis in policy thrust elsewhere?

july 1995 Southern Africa REPORT Prisoner of the Past? The New South Africa Abroad

BY PETER VALE is especially important in foreign the country manufacture seven and policy where the late-Victorian val a half atom bombs? Peter Vale is Professor of Southern ues of firmness, discipline and thrift Many of these features were not African Studies at the University of the have underpinned South Africa's ap exclusive to South Africa's foreign Western Cape and a Visiting Professor preciation of itself within the in policy, of course. During the at the University of Stellenbosch where ternational context. In the much Cold War, most countries used he teaches comparative foreign policy. loved but analytically threadbare di realist templates to understand and He writes on South Africa's interna chotomy represented by the poles respond to international questions. tional relations for the influential na of order and justice, South Africa But three important differences set tional weekly The Mail & Guardian. was quintessentially for "order." It South Africa apart from the general The text and sub-text of South is difficult to find a single instance cases. Africa's foreign policy were quite of South Africa's behaviour in the First, the policy process in South simple during the apartheid years. world that has not been influenced Africa was entirely cut off from do Slavishly committed to the central by this consideration. mestic politics. Organized public in tenets of western economic interests, South Africa's national weltan terest in foreign policy and inter the country's security was dedicated schauung profoundly influenced, and national relations supported, rather to ensuring the preservation of was influenced by, the idiom within than challenged, exclusivity around white supremacy. The making which the state conducted its inter the making of foreign policy. This of this foreign policy was closed, national relationships. It is not pos contrasts with experience elsewhere; confined to "a kind of an elite" sible to overestimate the importance in the 1980s, organized public in almost exclusively made up of white of the narrow security-driven idiom terest increasingly became a feature Afrikaner males. Even within the that closed off all other avenues of of foreign policy making in most confines of the limited (and limiting) discourse. Less than a decade ago, democracies. Indeed, the interna minority democracy, foreign policy South Africa's ambassador to the tional response to apartheid was a was the preserve of dictatorial U.N. challenged the Security Coun case in point. Official shifts on the figures such as , cil "to do their damnedest," and evi issue in the United States and in responsible for the decision to dence of apartheid's extra-territorial Britain were orchestrated by orga declare the Republic of South mischief-making, in the name of nized public pressure. Africa, and P.W. Botha, the guiding fighting a "total onslaught," was to sanctions against hand on the country's policy of Secondly, be found in places as far apart as South Africa compounded a prob destabilizing its neighbours. Oman, France and Sri Lanka. lem associated with the country's ge The traditional narrative around In framing this behaviour, apart ographic isolation. Located far from South Africa's foreign policy was heid's foreign policy makers drew competing centres of power meant standard to the Cold War period. upon the crude realist paradigm that that even the limited public discus At its root was a haughty confidence has inspired most modern discourse sion that took place was self-centred that rejected any considerations of in international relations. This ap and parochial. As taught in its the nature of the South African state proach was embedded in the belief schools, the country's positioning in or the realities of the international that, irrespective of the challenge the world was little more than a scene. This perspective reinforced to its domestic political legitimacy, paranoid listing of the international patterns of official behaviour and South Africa had real, even 'legiti "wrongs" the country had suffered determined - as it still appears mate,' interests in the international at the hands of its enemies. When to - the country's response to system. As criticism of the apart it moved beyond this, the domi international initiatives. heid state deepened in the 1970s and nant themes were pro-western: Rea But deeper forces are at work 1980s, South African foreign policy gan's Washington and Britain un within South Africa and under makers appeared to believe that any der Thatcher were far more relevant standing these is only possible methods could be used to defend in the mind of South Africa's vot against the backdrop of the coun the country's sovereignty and to se ing public than were Swaziland or try's image and self-image. This cure its self-interest. Why else would Lesotho.

Southern Africa REPORT july 1995 2

Finally, there was a serious dis a place on the international stage former Foreign Minister, Pik Botha. juncture between the theory that - appears to have become an as Anecdotal evidence suggests that drove apartheid's foreign policy and set. Aid agencies and, to a lesser within the DFA ranks are substan its practice. However, appreciat degree, international companies, are tial pools of competence, but that ing this was rendered impossible by using South Africa to service the these were side-lined by cronyism the limitations of orthodox interna region and the continent. But all and an emerging ennui in the mid tional relations methodology which these accoutrements have not made and late-1980s. was largely uncomfortable with lib for a coherent foreign policy; indeed, The DFA eration movements. Were they, like in making foreign policy, the new has other shortcom ings. These have less to do with in the Basque separatist movement, South Africa looks decidedly like the dividual personalities ETA, representative of sub-national old. than with the situation in which the country found elements within established nation As in many areas of its emerging itself in the 1970s and 1980s, decades states? Or, as in Zimbabwe's case, personality, South Africa's "new" that were important to the develop were they part of the Cold War con foreign policy suffers from a crisis ment of modern diplomacy. In cru test for the state itself? Moreover, of multiple identities. The challenge cial areas in the DFA, there is lit in South Africa, something else was of creative international policy in tle or no expertise. Excluded from in place. The ANC had features of a confusing new world appears to all but a handful of rarefied interna both ETA and ZANU/ZAPU but it have flummoxed experienced foreign tional organizations, apartheid had also had a distinctive international policy makers and politicians in little need, or opportunity, for mul personality that enjoyed extensive most countries. In post-apartheid tilateral relations. This lack of ex legitimacy, at times having a higher South Africa, however, one can perience may well prove to be a profile in world affairs than did the find very specific symptoms of this considerable handicap in a world in South African state. Like many malady. other aspects of South Africa's in which multilateralism has become ternational relations, this dimension Consider the issue of idiom. The the prevalent form of diplomacy. was silenced by draconian security mythology around George Bush's Arguably the ANC had more 'new world order' has been surpris legislation. multilateral experience than do ingly evident in South Africa's fram those who were apartheid's diplo Politically things are very dif ing of post-apartheid foreign pol mats. The ANC were active in the ferent now in South Africa. The icy. Nelson Mandela's speechwrit United Nations, the Organization of country's foreign policy is being con ers have cued the President to use African Unity and the Non-Aligned ducted in a near carnival atmo uncritically the 'new world order' Movement. Both the late Johnny sphere, a holdover from the fanfare phrase on several occasions. For Makhathini and built that heralded its return to the in eign Minister Alfred Nzo has also solid reputations as liberation diplo ternational community. The April used it, most recently in the speech mats in multilateral fora. But ac 1994 election results suggest that to parliament on the budget vote. cess to this source of knowledge has contrary to what the world believed, Understanding the immediate rea been largely blocked by the slow South Africans can rise to the es sons for this particular rhetoric is absorption of the liberation move sential challenge of the times and not difficult. The ending of the ments by the DFA. Much of the for find a way for disparate races and Cold War has produced very few co mal blame for this lies in the con cultures to live together in peace herent explanations for the pattern fusion around the sunset clauses in and harmony. More importantly of deteriorating inter-state relations. the transition arrangements; in par over the short-term, Nelson Man For the most part, the process of ticular, the undertaking to absorb dela's courageous life and his tower drafting Presidential and Ministerial the "foreign ministries" of the for ing stature have marked him as one speeches on international relations mer homelands. The irony is that in of the last true heroes of the twen topics fall to the Department of For this new period, the diplomats from tieth century. Monarchs, statesmen eign Affairs which has uncritically apartheid's independent homelands and common garden-variety politi absorbed the language on the post seem poised to play a greater inter cal leaders from around the world Cold War world from the Bush Ad national role than was ever previ have beaten a path to his door. ministration. ously afforded them. There is an im The country has established diplo Understanding this raises ques poverishing side to this: cadres with matic relations with 163 countries tions about DFA bureaucracy. Al real international experience have and has acceded to 86 bilateral and though potentially the strongest de been excluded. 21 multilateral treaties since the in partment of the apartheid regime, Even when exile diplomats have auguration of Nelson Mandela. The the DFA was cowed by the long years been drawn into the DFA, this has country's geographic location - once of fighting isolation and acutely af not been gracefully done. Again, the bane of its efforts to maintain fected by the 16-year stewardship of anecdotal evidence suggests that

