RELIGIOUS ACTION NETWORK for Justice and Peace in Southern Africa

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

RELIGIOUS ACTION NETWORK for Justice and Peace in Southern Africa RELIGIOUS ACTION NETWORK for justice and peace in southern Africa a project of the American Committee on Africa ONE MORE MASSACRE by Aleah Bacquie "It seemed so absolutely unnecessary. If this is a taste of things to come, then God help us all." -John Hall, Chairperson Peace Committee God help us all indeed. Soldiers firing on unarmed peaceful demonstrators with no warning whatsoever is nothing new under the South African sun. (It was only last month that I wrote to you about the Boipatong Massacre.) Now, twenty-eight more are dead, 200 more wounded. The only fresh, but twisted slant comes from the "Gorbachevian" De Kierk, escort of the "New South Africa". You know the appalling statistics by now, nearly 8,000 people dead due to political violence since the "reformist" De Klerk began his bloody reign of terror, with tens of thousands more wounded, driven from their homes, gripped by hopelessness and fear. Complete denial of any South African governmental responsibility was expected, even though the soldiers who fired were under the command of a South African Defense Force Brigadier on loan to the "bantustan" Ciskei government. The South African government has long contended that the Black "bantustans" are independent governments, although they are not recognized by any other government, including the U.S. However, with hard evidence of government complicity mounting, De Klerk tried a new tactic, blaming the victim. He somehow mustered the gall to assert that the massacre of ANC supporters is the fault of the ANC! According to this disturbed logic, those Blacks who dared to exercise their right of peaceful assembly and protest are to blame because they should have known that Pretoria's puppet, Oupa Gqozo, would fire on the marchers. The U.S State Department Spokesperson Richard Boucher, chimed in on cue with a statement that "those who prompted the demonstration should carefully reconsider future actions.. .that expose innocent supporters to violence." Of course this analysis is not new to US civil rights veterans who were themselves blamed for the dogs, water hoses, batons, bullets, and nooses that were used on them when exercising similar rights. I urge you to send a telegram to both George Bush and Bill Clinton and urge them to speak out publicly against the continuing slaughter in South Africa. Ask them to openly endorse Senate Resolution 301 which addresses the violence in South Africa. Encourage them to do everything in their power to STOP APARTHIED'S VIOLENCE and support South Africa's people in their struggle for one-person, one vote democracy in a non-racial, non sexist unified South Africa. George Bush Bill Clinton 1030 15th Street N.W. Corner Third and Louisiana Washington, D.C. 20005 Little Rock, AK 72201 FAX (202) 336-7954 FAX (501) 372-2292 198 Broadway * Now York, N.Y. 10038 * (212) 962-1210 William H. Booth. President Wyatt Tee Walker. Vice President David Scott. Vice President Jennifer Davis. Executive Director W THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 10, 1992 Democracy vs. Dictat6r in Apartheid's 'Homeland' By BILL KELLER Specialto The NewYork Times BISHO, South Africa, Sept. 9 - The make-believe country of Ciskei has a shiny "international" airport capable of landing a Boeing 747, in case one ever attempts to visit this curious fig ment of apartheid. It has. 846,000 inhabitants who were not consulted in 1981 when they were stripped of their South African citizen ship and gerrymandered into one of 10 tribal homelands to protect white con BOPHUTHATSWANA of honoelad trol of the wealthy remainder of the of homeland country. o f1us Ciskei has a foreign service with a AFRICASOUTH " single ambassadorial posting, to the Te en p Fort a muhtedoe only country that recognizes its sover eignty, South Africa. IWillis Vm' It has its capital here, a miniature pastel metropolis with a three-block downtown, a hotel-casino complex where South Africans can enjoy the blackjack tables The New York Times forbidden a mile away South Africa is struggling to fit homelands like Ciskei, where at least 28 in their own country, .and high-walled people were killed Monday, into the eventual post-apartheid order. compounds where government minis ters and business executives dwell in luxurious isolation from Ciskei's But as the brigadier served bloody that the brigadier's position is wobbly. wretched poverty. notice on Monday, there is explosive Following the Ciskei killings, the Af It has its own development bank, its disagreement about where these home rican National Congress staged an un own army and its own diminutive mili lands fit in the post-apartheid order. eventful march today against the tiny tary dictator, Brigadier Oupa J. Gqozo, The African National Congress de homeland