Telematics 2021 History Grade 12
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South·Africa in Transition
POLITICS OF HOPE AND TERROR: South ·Africa in Transition Report on Violence in South Africa by an American Friends Service Committee Study Team November 1992 The American Friends Service Committee's concern over Southern Africa has grown out of over 60 years of relationships since the first visit by a representative of the organization. In 1982 the AFSC Board of Directors approved the release of a full length book, Challenge and Hope, as a statement of its views on South Africa. Since 1977 the AFSC has had a national Southern Africa educational program in its Peace Education Division. AMERICAN FRIENDS SERVICE COMMITTEE 1501 Cherry Street Philadelphia, PA 19102 (215) 241-7000 AFSC REGIONAL OFFICES: Southeastern Region, Atlanta, Georgia 30303, 92 Piedmont Avenue, NE; Middle Atlantic Region, Baltimore, Maryland 21212, 4806 York Road; New England Region, Cambridge, Massachusetts 02140, 2161 Massachusetts Avenue; Great Lakes Region, Chicago, Illinois 60605, 59 E. Van Buren Street, Suite 1400; North Central Region, Des Moines, Iowa 50312, 4211 Grand Avenue; New York Metropolitan Region, New York, New York 10003, 15 Rutherford Place; Pacific Southwest Region, Pasadena, California 91103, 980 N. Fair Oaks Avenue; Pacific Mountain Region, San Francisco, California 94121,2160 Lake Street; Pacific Northwest Region, Seattle, Washington 98105, 814 N.E. 40th Street. CONTENTS II THE AFSC DELEGATION 1 PREFACE III POLITICS OF HOPE AND TERROR: South Africa in Transition 1 THE BASIC VIOLENCE 2 ANALYZING THE VIOLENCE 5 THE HIDDEN HAND 7 RETALIATION 9 POLICE INVESTIGATIONS 11 LESSONS FROM THE BOIPATONG MASSACRE 12 HOMELAND VIOLENCE IN CISKEI AND KWAZULU 13 HOMELAND LEADERS BUTHELEZI AND GQOZO 16 CONCLUSION 19 RECOMMENDATIONS 20 ACRONYMS 21 TEAM INTERVIEWS AND MEETINGS 22 THE AFSC DELEGATION TO SOUTH AFRICA The American Friends Service Committee's Board of Directors approved a proposal in June 1992 for a delegation to visit South Africa to study the escalating violence there. -
Wave 4 Synthesis Report
1 WAVE 4 National Income Dynamics Study (NIDS) – Coronavirus Rapid Mobile Survey (CRAM) Synthesis Report NIDS-CRAM Wave 4 Nic Spaull - University of Stellenbosch Umakrishnan Kollamparambil - University of the Witwatersrand Reza C. Daniels - University of Cape Town Janeli Kotzé - Department of Basic Education Cally Ardington - University of Cape Town Murray Leibbrandt - University of Cape Town Miracle Benhura - University of the Witwatersrand Prudence Magejo - University of the Witwatersrand Grace Bridgman - UNU-WIDER Brendan Maughan-Brown - University of Cape Town Tim Brophy - University of Cape Town Nompumelelo Mohohlwane - Department of Basic Education Rulof Burger - University of Stellenbosch Chijioke O. Nwosu - Human Science Research Council, South Africa Ronelle Burger - University of Stellenbosch Adeola Oyenubi - University of the Witwatersrand Alison Buttenheim - University of Pennsylvania Leila Patel - University of Johannesburg Daniela Casale - University of the Witwatersrand Vimal Ranchhod - University of Cape Town René English - University of Stellenbosch Debra Shepherd - University of Stellenbosch Gabriel Espi - University of Cape Town Michele Tameris - University of Cape Town Kim Ingle - University of Cape Town Stephen Taylor - Department of Basic Education Andrew Kerr - University of Cape Town Servaas van der Berg - University of Stellenbosch Jesal Kika-Mistry - University of Stellenbosch Gabrielle Wills - University of Stellenbosch Timothy Köhler - University of Cape Town 12 May 2021 1 | Working Paper Series: An overview of results from NIDS-CRAM Wave 4 2021 Working Paper Series NIDS-CRAM Wave 4 Spaull, N., Daniels, R. C et al. (2021) NIDS-CRAM Wave 4 Synthesis Report. Benhura, M. & Magejo, P. (2021) Who cannot work from home in South Africa? Evidence from wave 4 of NIDS- CRAM. Burger, R., Buttenheim, A., English, R., Maughan-Brown, B., Kohler, T., & Tameris, M. -
National Senior Certificate Grade 12
This memorandum consists of 32 pages. NATIONAL SENIOR CERTIFICATE GRADE 12 HISTORY P2 EXEMPLAR 2014 MEMORANDUM MARKS: 150 This memorandum consists of 20 pages. Copyright reserved Please turn over History/P2 2 DBE/2014 NSC – Grade 12 Exemplar – Memorandum 1. SOURCE-BASED QUESTIONS 1.1 The following cognitive levels were used to develop source-based questions: COGNITIVE WEIGHTING OF HISTORICAL SKILLS LEVELS QUESTIONS Extract evidence from sources Selection and organisation of relevant 30% LEVEL 1 information from sources (15) Define historical concepts/terms Interpretation of evidence from sources 40% LEVEL 2 Explain information gathered from sources (20) Analyse evidence from sources Interpret and evaluate evidence from sources Engage with sources to determine its usefulness, reliability, bias and limitations 30% LEVEL 3 Compare and contrast interpretations and (15) perspectives presented in sources and draw independent conclusions 1.2 The information below indicates how source-based questions are assessed: In the marking of source-based questions, credit needs to be given to any other valid and relevant viewpoints, arguments, evidence or examples. In the allocation of marks, emphasis should be placed on how the requirements of the question have been addressed. In the marking guideline, the requirements of the question (skills that need to be addressed) as well as the level of the question are indicated in italics. 2. ESSAY QUESTIONS 2.1 The essay questions require candidates to: Be able to structure their argument in a logical and coherent manner. They need to select, organise and connect the relevant information so that they are able to present a reasonable sequence of facts or an effective argument to answer the question posed. -