july 1995 Southern Africa REPORT V R 2M levels of resistance have been high. African continent, but whether this Here, too, the discourse has not Inevitably incumbent bureaucrats has actually turned on his President been carried by DFA. In this case, resist those regarded as intruders, or on Africa's joy at South Africa's the dominant leadership has been and South Africa's diplomats are return is uncertain. The point of the the South African National Defence no exception. South Africa's comparison is that a central threat Force (SANDF). Like many other long-serving diplomats have been to South Africa's "new" foreign pol transitions - in Spain and Portugal, at some distance from the raw icy may well be the absence of a for example - South Africa's has passion of the country's day-to-day clearly-defined public profile. This been powerfully cast within a politics. Posted abroad and cut promises to be important in South distinctive security-conscious mind off from the intense struggles of Africa where budgets and efficacy set that has uncritically continued the 1980s, they may have little of government departments will be the idiom of the security debates of appreciation for the great wells closely watched. the past. of talent within the ranks of the The ending of the Cold War has True, the simplistic notions of a country's majority. This distance witnessed the rise of a new genre 'total onslaught' that were driven by may have been compounded by the of realism in international relations crude strategic logic have been re DFA's elitist self-image. - trade and economic determinism. placed by a set of new issues such as migration, drugs and small arms The process of transforming the It holds that the new conflicts are While each repre DFA has also been both skewed and economic, that only countries who proliferation. slowed by the rush to appoint black are positioned to respond to this sents distinctive challenges to South staff to foreign missions that has left can become "winning nations." Of Africa's government, whether indi the internal workings of the ministry course, there is ample superficial vidually or together they represent untouched. In most cases, the "new" evidence to support this view, but it a threat to the security of the state foreign policy appears to be made by has been driven by economic interest is an altogether different question. those who made the "old" foreign groups in most countries and South The necessary unpacking of each dangerously simplistic policy. Hopes that this might Africa is no exception. The suggests how of this neo-mercantilism policy approaches to these kinds of be changed by the appointment of watchword senior staff in the ministry have is clear. The business of foreign issues can become when they are policy is finding business. cast within the restricting logic of been put on hold. It has taken traditional strategic thinking. In more than a year to appoint second This perspective has been en tier leadership. The decision to thusiastically embraced by the DFA South and Southern Africa, each of these issues is only properly under retain Rusty Evans, the incumbent, who see it as a means of contributing stood and responded to within wider Director-General of Foreign Affairs, to the Reconstruction and Develop social contexts: migration is a sig until the end of his current tenure, ment Programme (RDP). But they the region's political was not without controversy. face an immediate challenge from nificant part of the increasingly vociferous Depart economy, drugs are an integral part All this may have affected the ment of Trade and Industry (DTI), of the country's culture and of ru public image of the DFA and brings and small arms are a previously a bureaucratic backwa ral economics, us back to the flamboyant Pik by-product of violence and Botha. He remains a master of the ter. The DTI has to all intents and purposes cornered the mar the struggle for scarce resources at sound-bite: in conferences and on ket on South Africa's international the local level. the hustings, his dramatic perfor mances gained him international no economic positioning. They have The strategic logic that under steered the debate and the negoti pinned the ancien regime makes toriety. But it was on television some sense in the context of, say, where a single two-minute appear ations over South Africa's links with European Com maritime security intentions, but ance would guarantee voter approval the all-important and set out the issues on the even in the context of the hotly for the DFA, that he is most sorely munity association with its imme issue around the navy's de missed. This digression should not country's debated diate neighbours through the still sire to purchase four Corvettes, it be read as an attack on Alfred to-be-refurbished Southern African has been shown to be wanting. The Nzo. He is very different from his Union. In all this, the DFA country's maritime interests may be predecessor, far more the Victorian Customs the development of gentleman than any previous South has followed, although it's fair to say best served by that individuals from the DFA have a comprehensive maritime policy in African foreign minister. Nzo's con made a difference particularly on the which the navy might play a major, tribution to the process of building though not the dominant, role. a new set of international relation EU question. ships is, frankly, unknown. Offi If economics is one face of These macro and micro-security cial sources credit him with secur the 'new world order' debate in concerns touch the very core of ing the sets of relations with the South Africa , the other is security. South Africa's foreign policy, the

Southern Africa REPORT july 1995 country's relations with its neigh to the chagrin of the DFA, the the problem. For a mix of economic bours. And, quite understandably, increasingly assertive Parliamentary and sentimental reasons, plus a cer Southern Africa has been identified Committee on Foreign Affairs re tain amount of confusion, the coun as the priority by Minister Nzo, his cently pointed out the inherent con try continues its formal recognition deputy Aziz Pahad and senior bu tradictions in the re-prioritization of of Taiwan. The imminent end to reaucrats in the DFA. Beyond these the country's foreign policy. While British rule in Hong Kong suggests declarations, however, there seems Africa enjoys precedence over both that this policy has a limited shelf to be a void. Although an elab Europe and North America, budget life. Nevertheless, President Man orate scaffolding is in place both re-allocations to match these new dela continues to make conciliatory for a new regional security and eco priorities have not been made. At noises towards the island. Indone nomic structure, South Africa ap issue here is the immediate problem sia is a slightly different case. The pears to be hesitating. In limited of bureaucratic transformation, but President visited the country on two ways, the country is caught in a com much deeper is the issue of foreign occasions. On a recent trip he is re plex dilemma: does it follow or lead policy-making in a democracy. How ported to have has raised his con the region into the 21st century? free is South Africa to produce an in cerns over East Timor. But has he Along with Botswana and Zim dividual and authentic narrative of been forceful enough in promoting babwe, South Africa has shown the itself in the world beyond the Cold an appropriate human rights narra capacity to deal with the deterio War? tive? In the instance of the non rating situation in Lesotho by us All the evidence proliferation treaty, where it seems suggests that ing a judicious mix of traditional South Africa's foreign policy con diplomatic instruments. Lesotho's South Africa did decisively manage to re-direct the course of events tinues to be made by an elite that tragedy, however, is that it may defy is deeply influenced by the coun by leading and directing a third the solutions that these offer. Until try's past approach to the issue and ensuring international experience. and unless the security of Lesotho's This raises serious questions the extension of the treaty, nearly for pro people becomes part of a wider re gressive research. For too long gional context that ensures them ac all the kudos were lost because the country has been seen to be the theory that underpinned South cess to some of the wealth they have Africa's foreign policy too close to the United States. was uncon brought South Africa, there can be tested ground within the country. If, as the South Africans claim, no lasting peace in that country. With few exceptions, intellectuals This means that the sub-region's they did manage to increase the prospects for the extension of the uncritically accepted the necessity of borders will have to be re-examined: the realist paradigm that did little non-proliferation treaty, why has Lesotho might only be stabilized more than promote sectional inter by incorporation in a greater South the US been reluctant to allow the "new" South Africa ests. Africa. The same logic applies to to claim the Swaziland and, perhaps, Botswana. credit? The ending of the Cold War has There is, however, no indication that Then there is great confusion opened up new discourses in inter those who make regional policy are around President Mandela's ap national relations which the debate prepared to move the debate beyond proach to foreign policy issues. Both in South Africa on its emerging for the set routines of preventive diplo China and Indonesia demonstrate eign policy must draw upon more macy. heavily. In important ways, South Africa can play a significant role in Underlying all this, of course, changing the debate on the course is the nagging question of whether of international relations. The rain the 'new' South Africa will be suf bow option can become a force for ficiently confident to draw upon intense new understanding of hu its domestic experience of reconcil ARTCRAFT / ACTION PRINT man relations as the 21st century iation and help chart new direc Specialists in Multicolourand approaches. Moreover, Mandela's tions in Southern Africa. There are Black & White pre-press, personal history needs to inspire hard choices to be made in south printing andfinishing more than failing politicians, re ern Africa: Newsletters * magazines * brochures these are not to be tired statesmen and ageing monar found Envelopes of all sizes are our forte within the narrow discourse cls. Foreign policy-makers will have of Business and Personal Stationery orthodox realism but within the to draw on the insights and energies emerging global contours that are to Desktop output & camerawork services of community groups and unions, be found beyond the nation-state. 2370 Midland Ave., Unit C-10, Scarborough, and they will also have to turn to the Ont. MiS 5C6 (416) 412-0412/Fax 412-0414 Innumerable other issues of both talents offered by a new and critical Call today for estimate and ad*e! theory and policy remain. Much generation of intellectuals.

july 1995 Southern Africa REPORT The Sad Saga of KwaZulu-Natal

BY GERHARD MARP, sis of control ('race', class, gender, industrial growth point north of and space here? Durban, during May, left ten dead, Gerhard Mar6, a sociologist teaching ethnicity) toll this year at the University of Natal, Durban, is On one level there has been bringing the death little change in KZN. For the past to 60 in that area alone. It author of Brothers Born of Warrior the manner in which was at the funeral of some of Blood: Politics and Ethnicity in South fifteen years, political power relations have been these people that President Mandela Africa and is co-author of An Appetite has, to a considerable repeated his threat to cut funds For Power: Buthelezi's Inkatha and the contested extent, been through violence. That to the province. Attacks on Politics of "Loyal Resistance". has not changed. The violence train commuters happened again The outline of the province of continues unabated. For example, in June, while sporadic violent KwaZulu-Natal (KZN), as consti a terror campaign in and around incidents continue through much of tuted within a democratic South the Isithebe/Sundumbili area, an the province. Africa, is shaped in part by geo graphical features (the Indian ocean on the east and the Drakensberg mountains in the west and south west), and partly by historically and presently contested political boundaries (those in the north with Mozambique, established through British colonial annexation in the 1890s; and those in the south by British colonial needs during the nineteenth century and then by the apartheid state). The greatest threats to the territorial integrity of this region came through apart heid fragmentation and attempts in the early 1980s by the National Party government to hand over a part of the territory to Swazi land. But space, as we are fre quently theoretically and practically reminded, is socially created and filled - and fought over (the nine teenth century history of the region is graphic proof of that contest). The central issue at present, as it was throughout the 1980s and early 1990s, relates to who will control this space, now the province of KZN, previously (since 1970) the Kwazulu bantustan and the province of Na tal. From that flows more ques tions: what relations of control will determine who does what to whom within it; on what basis will deci sions as to the future of the region be made; what will internal contes tations be about; what are the rela tionships between identities, the ba-