of Qwa Qwa, which is about who boils with rage -when he is ridi mands that homeland leaders it re 200 miles south of Johannesburg, on the culed as a puppet of South Africa. gards as inimical to democracy be northern border of Lesotho. replaced by impartial caretakers until More ominously, its leaders said "I need some help to make the world elections can be held. The South Afri they were contemplating action realize that I am a very serious lead can Government insists it is "not in the against KwaZulu, the Zulu homeland er," Brigadier Gqozo pleaded during business of replacing governments," and the domain of the A.N.C.'s bitterest an interview last Friday. as a spokesman put it. and most powerful black political rival, Three days later his army fired a The killings left Ciskei extremely Chief Mangosuthu Gatsha Buthelezi. Sseemingly interminable machine-gun volatile. Police and soldiers conducted door-to-door fusillade at searches today, and were protesters marching on his said to be arresting and beating partic The Clearest Border: capital, killing at least 28 and convinc ipants in Monday's ing many that march. In the Cis if he, is not a serious keian townships southwest of Bisho, Where the Poor Are leader, he is at least part of a serious residents burned the homes of Ciskei problem. soldiers. A visitor driving through the rolling Having manufactured these mock It was no surprise that the congress pasture and voluptuous mountains of states, entrenched their rulers in posi chose Ciskei for Monday's march, Ciskei finds no border posts to mark tions of power and small-time luxury which was aimed explicitly at toppling the frequent passage across the "inter and employed them as surrogates to Brigadier Gqozo. The region, where the national" border with South Africa. Xhosa and the British fought their fron But the boundaries are easily de divide the black political opposition, tier wars in the 19th century, is one of duced from the standard of living. The South Africa now seeks to undo the the congress's most militant strong cozy 19th-century English colonial experiment by reunifying its territory. holds, and there have been many signs towns, Queenstown, Fort Beaufort, Supporting African freedom and independence since 1953 - Established The Africa Fund. 1966 King William's Town, are in South Af Bisho, 50 heavily armed troops gath him paranoid." I rica. The sprawling townships and the ered outside while their commander Mr. Hugo, whose account is backedl barren rural settlements, Zwelitsha, ordered the meeting dispersed. by other former intelligence officers, Thornhill - those are in Ciskei. The Since the legalization of the African said that the most audacious maneuver Indian Ocean >ortof East Londor is Natio-ial 2ongress in 1990, 'he ho.,ie was staging a phoiy coup attempt. He South Africa's shipb-tldiag center. The lands have acquired . new utility for said South Africaet agentb lured Cis neighboring slum of Mdantsane is Cis the white Government as political foils kei's former security chief, Charles kei. to tte a'ack ;iberation movemea. Sebs, back from exile in Transkei with The brigadier readily admits that in The homelands - four of them "in a promise that mutinous army officers o errs,' is iepabiic is any dependent," the other six "self govern would hand him the presidency. Mr.1 thing but independent. in7" - have g adut lly ta'er sides, ;cbe and a collaborator walked into the South Africa underwrites the budget some tilting to the A.N.C., others to the trap and were killed. that pays for the 30,000-member civil Government. service and its perks, including the According to Gert Hugo, a former The congress did its share to embit black bulletproof Range Rnver that the South African military intelflgence offi. ter the brigadier, making a mistake the brigadier favors and the fleet of Mer cer whc was Brigadier iqozo's intelli whites in Pretoria did not: they insult cedes preferred by his cabinet. South gence adviser for a year, until July ed his pride. Africa trained and equipped the armyI 1991, Ciskei has long been a covert After the brigadier dismissed strik - assisted by such a large contingent I battleground in the white Govern ing civil servants, the A.N.C. organized of Israelis that for a time the Pick 'ni ment's "divide and rule" approach. rallies where he was denounced in Pay supermarket in Biiho had .ko 'he strategy, he said, was to ,manipu scathing terms. Keith Mathee, a law sher section. l (etCiskei as a tuli'war%- against the yet who ferved as Brigadier Gqozo's South Africans - many retired or African National Congress, especially lfirst minister of justice, said the fum seconded from the 3oath African Gov in the neighboring "indepeiident" ing brigadier forced his cabinet to sit ernment and military - till make up homeland of Transket. Transkei, '.he through repeated screenings of a police more than half the brigadier's cabinet home of Nelson Mandela, the A.N.C.