RELIGIOUS ACTION NETWORK for Justice and Peace in Southern Africa
RELIGIOUS ACTION NETWORK for justice and peace in southern Africa a project of the American Committee on Africa ONE MORE MASSACRE by Aleah Bacquie "It seemed so absolutely unnecessary. If this is a taste of things to come, then God help us all." -John Hall, Chairperson Peace Committee God help us all indeed. Soldiers firing on unarmed peaceful demonstrators with no warning whatsoever is nothing new under the South African sun. (It was only last month that I wrote to you about the Boipatong Massacre.) Now, twenty-eight more are dead, 200 more wounded. The only fresh, but twisted slant comes from the "Gorbachevian" De Kierk, escort of the "New South Africa". You know the appalling statistics by now, nearly 8,000 people dead due to political violence since the "reformist" De Klerk began his bloody reign of terror, with tens of thousands more wounded, driven from their homes, gripped by hopelessness and fear. Complete denial of any South African governmental responsibility was expected, even though the soldiers who fired were under the command of a South African Defense Force Brigadier on loan to the "bantustan" Ciskei government. The South African government has long contended that the Black "bantustans" are independent governments, although they are not recognized by any other government, including the U.S. However, with hard evidence of government complicity mounting, De Klerk tried a new tactic, blaming the victim. He somehow mustered the gall to assert that the massacre of ANC supporters is the fault of the ANC! According to this disturbed logic, those Blacks who dared to exercise their right of peaceful assembly and protest are to blame because they should have known that Pretoria's puppet, Oupa Gqozo, would fire on the marchers. -
The Dead Zone
FEATURE / THE DEAD ZONE In Susan Sontag’s seminal book, On Photography, Sontag writes that the “industrialisation of camera technology only carried out a promise inherent in photography from its very beginning: to democratise all experiences by translating them into images.” Since the The Dead Zone dawn of photography and the development of the first cameras in the early 1840s, taking photographs has been a way of both certifying and refusing experience – memorialising Regarding democracy through Greg Marinovich’s photography and restating symbolically; limiting reality to a search for the aesthetic. By Ellen Agnew Somersault, Soweto, 1993. African National Congress and Communist Party supporters scatter as police fire teargas and live rounds outside the Soweto soccer stadium where the funeral of ANC and CP leader Chris Hani was attended by hundreds of thousands of mourners on 19 April. 100 THE DEAD ZONE / ELLEN AGNEW 0101 FEATUREEDITORIAL/INTERVIEW/REVIEWS / THE DEAD ZONE / TITLE “…when viewing these images, one does not feel as if they numb the pain of this tumultuous past” On the 8th May 2019, citizens from across Trust, and in the reception they receive transition from “repression to freedom, the country lined up to cast their vote upon being viewed. totalitarian rule to democracy”. Tutu goes in the sixth democratic elections as the on to explain that the volatile pre-election Republic of South Africa – seemingly One image in particular – Doll’s Head, period was “designed to fill township the most important, and most pressured, Boipatong, 1992 sees a black man covering his dwellers with panic and to get them saying since the birth of the country’s democracy eyes with his left hand. -
RELIGIOUS ACTION NETWORK for Justice and Peace in Southern Africa