Southern Africa REPORT july 1995 L-Z l

It is difficult to see how violence What are the most important as a terrible reminder of the failure of the elections to solve all can be contained, never mind re issues in the unfolding saga in which problems. There have been several moved. On all levels, a conflictual Buthelezi and the IFP occupy centre of IFP complicity in style of engaging in political activ stage? allegations ity continues. Threats fly back and violent incidents (such as the murder forth, while no constructive sugges First, although the issue of ge of 13 people in one incident in 1987) tions seem to be on the cards. Con ographical space is largely uncon and close collaboration with state trol over the security forces and the tested, the southern border with agents, both from the security police weeding out of apartheid criminals the Eastern Cape is contentious. and military intelligence. Arrests would seem to offer some hope, but While there has been extreme ten have been made, including Zakhele the new locus of control (whether it sion around this divide, with boy 'MZ' Nxumalo who featured in the be provincial or central) is contested. cotts, marches and threats, the sides 'Inkathagate' revelations a few years On the ground the legacy of 'no-go reflect largely provincial rather than ago (see Soulhern Africa Report v.7, areas', and the removal of opponents party political lines of division. The n.2, November 1991). ANC in KZN, the provincial oppo from such space, has caused social However, unless the Investiga the IFP in its call disruption, anger and suffering that sition, supports tion Task Unit (ITU), appointed by to maintain pre-election boundaries. will take many years to heal, even safety and security minister Sidney This issue is to be resolved through under conditions of calm and recon Mufamadi, can show that it has a judicial commission. struction. But the conflict between not been created simply to harass the and the Second, the extent of and and prosecute the IFP for sins of ANC remains. responsibility for violence remains the past, but also uncovers ANC

july 1995 Southern Africa REPORT ~10)h 0 assassination squads and murderers resolve the issue of violence. It is the highest paid, receiving R305,000 dating back to the same period, doubtful that what failed for the NP per annum, but it is claimed it promises to add to the tension will succeed for the ANC. that another R20 million goes to rather than reduce it. Prosecut Third, the issue of 'traditional maintaining him, his wives, farms ing IFP members for crimes com authority', including the position of and palaces. If they were paid mitted eight years ago, and expos the Zulu king, drags on. Here, the exorbitant salaries and perks ing the details of state-IFP collab once more, no constructive progress proposed by Mandela, equal to those oration, which many knew was the seems to be possible. Until the ANC of MPs, one calculation has it that between case at the time, while essential to clearly spells out its position on they will cost somewhere establishing trust in the police and the powers it intends for chiefs and R300 million and R490 million per the justice system, will not in it 'traditional authority' generally, and annum. self bring violence to an end. The not only in Natal, the contradictions Why the position of the chiefs ITU has promised to act with im with other commitments remain is so important is that in KZN partiality, and to bring ANC mem (such as to equal status for women; they are essential to the ability of bers and supporters to court as well to equality for people in rural areas; the IFP to hold on to political if evidence should be found. How to democracy through decision power. There is little doubt that ever, Mandela used the opportunity making powers for all anywhere in without the support of the chiefs, of a visit to Tanzania (at the end of the country). In addition, the and a large majority still support May) to accuse his minister of home source of payment for the salaries of the IFP and Buthelezi, the party affairs, Buthelezi, of being responsi 'traditional authority' has now come would not have gained the votes ble for the conflict in KZN, adding to a head. they did during the election. The fuel to the fire of accusations of bias The central government has very intensity with which the battle in the government's approach. tabled a bill to remove payment of over payment is fought, and the glee from ANC spokespeople The latest on the on-going issue chiefs and other 'traditional' leaders ironic (who would otherwise deny any of the 'Shell House massacre' is of from the provinces. This does not motive to these moves) who relevance. During the first week of solve either the wider question of ulterior chiefs will now abandon June, President Mandela announced the status of 'traditional authority', claim that the IFP, is sad proof of their in parliament that he had given the or that of the obvious similarities real or perceived power, and the order to defend Shell House, the of this move with colonial and unprincipled power play that is at ANC head office in , apartheid control over chiefs. On work from all sides. during an IFP march just before the this question it appears that the elections, even if it should require IFP government of KZN has the King Goodwill Zwelithini's role killing people. The important constitution on its side in that such remains contentious. It still seems questions being asked now, with few payments should be a provincial that the ANC does not know what answers, are why Mandela waited concern. It has been speculated that to do with him, now that he has more than a year before revealing the ANC may meet with opposition joined 'their side'. Statements this fact; how it relates to his from within the alliance with the continue to be issued from his immediate and direct prevention of SA Communist Party and the trade council rather than directly from police to enter Shell House and union federation COSATU at least him, and it appears that as a to remove weapons and question questioning the lack of legitimacy realistic acknowledgement of his lack people; why it has taken more that many such chiefs have, as of power he has not been called than a year to collect some of the previous agents of apartheid. upon to get chiefs to rally to his weapons employed by ANC guards. Whoever pays them, it remains cause. Meanwhile, the IFP remains of the Extreme threats have been made by a very large expense to incur for committed to the institution people speaking in the name of the an authority whose standing has not monarchy, if not to the person, name IFP, denied by the leadership, of been clarified, whose roles contradict and has proposed that the the consequences unless Mandela is several aspects of the Bill of Rights, of the province be changed to the charged with the murder of those and who will remain contentious 'Kingdom of KwaZulu-Natal'. killed by Shell House guards. wherever they operate in areas also Fourth, to go to the central issue, It appears, from the number contested by democratic authority. the powers of the province against of calls upon, and also threats It was estimated in a recent article the central authority remain and will from Mandela, that some ANC and that there were 'some 20 kings and continue to be a constant issue. Two COSATU officials and parliamentar paramount chiefs, 800 chiefs and IFP documents that relate to this ians believe that a state of emer about 1,000 headmen'. Of these issue have been leaked or revealed gency in the province is essential to King Zwelithini of the Zulus is recently: first, a discussion docu-

Southern Africa REPORT july 1995 Ll::: cLb\2!f ky , ment, which comes close to call and senate operating jointly to draw Assembly Chair Cyril Ramaphosa ing for secession and is at least a up a constitution under which the was a clear indication that Mandela confederal proposal; second, sittings country will be governed after 1999), was not serious, a reference to have started on the process of writ because negotiation did not take the IFP perception that Ramaphosa ing a constitution for the province, place. Mediation was contained in sank mediation moves just before where details of the IFP proposal the agreement that brought the IFP the elections. That this issue has have been reported on. Inkatha, into the elections a week before the long-term implications is clear from now the IFP, has had considerable event. One inference that can be Buthelezi's threat that 'if they don't experience in presenting constitu drawn from the ANC's failure to im take us seriously we will not accept tions. In 1986 the 'Indaba' negoti plement the apparently clear clause the [new] constitution'. ations, initiated and dominated by is that it relates to the issue of re Because the ANC still functions Inkatha, produced a constitution for gional power, and that it does not as a movement and as an alliance, the region that would have made want further restrictions placed on and not as a political party, more it the first state within a future the type of constitution that is being issues than would otherwise be the federal South Africa. In 1991 an drawn up. It seems from statements case are located in central power, other federal constitution was re already made that the ANC wishes and are thus 'politicised'. In addi leased by the KwaZulu government. to step back from the degree of re tion, COSATU's direct involvement Both the discussion document and gional power that it agreed to under in government (as a member of the the present constitutional proposals the interim constitution. alliance) 'politicises' every action it demand a large amount of autonomy In a TV interview, a few weeks takes. In response, as it did in for the province, including, as in pre ago Buthelezi, repeated that he 1986, shortly after the formation of vious documents, control over 'secu doubted the ANC's commitment to COSATU, the IFP has again said rity and protection services'. the agreement. He mentioned that that it would form a new union fed The IFP withdrew from the Con the transfer of the issue from Deputy eration to oppose COSATU. Previ stitutional Assembly (parliament President Mbeki to Constitutional ously Inkatha's UWUSA, despite se curity police funding, did not have much success. It remains to be seen whether it will be any different now, but the issues of the unemployed (excluded from COSATU's protec tion of employed workers) and job threats from 'illegal aliens' do of fer a degree of populist mobilisation that Buthelezi has manipulated in The 1995 Canadian Magazines the past. In conclusion, the conflict in the for Everyone Catalolue province will continue - over re MORE THAN 250 MAGAZINES gional power in relation to the cen tral government; and over the de TO CHOOSE FROM! gree and type of recognition given to ethnically-distinct political de g-u 1995 Canadian Magazines for mands. The range of issues, some of Everyone catalogue is bigger and better * END ME THE NEW 1-95 CMPA which have been mentioned above, than ever. Use it all year long to find the CATALOGUE. I ENCLOSE MY that will provide sparks for this con perfect gift. Or treat yourself, at home OHE9UE FOR $5 (GST, POSTAGE AND flict will no doubt expand over time. and at work, to the latest information HANDLING ARE COVERED IN THIS AMOUNT). from coast to coast. What remains to be seen is whether the ANC, and the government of To get your new catalogue, fill in this NAME national unity, can find proactive coupon and mail it today with $5 strategies that can both incorporate (including GST, shipping and handling). ADDRESS We are also happy to accept VISA or legitimate demands for democratic Mastercard orders by fax or phone. decentralisation and for recognition of difference, and also deny the po CITY PRO-N litical mobilisation of ethnicity and confrontational politics as practised 130Spadina Ave. Suite 202 Toronto ON M5V 214 POSTAL C.D- Tel (416) 504-0274 Fax (416) 504-0437 by Buthelezi and the IFP. There are few signs that this will happen.

1995 Southern Africa REPORT 14 july 1995 Southern Africa REPORT Donor Dollars and Mozambique's NGOs

cal fields connected with humanitar ian and developmental objectives. Their activities span the range from public health, family planning and AIDS prevention to rural develop ment, primary education and pro fessional training. Their growth in the past five years has been such that a secondary service industry has mushroomed up around them, offering strategic advice, legal coun sel and access to office space and equipment.

I recently attended a two-day conference hosted by the Centre for African Studies (CAS) at Ma puto's Eduardo Mondlane Univer sity, where about thirty national NGO leaders convened to discuss their purpose and identity within the emerging civil society in Mozam BY ALEXANDER COSTY tional NGOs are active in Mozam bique. For many, it was a first bique today. Some, like the Or time opportunity to exchange ideas Alexander Costy, who has just returned ganiza~ao da Mulher Mogambicana and discuss strategies for the future. from three months in Mozambique, is (OMM) and the Organizaqao da Ju The encounter ended on an opti doing graduate work in International ventude Moqambicana (OJM) are mistic note with a closing speech by Relations at the University of Toronto carry-overs of the mass organiza CAS director Isabel Casimiro, who and is an associate of the Millennium tions (ODMs) set up by the formerly concluded that national NGOs re Research Group. marxist FRELIMO government in flect the vitality of this new phase in the post-independence period. Oth Mozambican history, and that they During a recent visit to Maputo ers are remnants of the old agricul should prepare for interesting and I was struck by the extent and tural co-operative system or surviv challenging times ahead. high-profile of the international ing state-sponsored professional as presence in Mozambique. Less sociations. The vast majority of My own impression from the con visible, but perhaps more significant them, however, sprang to life af ference and from subsequent discus to Mozambique than the dazzling ter 1990 with the introduction of a sions with NGO officials was less display of international assistance, new constitution allowing, for the bright, however. As I shall argue, however, is the rising tide of first time, for free association among NGOs here appear caught in an national NGOs now sweeping the citizens. At the same time, the increasingly awkward position be capital. The precious few cars shift from a managed to a market tween international donors and the at their disposal are unmarked economy has significantly reduced community they wish to serve, es and weathered, but they represent the scope of government spending, pecially in the rural sector. Gener an emerging civil element which while the outbreak of peace in 1992 ally, they are also unduly defensive testifies to the many profound and first-time multiparty elections in towards the government, and they changes in Mozambique. 1994 have created a new space for so tend to compete amongst themselves cial action. Today, national NGOs rather than to work together. Such Numbers are difficult to come cover a wide range of social, educa problems will weigh heavily both on by, but an estimated 120 na- tional and, to a lesser extent, techni- their capacity to face future devel-

Southern Africa REPORT july 1995 Ma~m 0 0 0 opment challenges in Mozambique, Moreover, the increasing impover bicans live in small rural commu Mozambicans ex nities scattered across the country and on the prospects for their own ishment of most of reliable in side. Because of their own short survival. cludes the possibility come coming through membership history and the "hurry-up" nature or service charges. This frame of the emergency and electoral work The partnership problem fees work of dependency prevents the they have primarily been engaged in As noted, recent political changes local NGO community from build to date, NGOs have had no oppor have created a favourable context ing essential national alliances which tunity to cultivate meaningful links for the emergence of a community would strengthen their operational with rural communities. National of national NGOs in Mozambique. capacity, broaden their scope for in NGO officials are urban recruits But this community's organizational dependent decision-making and en with a mainly administrative back form, philosophy and development hance their sustainability. More se ground, apt in dealing with donors, strategies are shaped overwhelm riously, it threatens to fragment, but with little first hand knowledge ingly by the 180 or so international rather than unify, national efforts to of socio-economic forms of organiza agencies, NGOs and bilateral donors wards development. tion in remote areas. Moreover, they which flooded the country at the belong predominantly to the ethnic turn of the decade. A key strategy Partnership with the commu ity of the South, and are schooled among donor organizations during nity? in Portuguese, an official language the Emergency period was to spon which, according to this year's gov sor the formation of national NGOs In a rare public utterance on ernment estimates, three quarters of as "partners," or intermediaries be this problem - published in the the population do not speak. tween themselves and the commu new national weekly Savana - one between na nities they wished to serve. This reader bluntly noted that the only Narrowing the gap the community was meant to involve Mozambicans difference between yesterday's mass tional NGOs and strategy in the relief effort, and to bypass the democratic organizations (ODMs) was a central survival CAS conference. political and bureaucratic obstacles and today's NGOs is in their discussed at the frame of government by opening-up direct political (and economic) masters. Within the current funding channels for the delivery of goods Leadership in the social sphere has work, rural intervention is primarily an interna and services to recipient communi been transferred from the state project based. Running ties. National groups were involved to international doadores (donors), tionally financed project is therefore An in facilitating or executing the emer and, he adds, there is no sign, essential for immediate survival. gency assistance programme, pro that the new breed represents increasingly popular funding strat viding valuable logistical and com broader societal interests any more egy for groups like AMRU and munications support. Many agree than did the old. In fact, the MBEU (focusing on rural women), that the relief effort and subsequent Mozambican population was not ADCR (on integrated rural develop electoral process were well served actively involved in this shift. Unlike ment) and AMODEFA (on family by such close cooperation between the Western interest groups and planning) is to conduct brief, on-site in order to national and international organiza social associations after which they "socio-economic" studies deter tions. are modelled, Mozambican NGOs involve local communities in did not emerge historically from mining social needs in selected dis Now, with the emergency offi the spontaneous organization of tricts of the country. These studies, cially over, long-term rural devel voluntary social interests. They thus it is hoped, will generate represen opment is the order of the day, suffer from the lack of a strong tative, needs-based projects for pro and many national NGOs are look popular base. posal, or, as one NGO official can ing to change their orientation ac didly told me, "for sale" to interna cordingly. However, the initial Today, NGOs are unclear about tional donors. partnership framework remains in how to deal with this "representa tact in the post-emergency phase, tion deficit," which goes to the very Thus projects are conceived and, as things now stand, national heart of their organizational iden within a competitive logic, with an NGOs are 90 to 100 percent depen tity, inhibits their work in the field, eye on increasingly smaller slices dent on foreign financial support for and ultimately threatens their pur of the international project-funding their prospective development activ pose within the development pro pie. Yet this type of "project ities. The relative availability of limited cess. Some facets of the problem writing" is of extremely money from abroad is matched by are readily apparent. The major representational value. Studies the virtual non-existence of local an ity of national NGOs are located in typically involve contracting funding sources: government spend the capital, the seat of international economist or sociologist to conduct ing is restricted and the domes donors, while 70 percent of Mozam- field-work for a period of up to six tic private sector extremely weak.

Africa REYLJI~T july 1995 Southern Africa REPORT moommilam.

weeks, hardly the time needed to ganizations, including Forum Mul of resources and qualified person lay the ground-work for long term her and Mulheid, work alongside nel. And, as it happens, many partnerships. At the same time, the the veteran OMM on women's is NGO leaders agree with this point in limited time-frame of most project sues. The Associa~ao Amigos da principle: coordinating facilities like funding also provides little sustained Crianga, the Associafao de Apoio KULIMA and LINK have emerged incentive to become firmly rooted in a Crian~a da Rua, KANINBO, and to promote dialogue and informa remote communities. GYANANA all work with children. tion sharing, for example. But the In sum, by engaging in a project Many other groups, like MOCIZA desire to coordinate is tempered by funding race, national NGOs risk and AAIM, MBEU and ADCR, take a general fear of encroachment or establishing little more than a an integrated approach to develop not a little bad faith, while, more cosmetic representational link with ment, and carry out multi-sector ac generally, a competitive atmosphere rural communities. Yet, in truth, tivities ranging from education and prevails. NGOs (no doubt under they may have little choice: the agriculture to maternal and child standably) are eager to build their economic situation is extreme, and health and community development. institutional autonomy and make a not likely to improve any time soon. name for themselves in this new era Meanwhile the current framework, The NGO community as whole of opportunity. As a result, practi which incites them essentially to put could fight such overlap and conse cal coordination strategies, such as development up "for sale" for the quent fragmentation of their efforts joint planning and project-sharing, sake of self-sustainment, keeps them by setting-up frameworks for collab technical cooperation, personnel ex closer to international donors than oration within specific areas of ac changes, joint-training and the com to their potential social base. tion. This is especially true in the mon use of limited transport and more technical spheres of develop communications materials, are slow Partnership among equals? ment like nursing, teaching and on to be seriously considered. Many NGOs do similar kinds of site professional training, where na Such measures would, of course, work. For example, five national or- tional NGOs suffer from a scarcity help to overcome the technical and