RELIGIOUS ACTION NETWORK for justice and peace in southern Africa a project of the American Committee on Africa SOUTH AFRICA: WHAT'S GOING ON FOUNDING MEMBERS AND WHAT TO DO ABOUT IT (Pa rti al listing) Dr. Wyatt Tee Walker, Cha,·persan by Aleah Bacquie Concan Bophst Church, New York Canon Frederick B. Williams what's going on ••• Church of· the Intercession, New York Rev. M. William Howard, President In South Africa' it seems' the more things change' the Amencon Common .. on Afr;co more they stay the same. In the past two years' Nelson Jennifer Davis, EKecvtove Director Mandela and other prominent political prisoners were Ame,;canCommoHeeonAfnco released from prison . The African National Congress' Aleoh Bocquie, Coordmatar Pan Africanist Congress and other political parties RelogoousActoonNetwork were unbanned. But Blacks, some 83% of the South African · popula tion, are still denied the vote. In some areas, the rate of malnutrition among black children is as high as 60-70%. Some 400 political prisoners remairi in apartheid jails where ill treatment, torture, and murder by officials are still rampant according to human rights groups. And now, in addition to everything else, government sanctioned political violence threatens a just and democratic transition. It is no small indictment of South African society that its history is known mainly by its massacres. The Sharpeville Massacre thirty-two years ago left sixty-eight dead at the hands of police. The Soweto Uprising sixteen years later had a death toll of over 1000 due to South African police and security forces. On June 17th, 1992, another sixteen years later, fifty people lost their lives to state-sponsored violence in Boipatong. -
Magistrates Under Apartheid: a Case Study of Professional Ethics and the Politicisation of Justice
Magistrates Under Apartheid: A case study of professional ethics and the politicisation of justice by Paul Gready & Lazarus Kgalema Research report written for the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation, August 2000. Paul Gready is from the Institute of Commonwealth Studies, University of London. Lazarus Kgalema is a former Researcher at the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation. Funding for the project came from the Economic and Social Research Council in the United Kingdom and CSVR. Thanks to Hugo van der Merwe for editorial comments on the report. The authors of this report welcome comments, corrections and questions. Executive Summary The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) institutional or sector hearings represented an innovative attempt to gain insight into the societal context within which human rights abuses took place under apartheid. This paper is both a response to, and an off-shoot from, one of these hearings, the legal sector hearing held in October 1997. The hearings, like much previous commentary, revealed the extent to which the legal profession became complicit in the implementation of apartheid. Most analysis has focused on the fact that judges declined to appear at the hearings, on the grounds that it would compromise their independence. But magistrates were also largely absent. This was a cause for concern because the majority of South Africans came into contact with the apartheid legal system primarily through magistrates. Magistrates during apartheid were public servants and as a result their independence was significantly compromised. Among the wide powers and jurisdiction they enjoyed, magistrates performed crucial functions in relation to political detainees, including overseeing the complaints and safeguard machinery. -
Pharma Bio Pharma
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Death in Boipatong
DEATH IN BOIPATONG The Dead ofBoipatong More than forty people were massacred at Boipatong on Wednesday 17 June. Men, women and children, and even those in their mother's womb were hack ed to death. Life, which hitherto offered only suffering, was snuffed out by men so low, that they could only attack at the dead of night when the shadows concealed their identity. Even though the evidence is hidden and might never be established there is little doubt about who is guilty. This killing must be laid at the door of the Intelligence Department and their allies in the Inkatha Freedom Party. It is clearly the work of men who are out to destabilize the townships, destroy all movements of opposition and reimpose the state of emergency. Addressing this issue, John Carlin said in The Independent (24 June 1992): In Boipatong, as in the majority of other massacres, the people who actually do the killing are blacks linked to the Inkatha Freedom Party...Those who direct them are whites operating within the intelligence structures of the police and army. The only issue in doubt is how high up does the authority come from? Does it stop at the 'securocrats', the generals and colonels who effectively ran the country during the Eighties? Or does it go right up to F W de Klerk, as Nelson Mandela claims? These questions have not been conclusively answered. The argument that this event was the result of previous shootings in the area is beside the point. The townships and squatter camps are witness to violence and murders week after week. -
Interview with Billy Nair Interview with Billy