Southern Africa REPORT july 1995 0h ' material shortcomings which weaken cause it is set against a histori ral areas, thus extending their own the position of national NGOs, and cal background of strong, often re reach and experience while reinforc enable them to begin to face the pressive state intervention in soci ing the central development pro enormity and complexity of the de ety. Thus, despite recent consti gramme. Joint gathering of demo velopment work at hand. Any loss tutional changes, elections and a graphic and statistical information of autonomy among equals would commitment to social and economic from the field would mutually en also be made up for by a new col freedoms, government continues to hance the capacity to properly as lective autonomy vis-a-vis interna carry the burden of past mistakes. sess ongoing rural projects and plan tional donors. Unfortunately, here Today, the idea of an active state future ones. The list of potential again it is their dire financial circum quickly conjures up old ghosts and benefits from cooperation goes on stances that dictates outcomes, en is regarded, to borrow the words of and on, and, as many development couraging national NGOs to respect one NGO director, as a "pass6 form watchers here will attest, the perils the incentives and constraints of a of governance." And, indeed, the of non-cooperation with government development framework which priv Mozambican government does have are just as numerous. ileges vertical links over construc grave limitations, not least an ar During the CAS conference, a tive horizontal ones. Groups al chaic bureaucracy and a serious lack National Planning Commission offi ready partnered with international of technical and organizational ca cial invited NGO leaders to partici agencies and NGOs tend to value pacity. Information-gathering in the pate in creating a dialogue. The re that relationship more than poten field also needs to be improved seri action was cool. In the present eco tial links with similarly focused in ously, and corruption has increased nomic climate, the immediate ben digenous groups, while those on the exponentially in recent years. Be efits of present links to donors far outside mainly aspire to get into the sides, like any government, it has its outweigh the distant advantages of international linkage game. Apart own political interests, thus open partnership with government. In from discouraging a more coordi ing up plenty of room for conflict ternational donors are perceived as nated development effort, this com with NGO objectives. Moreover, as more reliable, and inspire less sus petitive dynamic also reinforces the former civil servants, many national picion. Here too, the temptation conditions that have given rise finan NGO officials know the shortcom for emerging NGOs to go it alone cial dependence in the first place. ings of government well! and strike a strong public image on the basis of which to solicit new in Partnership with goverinent? Yet it should also be emphasized ternational funding is strong. So that the state has been engaged is the desire to work autonomously work for The model for national develop in integrated development and at first hand in the field. Yet it the ment presently being implemented over two decades, making as one well informed observer once entity in in Mozambique reflects a powerful single most experienced suggested, "It may be personally both in terms of its international trend in current devel the country, more satisfying to work with a hand its mistakes. It is in opmental and humanitarian think successes and ful of peasants ... but it helps valuable ing. This model focuses on develop a unique position to lend more people to strengthen govern ing the "civil society," and is decid institutional support to the long ment structures" (Joseph Hanlon, edly non-governmental, even anti term humanitarian and development Mozambique: Who Calls the Shots?, governmental: direct government objectives of NGOs. 1989). Indeed, international part to government transfers are on the ners may come and go as they please, wane, while the idea of channelling If the national NGO community but the government is permanently the favour of in assistance through large, transna presently enjoys tied to the country and its people. tional NGOs and international agen ternational donors, government pos In the end, both the government cies is rapidly gaining currency. Do sesses by far the widest available ad and NGOs share a strong stake in mestically, this translates into a dra ministrative reach in the country building their capacity and legiti matic reduction in state interven side. It also has vast technical su macy within the community. periority in key development areas tion in key areas, and into a par A word on civil society allel increase in the participation of such as education, health and agri I was surprised to hear the term institutions, said by pro culture. Cooperation could be fruit non-state "civil society" so frequently repeated ponents of this model to be more ful. Joint programming would re during the CAS conference and in sensitive to development needs be duce potential overlaps and enhance my later talks with Mozambican cause of their relative proximity to the distribution of development ef NGO officials. Maybe this was citizens. forts across the national territory. Urban-based NGOs could "piggy naive of me, because civil society This model speaks powerfully to back" on existing government struc is the natural habitat of NGOs, in NGO leaders in Mozambique, be- tures and networks in remote ru- and they have every interest

$outiiern ~xrica i~a-u.ru july 1995199b Southern Africa RunOl MO)MM 010

nurturing and preserving it. Yet, Mozambique sprang from the fact while, there is virtually no local pro like many interested observers, I am that this latter picture was not at duction, and government has been not entirely sure what it means. The all what I saw around me in Ma truncated by two decades of war and civil society debate in Europe and puto, much less in the provincial external interference. It is a country North America is far from settled. centres and rural districts I visited in which children crippled by disease But there is general agreement that during my short stay. I feel obliged or mutilated by land mines crawl the term refers to a modern form to emphasize here that Mozambique begging on restaurant floors, and of social organization meant to is among the most impoverished and where villagers scramble after the buffer the individual's welfare from indebted countries in the world, and rainfall to collect water from road the excesses or failures of states registers some of the lowest of hu side ditches. Mozambicans, in short, and markets. Indeed, the civil man development indicators. Over are in no strong position to organize. society, and the complex web of civic a quarter of children die before the In consequence, it is by no means organizations, local associations, age of five. Up to 70 percent of rural clear to me just how the notion of interest groups, lobbies, political households live in extreme poverty, civil society - and the developmental parties, unions and professional and the adult literacy rate is 33 per model built-up around it - fits into communities which make it up, cent (16 percent for women). Prices Mozambican reality. The same is presupposes a social environment in in Maputo have risen to the point true for Mozambican NGOs, whose which people are educated enough, where over half the monthly min preoccupation with competitiveness healthy enough and economically imum wage is absorbed by trans and organizational entrepreneurship secure enough to identify and portation costs to and from the (however much imposed by financial forcefully articulate their interests in workplace. Crime and rural ban constraints upon them), somehow an organized manner. ditry have risen exponentially, con misses the point as to the kind of Perhaps my surprise at the tributing to a severe sense of inse developmental work that needs most widespread use of this concept in curity around the country. Mean- urgently to be done.

Southern Africa REPORT july 1995 19 W(2m(Bm Gender Field Workers: A Toronto Visit

umbrella organization for women's 1913, lost their land rights because BY MARLEA CLARKE forced re groups, trade unions, agricultural of race-based laws and Land Marlea Clarke is doing graduate work organizations and other governmen movals. This Act created a in Southern Africa politics at Toronto's tal and non-governmental groups Claims Court and a five-member information York University. Her particularinterest in Mozambique working on gender commission to provide make claims, is gender in politics. related issues. Both women fo about who qualifies to cus their work on organizing women to hear cases and to negotiate with role played Despite the important and supporting the extension of gen the contending parties to resolve liberation by women in national der training within various groups. claims. While the Act addresses made of whose struggles and the promises Their aim is to advance women's land claims made by those equality, the eman and by their greater gender participation in the new forms of land was taken away, has been a sec will re cipation of women political mobilization and participa descendants, Tenure Reform the struggle for inde clause in the ondary issue in tion emerging within civil society. examine the property pendence in both Mozambique and constitution, thereby providing the a South Africa. Nevertheless, women Organized by Alternatives, basis for constitutional and legal have organized and mobilized and Montreal-based NGO as part of an challenges to land tenure, and rights have brought about the development ongoing effort by Canadian NGOs to land. map," of explicit policies on gender equal to "keep Africa on the ity in both countries, policies that they provided Canadians with an However, Ntsedi pointed out, are sadly lacking in other countries opportunity to hear first hand of the while these measures do represent an in the region. efforts women are making to ensure important step in redressing apart that gender equality remains central heid injustices, they may not be to Canadians were privileged to social transformation in their enough to ensure women equal ac recently with two visitors from meet countries. They focused attention cess to land. Structural factors southern Africa who could give on the particular challenges facing including customary law, current the ef first hand information about women in the region and the land ownership and poverty could to forts by women's organizations strategies they are using to address limit the impact of redistribution for the process of democrati broaden these challenges. women. Fa'rmworkers, labour ten and to ensure that women's zation ants and other potential claimants not compromised dur interests are Women and land reform may not have the opportunity to lay of reconstruction. ing this period claims to land. While the Resti and Ntsedi emphasized the importance Mampe Ntsedi of South Africa covers all "vulnerable of mobilizing rural women and tution Act Terezinha da Silva of Mozambique women are included in promoting women's rights in the groups," and brought hope that lessons learnt Act does not dis context of land and agrarian reforms this category, the from past practices of sidelining gen types of such as restitution, redistribution tinguish among the various der issues, combined with the new in the past. Fur and land tenure. According to tenure women had political context in both countries, critiques the Act for Ntsedi, each of these offer both ther, Ntsedi may now transform social relations. its treatment of women as a ho promise and pitfalls for women. mogenous group. It doesn't con Ntsedi, a Gender Field Worker The promise springs from the sider the different conditions un for the Farmworkers Research and land redistribution programme der which women live; for example, Resource Project in South Africa, the first step in the some women lost farmland, while works primarily with women labour which represents to par others were victims of forced re tenants and farmworkers. In con government's five-year plan per cent of the country's movals from shantytowns. As long trast to this more specific work on cel out 30 rural poor. Fur as women can have access to land gender and land reform, Terezina arable land to the of Land and land management only through da Silva's work with the women's thermore, the Restitution Act promulgated last Novem their husbands or other male rela organization Forum-Mulher extends Rights to be re tives, many women will be unable to across a variety of sectors, issues and ber provides for land who, since benefit from land reform. communities. Forum-Mulher is an stored to communities

Southern Atr2ca JItFLJIU july 1995 Southern Africa RPR Although the land affairs min many hidden costs that make land farming for their families' survival, ister points out that those who do unaffordable for many women. women's needs and interests are of not qualify for restitution can at The Farmworkers Research and ten not represented in formal poli tain land through the redistribution Resource Project has recognized tics and in policies. Terezinha da programme, Ntsedi is not optimistic. the marginalization of women and Silva, Vice President of the Forum Land reform will be meaningless, she works to promote women's rights Mulher, says that the persistent eco says, if women's economic position on farms in the Eastern Transvaal nomic and political crisis in Mozam is not first taken into account. In by organizing women farmworkers bique is serving to perpetuate gen fluenced by the World Bank, South into committees and by supporting der inequalities. Two trends have Africa's land available for redistri capacity building activities. It is this emerged, she says. bution is being sold. This limits work, Ntsedi believes, that will be the prospects for redistribution to key to channelling women's issues First, more and more house women and the rural poor. This into broader processes of land and holds are being headed by females. type of land reform is not repatri agrarian reform. Women make up about 52% of the ation; it is a market-driven scheme population but head up over 60% which presupposes that people have Women in politics of households. Second, although the resources to buy the land. Al As in South Africa, women's rights women have been most affected by though individuals can apply for in Mozambique are protected in the war, drought and structural adjust government subsidies when purchas Constitution. However, with the ment programs and are playing an ing land available for redistribution, majority of women living in ru ever important role in their fami Ntsedi points out that there are ral areas and relying on subsistence lies and communities, only 26% of

Southern Africa REPORT july 1995 21 q00MMa

works, assists in training members has often been ignored, even in the the seats in Parliament are held post-independence period. Indeed, of participating organizations and by women. The work and lob role women other groups, and lobbies for poli despite the important bying by Forum-Mulher has been movements in cies to advance gender equality and have played within responsible for raising this figure during the wars of women's rights. Overall, these activ southern Africa to even this level. (By Canadian inequality and ities aim to increase organizations' independence, gender standards, where women in parlia have been entrenched and government's knowledge of gen oppression ment number 16%, this figure looks than reduced or abolished in der issues and to raise the standard rather good.) As da Silva notes, both na the post-independence period. Fur of efficiency of their work in support tional and community level decision attention from of women. ther, international making structures have continued the media, NGOs and others has to reinforce women's exclusion from too often perpetuated this silence by While training for government political and economic structures. supporting 'progressive' and non-governmental organizations uncritically sectors in society which were slow to South Africa, women is open to both men and women, Similar to articulate and advance policies the establishment of groups have been set up to train have rejected and programs aimed at transform Ministry" as an ef women. Da Silva was not fazed a "Women's ing women's place in society. Da fective way to address women's by criticisms of reverse discrimina Silva and Ntsedi's visit to Canada However, in Mozambique, tion, arguing that setting up and ex needs. has served two purposes. It has in point' people have been ap panding groups that target women 'focal creased our knowledge of the activ pointed in all ministries to ensure specifically represents an important ities in which women are engaged, that women's interests are inte and critical step in realizing, gender both in South Africa and Mozam in all poli equality. grated and represented bique, and it has contributed to programmes. Terezinha cies and "breaking the silence" providing in Silva suggests that these people, Despite the formidable chal da sight for Canadians into lives, strug women's groups facing women in these soci along with active lenges gles and victories of women else are critical eties, the gendered nature of eco throughout the country, where. in advancing development and re nomic and political restructuring construction that transforms social relations rather than entrenches gen der inequalities.

Forum-Mulher was established in 1990 to co-ordinate activities by women's and other organizations that share a common interest of promoting women's equality and empowerment in Mozambique. The Forum currently has almost fifty members. The organization is still in an early stage, but the inclusion of international agencies and foreign NGOs as members does not appear to result in what Alexander Costy, writing on NGOs in Mozambique on other pages of this magazine, views as a foreign-aid directed agenda. On the contrary, the participation of community level groups has been important in defining Forum-Mulher work. This diverse membership suggests there is more of a base at the grassroots than Costy fears might be the case.

To facilitate the exchange of in formation and experiences, the Fo rum has set up communication net-

Southern Mrica I~tYLJI1I :julyjuly 1995 Southern Africa RFR Zslffift

Tent Town at Khayelitsha, Cape Town - home for many Crossroadsrefugees Undermining the RDP: A Reply to Barry Pinsky

BY PATRICK BOND But if the most sincere tributes that in his first year as housing Patrick Bond lectures in social policy at to Slovo are inspired by and draw minister, 90,000 houses for low Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore. upon his life-long commitment to income people would be built. Fig In 1994 he served as an editor of the the interests of poor and working ures recently released by government RDP and the RDP White Paper. people on the subcontinent, and if show that during the eight months such tributes are to meaningfully he served, plus the four preceding advance the ideals for which he The March 1995 issue of South months, fewer than 5,000 houses ern Africa Report carried an en stood, and if those ideals are were actually delivered. being translated into their opposite dorsement by Barry Pinsky of the Much of this time, of course, was in practice by demonstrably inept South African Department of Hous spent in formulating the new pol capitalists and a stable of white ing White Paper which was under icy and in implementing a market bureaucrats, then the policy debate standably couched as a tribute to oriented compromise policy struck requires a more critical perspective. the late South African Housing Min between the multi-party National ister, . After all, Slovo had promised Housing Forum (NHF) and Slovo's

july 1995 Southern Africa REPORT july 1995 -1alffift)

Entertainment for farm workers in Klipriviersberg,40 km from Johannesburg - the 'big city' is too far to get to predecessor as minister, Louis Shill A critical assessment of market President Mandela. Worse, the regularly hints (an incompetent and irascible insur oriented housing policy is important mainstream media for the little-altered ance executive, by even the judg especially if South Africa's progres that blame to deliver the ment of Business Day newspaper). sive forces want to celebrate and system's failure will be attributed largely The ANC (including Slovo) had reaffirm Slovo's socialist inclinations goods to ineffectual okayed the February 1994 agreement (which by all accounts were less in to township anarchy, at executive level. evidence during the 1990s). The ANC political leadership (especially new housing policy also deserves the alleged "radical populists") and failure is That deal's profound more attention because of an over to the so-called culture of non but inexplicably, the self-evident, riding problem now apparent in re payment. Housing White Paper (HWP) seems cent progressive strategy and tac I would propose, in contrast, to endorse and build upon this shaky tics: the Reconstruction and Devel foundation: "Policy positions were that the Left apply its own spin opment Programme (RDP) vehicle to those who developed through a process of bi control, particularly so arduously wheeled into place dur and then lateral negotiations between the De give the RDP lip-service ing 1993 and early 1994 is being held One partment of Housing [under Shill] blatantly violate its provisions. up and possibly hijacked. start is and the NHF, representing the most of the best places to leaders and with housing policy, where RDP inclusive process of policy devel Too many movement the side of have been definitively opment ever undertaken in South activists are sitting by promises this HWP Africa in respect of housing." In the road, choking in the dust as the broken notwithstanding "The RDP sets out a clear fact, however, it was the RDP RDP vehicle speeds off to the right vow: housing in the future. It housing policy that was far more with big business and apartheid-era vision for imperative that future democratic and representative, un bureaucrats at the wheel. Able is therefore and strategy be burdened by the NHF's excessively to respond primarily through mass housing policy developed in accordance with this technocratic, conservative and unac action, they now find themselves vision and guidelines." countable processes. coming under blunt attack from