INTERVIEW WITH BILLY NAIR INTERVIEW WITH BILLY NAIR INTERVIEWED BY P. BONNER. B HARMEL NEDBANK GARDENS, DURBAN 13 JUNE 1994 PART TWO TRANSCRIBED BY COLLEEN BARKER PB The point you were making about Chief Luthuli and Moses Kotane and the encompassing issues, particularly the move to violence one. BN Moses Kotane and Chief Luthuli were very close friends apart from the fact that Moses was the regional secretary of the underground South African Communist party and Chief Luthuli was President, they exchanged confidences and as a matter of fact one of the first people to actually read Chief - the speech that he was to deliver at Oslo upon receiving the Nobel peace prize - was Moses Kotane. Moses used to travel regularly to Braadville to meet Chief Obao, Moses was restricted to Johannesburg at the time, he used to travel clandestinely to meet Chief and go back. The issue of violence, or rather the issue of violence and the formation of what ultimately led to the formation of Umhonto was canvassed by both Chief Luthuli and Moses Kotane, even before the formation of Umkhonto, that is, there was a thorough going analysis and then they debated the issue and form and then brought the issue to'the joint congresses for discussion and debate. And so with all other important policy matters were first canvassed between Moses and the Chief. Moses may have, in the eyes of the ruling block, Moses was regarded as a tyrant always, but he was the most deep going thinker in the entire movement. He played a very important role in the ANC, and played the role of winning over the various factions that developed during the course of the struggles. -
Mandela from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia (Redirected from Mandela) Jump To: Navigation, Search "Mandela" Redirects Here
Nelson Mandela From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia (Redirected from Mandela) Jump to: navigation, search "Mandela" redirects here. For other uses, see Mandela (disambiguation). Page semi-protected His Excellency Nelson Mandela OM AC CC OJ GCStJ QC GColIH RSerafO NPk BR MRCSI Nelson Mandela on his 90th birthday in Johannesburg, South Africa, in May 2008. Mandela in May 2008 President of South Africa In office 10 May 1994 14 June 1999 Deputy Thabo Mbeki F. W. de Klerk Preceded by F. W. de Klerk Succeeded by Thabo Mbeki Secretary General of Non-Aligned Movement In office 2 September 1998 14 June 1999 Preceded by Andrés Pastrana Arango Succeeded by Thabo Mbeki Personal details Born Rolihlahla Mandela 18 July 1918 (age 94) Mvezo, South Africa Nationality South African Political party African National Congress Spouse(s) Evelyn Ntoko Mase (19441957) Winnie Madikizela (19571996) Graça Machel (1998present) Children Madiba Thembekile Makgatho Lewanika Makaziwe Maki Zenani Zindziswa Residence Houghton Estate, Johannesburg, Gauteng, South Africa Alma mater University of Fort Hare University of London External System University of South Africa University of the Witwatersrand Religion Christianity (Methodism) Signature Signature of Nelson Mandela Website www.nelsonmandela.org Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela (Xhosa pronunciation: [xo'li??a?a man'de?la]; born 18 July 1918) is a South African anti-apartheid activist, revolutionary and politic ian who served as President of South Africa from 1994 to 1999, the first to be e lected in a fully representative, multiracial election. His administration focus ed on dismantling apartheid's legacy, and cutting racism, poverty and inequality . Politically a democratic socialist, he served as president of the African Nati onal Congress (ANC) political party from 1991 to 1997. -
Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law
LAWYERS' COMMITTEE FOR CIVIL RIGHTS UNDER LAW BRIEFING PAPER ON THE UNITED DEMOCRATIC FRONT TREASON TRIAL state y. Mawalal Ramgobin and 15 Others, The Supreme Court of South Africa (Natal Provincial Division) Pietermaritzburg, South Africa August 1985 Southern Africa project Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law 1400 Eye Street, N.W. Suite 400 Washington, D.C. 20005 -. LA WYERS' COMMITTEE FOR CIVIL RIGHTS UNDER LAW SUITE 400 • 1400 EYE STREET, NORTHWEST. WASHINGTON, D.C. 20005 • PHONE (202) 371-1212 CABLE ADDRESS: LAWCIV, WASHINGTON, D.C. BRIEFING PAPER ON THE UNITED DEMOCRATIC FRONT TREASON TRIAL State v. Mawalal Rarngobin and 15 Others, The Supreme Court of South Africa (Natal Provincial Division) Pietermaritzburg, South Africa August 1985 Prepared by the Southern Africa Project of the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law. ---------------------------------------------- TABLE OF CONTENTS Part I: Background to the Treason Trial 1 Section 1: The New Constitution and the Detention of Leading Members of the United Democratic Front..... 1 Section 2: Bail Denied 14 Section 3: The Charge of Treason.............................. 24 (A) The Indictment.......................................... 24 (B) Treason, Historically and in Law in South Africa 25 (i) The Situation Prior to 1961 25 (ii) 1961-1978 38 (iii) 1979-1985 ••.••••••••••0. .....•.................... .. 42 Part II: The United Democratic Front Treason Trial 52 Section 1: The Main Count - Treason........................... 52 Section 2: The Alternate Charges 59 (A) Terrorism Under the Internal Security Act of 1982 59 (B) Terrorism Under the Terrorism Act of 1967 65 (C) Furtherance of Objects of an Unlawful Organization 69 (D) Furtherance of the Objects of Communism 70 (E) Furtherance of the Objects of Communism and/or the ANC .