24 july 1995 Southern Africa REPORT -18bMg

To highlight the many shortcom 1. What is the cause of the hous 2. Why can so few South Africans ings in the HWP requires taking ing crisis? The HWP Preamble afford housing provided by the mar what may appear as an excessively traces the housing crisis to the "bu ket? The primary reasons the black hostile position. To be sure, var reaucratic, administrative, financial housing market was never as "nor ious positive features of the HWP and institutional framework inher mal" as the white market, of course, (which Barry Pinsky recorded in the ited from the previous government." were enforced geographical segrega last SAR) are not emphasised in this In contrast, the RDP also blames tion and lack of affordability. Set article, for the purpose, instead, of "the limited range of the capitalist ting aside the inherited apartheid alerting comrades and housing pol housing markets." In failing to ac capitalist income distribution and icy wonks to what I perceive as its knowledge limits to the market, the continuing economic stagnation, the most serious political and technical HWP advocates a system for hous most crucial determinant of hous problems. ing delivery and financing which ing market affordability today re is bound to reproduce market fail mains the interest rate on home ure. Indeed, the HWP affirms "the loans (also called "bonds"). If fundamental pre-condition for at the average rate were 3%, then all My conclusion is that notwith tracting [private] investment, which South Africans could afford to pay standing some significant advances is that housing must be provided for housing; instead it is over 16%. beyond the apartheid-era approach, within a normalised market." Tak When the interest rate for housing the HWP's deviations from the RDP ing an entirely different approach, loans soared from 12,5% to 20,75% are so serious as to ensure continued the RDP advocates both a housing from early 1988 to late 1989, the un conflict, ineffectual delivery, ineffi bank (to attract private resources precedented affordability crisis led ciencies associated with oligopolistic such as pensions out of the stock to massive numbers of involuntary practices (by banks, developers, con market and luxury real estate and defaults. Yet inexplicably, the inter struction industry suppliers, estate into a state-controlled institution for est rate is completely missing from agents), and inequity in the housing on-lending) and that the subsidy be the HWP's long list of "economic is sector. Since so few of the HWP's provided via non-speculative housing sues" which "militate against a mas flaws have been publicly discussed, (ie, it must be repaid upon selling sive increase in effective demand" for explaining those flaws, then, will be the house, or is invested in public housing. The HWP authors appear the essence of the following ten ques housing or a housing cooperative). anxious to avoid any confrontation tions and answers, which compare with the ultra-conservative bureau the divergent RDP and HWP ap crat who sets the interest rate, Re proaches to housing policy. serve Bank Governor Chris Stals.

Khayelitsha, Cape I-own - the area is just starting to have electricity installed

Southern Africa REPORT july 1995 25 labffift_ (The scheme also directly violates 3. What prevents government from RDP, which insists that "Interest kept as low as pos the RDP provision that "Unemploy resolving the affordability problem? rates must be still, the HWP seems ment bond insurance packages and The HWP contends that "budgetary sible." (Worse plan to charge guarantee schemes with a demand constraints do not allow sufficient to endorse a bank "a higher interest rate on bonds [for side orientation must be devised.") subsidy money per household to than the pre Moreover, the HWP proposal for a enable the construction, at State low-income borrowers] the Department National Housing Finance Corpora expense, of a minimum standard vailing bond rate"; may actually reward this tion rejects the RDP suggestion that complete house for each household of Housing discrimina "Government funds and private sec not able to afford such a house." (It despicable form of class support.) tor funding must be blended in or is assumed that a minimally-decent tion with administrative announces, der to make housing finance afford house costs approximately R25,000, Finally, the HWP rigidly is not envisaged that subsidy able." And by serving as "a con and that SA's income distribution "it level variations on a duit for international investment" requires an average 50% subsidy.) mechanism or or local/metropolitan ba the Corporation will also violate the Compared to the previous policy, provincial be possible." RDP warning to "use foreign debt the HWP does allow a slight increase sis will financing only for those elements of housing subsidy to in the maximum 5. What are the financial market the programme that can potentially poor, but it is still R10,000 the very constraints? When considering pri increase our capacity for earning little and the average subsidy is too vate sector financial resources, the foreign exchange." Moreover, the low. More to the point, also too HWP explains that declining rates HWP's emphasis on mobilising con fails to consider the actual the HWP of personal savings "reduced the sumer savings is misplaced given the of meeting the cost to the budget availability of savings for invest limited disposable income of poor of one million new houses RDP goal ment in housing." This is non people. Finally, the HWP ignores five years (an average of 200,000 over sense, given the massive increases the RDP insistence that " 'redlin year). At an average cost to per in credit granted by banks during ing' and other forms of discrimina of R12,500 per house - not the state the late 1980s (when savings rates tion by banks must be prohibited"; the other R12,500, which including were extremely low). Indeed, the indeed, discriminatory behaviour by come from private sector should SA financial system has shown an banks continues virtually unchecked. as pensions via the resources such impressive ability to disregard sav (to be repaid 7. What kind of housing tenure (in national housing bank ings and instead to create housing of interest) - the dividual ownership, rental, coopera at the market rate credit (mainly for the white market) housing subsidy would tive)? First, the HWP does not even main RDP based on factors such as the prop just R2,5 billion consider rental stock, and even omits cost the government erty market cycle, financial deregu the RDP, public housing stock from a list of per year. Consistent with lation, interest rate levels and inter the HWP's - and government's housing functions to be fulfilled by bank competition. The failure of goal for resource allocation local government. The RDP, in con stated the HWP drafters to recognise this budget trast, proposes that "Sufficient af is to acquire 5% of the a very conservative again reveals fordable rental housing stock should for housing by the year 1998. In economic bias and bodes ill for fu the be provided to low-income earners constant rand terms based on ture interventions in housing finance present budget this would be R7 who choose this option." Though markets. lip service to coopq billion, far in excess of the R2,5 the IIWP gives private hous Jo billion the RDP requires. Simple 6. On what terms is erative housing, the inner-city be provided? The mathematics shows the inaccuracy ing finance to hannesburg pilot project Slovo se insur 1994 has still of the fiscal constraint argument. flaws in the October 1994 lected in September between the Depart launched or even fully fi 4. What kinds of housing subsi ance scheme not been the commer the HWP claims dies? Not merely the amount, but ment of Housing and nanced. So while too numerous and "Government rejects the ele the characterof subsidies, has been cial banks are that to be discussed in depth the individualised private hotly contested. The HWP mostly serious vation of In short, however, the scheme other forms ignores the RDP insistence that here. homeownership above communities (by tak tenure," HWP policies housing subsidies be non-speculative disempowers of secure their sole leverage to pre geared to precisely in nature (with the exception of a ing away and practices are ignores the un HWP subsidy very minor cooperative subsidy pro vent foreclosure), that. As a result, the reasons for bond boycotts encourages churning, specula gramme which is still not opera derlying policy much lee instead tional). Moreover, the HWP's neo or defaults, gives too tion and downward-raiding, and hence will sim housing liberal commitment to the up-front way to banks, of permanently affordable a difference capital subsidy approach (rather ply not make much of protected from market vicissitudes. credit than lower interest rates spread over to the availability of housing most needed. continued on page 29 time) is a direct violation of the in areas where it is

~~rica t~.±uu july 1995 Southern Africa RPR 0 Sporting Colours

BY BRUCE KIDD Bruce Kidd, director of physical and health education at the University of Toronto, has had a long involvement in the struggle against apartheid in sports.

Sporting Colours: Sport and Politics in South Africa, by Mihir Bose (London: Robson, 1994), xii and 256 pages, including index. In the four years since athletic teams representing the 'real South Africa' (in Sam Ramsamy's insistent phrase) have begun to compete in international sports, perhaps no event signalled the end of the old white supremacist ways and the beginnings of the new non-racial ones as the very first 'coming out,' the 1991 cricket tour in India. The announcement of the tour caught the entire sporting world by surprise. Less than two years pre viously the Mass Democratic Move ment had shut down white cricket czar Ali Bacher's last opportunis tic attempt at a 'rebel tour,' and brought an end to his cosmeti cally staged coaching program in the townships. It seemed hardly likely that the new South Africa would first emerge in a sport where the leading association had been so thor oughly discredited. The touring cricket eleven was the first in South African history to be racially integrated, and it noring the fact that white South Moreover, it was the ANC which played against an opponent white Africa had always denied black made the tour to India happen, South Africa had never deigned South Africans a place on 'represen even though it was still a long to play. During all the years of tative' teams. It had never wanted way from achieving formal political the international boycott, apologists to play India, Pakistan or the West power. In a dramatic demonstration for apartheid continually harped on Indies, often very best in cricket, and of the long-banned organization's the need for selection on the ba tried to stop other opponents from ability to control the agenda for sis of merit, and the importance of including athletes of colour on their change and its willingness to take 'bridge-building' through sports, ig teams. risks to advance it, ANC leader

Southern Africa REPORT july 1995 wo

Nelson Mandela and sports chief to their guns so fiercely that it be contributions of the African and so cialist governments and the anti Steve Tshwete made the calls to the came impossible for anyone to de organizations - and the international community to bring fend them. apartheid extra-sport economic and military down the longstanding moratorium In 1970, for example, at a meet factors, but he ascribes considerably and start the normalization of South ing of the International Olympic less attention to them than I feel is African sports. Committee, white South African appropriate. A more complete ac The leadership of the tour was Olympic leader Frank Braun at count would devote more attention racially mixed as well, heralding the tacked the critics of apartheid so ag to the mounting pressure these fac sweeping organizational changes the gressively that even his friends like tors produced. ANC and their allies in the anti IOC president Avery Brundage were While it is gratifying to read apartheid sports movement were unable to prevent South Africa's ex about such a clear triumph bringing to South African sports. pulsion. The tide turned in cricket Sporting Colours has little of the The new, non-racial cricket orga that same year when South African tension and raw anger of earlier nization which undertook the tour president warned that books on this subject, most of which had been forged in a merger be Basil D'Oliveira, a South African were written by activists caught tween the white cricket union and black who had been forced to emi up in the uncertainties of difficult the long-suffering non-racial cricket grate to England to play the game at struggle - it is far too early to bring board, setting a model for similar the top level, would not be allowed closure on the perplexing strategic 'unity' federations in other sports. to enter the country if he was named of the long campaign. Bose to the English team for a forthcom issues turnaround in alludes to some of the strategic The stunning ing tour. The announcement put the dilemmas which divided activists South African cricket provides the South African sports establishment and Ramsamy along narrative framework for British on the defensive for good. like Brutus based cricket writer Mihir Bose's the way, but neither delineates popular account of the long struggle Likewise, Bose gives the great nor discusses them, as if they can against apartheid sport. It is a est credit for the creation of the be forgotten in the celebration of victors' tale, of justice, courage and new, non-racial sports organiza victory. In his analysis of the last persistence triumphing over brutal tions and their entry into interna few years, he suggests that there was oppression and hypocrisy. Bose tional competition, to sports-loving little risk to the 'two-track' strategy tells it well, integrating portraits ANC veterans like Balfour, Tswhete, initiated by the young activists in and personal reflections of the major and George working within South the late 1980s. with nary a word players, including Dennis Brutus, Africa. It was their fierce desire about the doubts many others held Ramsamy, Mululeki George, Ngonde to improve sporting opportunities at the time. But I still wonder Balfour, Tswhete and Bacher with for blacks, even under the condi if they could have achieved the his account. tions of apartheid, which led them differential boycott, especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union, In explaining the gradual success to go beyond the strategy of 'no whose solidarity had ensured the of the anti-apartheid organizations, normal sport in an abnormal soci isolation of the white South African first to isolate white South Africa ety' and the complete boycott of sports organizations for so many in sport, and then to achieve all South African sport which ac years. sport unification under a non-racial tivists pursued during the 1970s banner, Bose gives the greatest and 1980s. To do this, they de Fortunately, the apartheid weight to actors and events within vised a 'two-track strategy,' seek regime began to unravel about the South Africa. ing to develop international links same time, so the 'two-track' strat for the non-racial sports movement egy was never put to the test He is convinced that the inter alongside the anti-apartheid boy i.e. the anti-apartheid movement national boycott would never have cott. They shrewdly took over the never had to call upon the IOC garnered support had it not been empty 'bridge-building' rhetoric of and countries like Canada to rec for the arrogant stupidity of the the white apologists and tried to give ognize and significantly assist the white sports officials. During the it substance within their own activi non-racial bodies while maintain days of petty apartheid, so many ties. When the ANC was unbanned ing the boycott against the white of their counterparts in the lead and the 'pillars of apartheid' came South African sports establishment. ing sports organizations around the down, they hit the ground running Nevertheless, the 'two-track' strat world seemed ready to turn a blind and have been able to control the di egy did accelerate the timetable for eye to apartheid, he suggests, that rection of development ever since. ending the moratorium, because it and the promise misrepresentation had many activists thinking and of cosmetic change might have car Bose does acknowledge the inter dreaming about international con- ried them through. But they stuck national campaign especially the

REPORT july 1995 Southern Africa REPORT tacts, and those decisions about do not exist, despite the fact that readers with non-inclusive (i.e. sex timing have in turn significantly they played important roles in every ist) language throughout. shaped the new balance of power aspect of the struggle, and in cricket, in South African sport and the ex do most of the coaching of youth in Despite these shortcomings, tent and rate of genuine democrati large townships like . (One of Sporting Colours is a well-written, zation. Bose is largely silent about these coaches is shown in the book's insightful account of an important these questions. Sporting Colours is photographs, but is not named.) He aspect of the anti-apartheid strug thus unable to provide a full assess describes Arthur Ashe as 'the first gle. It is an excellent source for ment of the final stages of the cam great black player to emerge in mod younger sports fans who want to paign. ern international tennis,' forgetting know why the sportsworld made about Wimbleton champion Althea white South Africa a pariah for so Finally, Bose writes as if women Gibson a generation earlier, and jars long.

controlled building materials sup those social forces which will have Undermining the RDP pliers must be encouraged, possi fundamental objections to the HWP continued from page 26 bly with government subsidies to en as its shortcomings are recognised. hance competitiveness. An enforce Hopefully, as land invasions, occupa 8. What role for community or able Code of Conduct must be es tions of vacant buildings, rent strikes ganisations? Though households, tablished to guide developers." The and other legitimate forms of popu non-governmental organisations and HWP falls far short in addressing lar resistance continue, there will be "communities" (not organisations) anticompetitive practices in these time again for revisiting policy. are given passing mention, nowhere industries (such as inordinate price In sum, the HWP directly are township civic associations and inflation), which are known to be violates many of the analytical other community groups specifically virtually impossible to self-regulate. underpinnings, the philosophical cited as partners. In contrast, And there are no firm HWP com commitments, and the detailed the RDP housing guidelines declare mitments on consumer protection. policy provisions worked out by the that "capacity building and funds These ten comparisons (there are many Mass Democratic Movement for community-based organisations many more) illustrate how the HWP forces who contributed to the RDP must be made available." Dozens of distorts or contradicts the RDP. in 1993 and 1994. It is as if the opportunities in the HWP to sup The HWP also ignores the RDP's RDP's pages on housing were torn port civics and CBOs are ignored. more proactive suggestions, such as from the document and used as 9. What role for small housing devel preparing new legislation to protect loo paper. If this is the RDP's opers? The HWP disparages black tenants' rights, squatters' rights, only contribution to what may well developers - "the growth and sup and the rights of people living in in become known as the HWP "toilet port of the emerging construction formal settlements, and addressing policy" - more reminiscent of the sector is not seen as a primary hous evictions and exploitation in rentals. apartheid era than of the New South ing responsibility and therefore does The HWP is silent on gender dis Africa - it would be a tragic legacy not justify the allocation of hous crimination, whereas the RDP de of Slovo's months as minister. ing funds" - even though the RDP mands that "All legislative obsta If progressives within the state urges, "The development of small, cles and constraints to housing and and civil society fail to recognise medium-sized and micro enterprises credit for women must be removed." these policy distortions in the in owned and run by black people must And while the RDP suggests that terests of a mythical social contract be incorporated into the housing de "Locally controlled Housing Associ harmony model or in memory of livery programme." ations or cooperatives must be sup a socialist leader who must have 10. What regulation for the build ported, in part to take over proper been, at best, only indirectly respon ties in ing materials and construction in possession of banks due to sible for the HWP's most retrogres dustries? The HWP relies upon foreclosure," the HWP simply ig sive provisions, the tragedy would be self-regulation. In contrast, the nores such a solution. greater. And if poor and working RDP states, "Cartels, price agree Perhaps most worrisome of all, people in South Africa fail to mo ments and market share agreements the HWP Preamble states, "The bilise pressure to restore the RDP must end, and consideration must time for policy debate is now past." and hence to dispense with faith in be given to public, worker and While no one denies that mass hous capitalist housing markets and the community-based ownership where ing construction is already long over apartheid-era bureaucracy most re the market fails to provide a reason due, this is an unnecessary closure sponsible for the HWP, that tragedy ably priced product. Community of debate and threatens to shut out will be multiplied many times.

Southern Africa REPORT july 1995 29 TEN YEARS OF SAR All back issues are still available!

Volume 1 June '85 - April '86 Volume 6 June '90 - April '91 3 No 1. Launch Issue 0 [] No 1. Shaping the Story: The Media & S.A. o No 2. The Question of Sanctions o3 No 2. Economic Restructuring: Who Calls the Shots? o No 3. The Question of Power 11 No 3. Canada - S.A. 1990: Settling for Less? E3 No 4. Focus on Women o No 4. Women, Literacy & Urban Development in Eo No 5. South Africa's War on Southern Africa South Africa E] No 5. Battle Scars: Angola, S.A. & Mozambique Volume 2 June '86 - April '87 O1 No 1. Focus on Labour Volume 7 June '91 - April '92 [] No 2. Sanctions: What's Left? o No 1. "IOwe My Soul.. ."Squeezing Southern O No 3. A Luta Continua (Samora Machel Africa commemorative issue) El No 2. Don't Forget.. Namibia o No 4. Taking Sides El No 3. Canada - South Africa 1991 EONo 5. The Question of Violence El No 4. New Terms of Solidarity o3 No 5. South Africa: The Referendum and After Volume 3 June '87 - April '88 o No 1. Education and Transformation Volume 8 June '92 - April '93 O No 2. Namibia: The Forgotten Front o No 1. Drought and Democracy O3No 3. Stalling on Sanctions O3 No 2. De Klerk's Agenda: Derailing Democracy O No 4. The Frontlines ® O3No 3-4. South Africa 1993 (double issue) o3 No 5. South Africa: Beyond Stalemate o3 No 5. Unions: The May Day Issue

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Volume 5 June '89 - April '90 Volume 10 July '94 - July '95 o No 1. Liberating Theology? The Churches & the o No 1. South Africa: What Next? (double issue) Struggle in S. A. 11 No 2. Mozambique: The "Peace Election" o No 2. Losing Ground? The Frontline in Crisis O No 3. ANC Policies: Up to the Challenge? o No 3. Canada - South Africa 1989 El No 4. Regional Roundup: Elections are not Enough O No 4. Namibia: The New Phase o No 5. South Africa: Charting a Foreign Policy o No 5. South Africa Now [@indicates photocopies only]

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