Recommended publications
  • South·Africa in Transition
    POLITICS OF HOPE AND TERROR: South ·Africa in Transition Report on Violence in South Africa by an American Friends Service Committee Study Team November 1992 The American Friends Service Committee's concern over Southern Africa has grown out of over 60 years of relationships since the first visit by a representative of the organization. In 1982 the AFSC Board of Directors approved the release of a full length book, Challenge and Hope, as a statement of its views on South Africa. Since 1977 the AFSC has had a national Southern Africa educational program in its Peace Education Division. AMERICAN FRIENDS SERVICE COMMITTEE 1501 Cherry Street Philadelphia, PA 19102 (215) 241-7000 AFSC REGIONAL OFFICES: Southeastern Region, Atlanta, Georgia 30303, 92 Piedmont Avenue, NE; Middle Atlantic Region, Baltimore, Maryland 21212, 4806 York Road; New England Region, Cambridge, Massachusetts 02140, 2161 Massachusetts Avenue; Great Lakes Region, Chicago, Illinois 60605, 59 E. Van Buren Street, Suite 1400; North Central Region, Des Moines, Iowa 50312, 4211 Grand Avenue; New York Metropolitan Region, New York, New York 10003, 15 Rutherford Place; Pacific Southwest Region, Pasadena, California 91103, 980 N. Fair Oaks Avenue; Pacific Mountain Region, San Francisco, California 94121,2160 Lake Street; Pacific Northwest Region, Seattle, Washington 98105, 814 N.E. 40th Street. CONTENTS II THE AFSC DELEGATION 1 PREFACE III POLITICS OF HOPE AND TERROR: South Africa in Transition 1 THE BASIC VIOLENCE 2 ANALYZING THE VIOLENCE 5 THE HIDDEN HAND 7 RETALIATION 9 POLICE INVESTIGATIONS 11 LESSONS FROM THE BOIPATONG MASSACRE 12 HOMELAND VIOLENCE IN CISKEI AND KWAZULU 13 HOMELAND LEADERS BUTHELEZI AND GQOZO 16 CONCLUSION 19 RECOMMENDATIONS 20 ACRONYMS 21 TEAM INTERVIEWS AND MEETINGS 22 THE AFSC DELEGATION TO SOUTH AFRICA The American Friends Service Committee's Board of Directors approved a proposal in June 1992 for a delegation to visit South Africa to study the escalating violence there.
    [Show full text]
  • National Senior Certificate Grade 12
    This memorandum consists of 32 pages. NATIONAL SENIOR CERTIFICATE GRADE 12 HISTORY P2 EXEMPLAR 2014 MEMORANDUM MARKS: 150 This memorandum consists of 20 pages. Copyright reserved Please turn over History/P2 2 DBE/2014 NSC – Grade 12 Exemplar – Memorandum 1. SOURCE-BASED QUESTIONS 1.1 The following cognitive levels were used to develop source-based questions: COGNITIVE WEIGHTING OF HISTORICAL SKILLS LEVELS QUESTIONS Extract evidence from sources Selection and organisation of relevant 30% LEVEL 1 information from sources (15) Define historical concepts/terms Interpretation of evidence from sources 40% LEVEL 2 Explain information gathered from sources (20) Analyse evidence from sources Interpret and evaluate evidence from sources Engage with sources to determine its usefulness, reliability, bias and limitations 30% LEVEL 3 Compare and contrast interpretations and (15) perspectives presented in sources and draw independent conclusions 1.2 The information below indicates how source-based questions are assessed: In the marking of source-based questions, credit needs to be given to any other valid and relevant viewpoints, arguments, evidence or examples. In the allocation of marks, emphasis should be placed on how the requirements of the question have been addressed. In the marking guideline, the requirements of the question (skills that need to be addressed) as well as the level of the question are indicated in italics. 2. ESSAY QUESTIONS 2.1 The essay questions require candidates to: Be able to structure their argument in a logical and coherent manner. They need to select, organise and connect the relevant information so that they are able to present a reasonable sequence of facts or an effective argument to answer the question posed.
    [Show full text]
  • The Dead Zone
    FEATURE / THE DEAD ZONE In Susan Sontag’s seminal book, On Photography, Sontag writes that the “industrialisation of camera technology only carried out a promise inherent in photography from its very beginning: to democratise all experiences by translating them into images.” Since the The Dead Zone dawn of photography and the development of the first cameras in the early 1840s, taking photographs has been a way of both certifying and refusing experience – memorialising Regarding democracy through Greg Marinovich’s photography and restating symbolically; limiting reality to a search for the aesthetic. By Ellen Agnew Somersault, Soweto, 1993. African National Congress and Communist Party supporters scatter as police fire teargas and live rounds outside the Soweto soccer stadium where the funeral of ANC and CP leader Chris Hani was attended by hundreds of thousands of mourners on 19 April. 100 THE DEAD ZONE / ELLEN AGNEW 0101 FEATUREEDITORIAL/INTERVIEW/REVIEWS / THE DEAD ZONE / TITLE “…when viewing these images, one does not feel as if they numb the pain of this tumultuous past” On the 8th May 2019, citizens from across Trust, and in the reception they receive transition from “repression to freedom, the country lined up to cast their vote upon being viewed. totalitarian rule to democracy”. Tutu goes in the sixth democratic elections as the on to explain that the volatile pre-election Republic of South Africa – seemingly One image in particular – Doll’s Head, period was “designed to fill township the most important, and most pressured, Boipatong, 1992 sees a black man covering his dwellers with panic and to get them saying since the birth of the country’s democracy eyes with his left hand.
    [Show full text]
  • RELIGIOUS ACTION NETWORK for Justice and Peace in Southern Africa
    RELIGIOUS ACTION NETWORK for justice and peace in southern Africa a project of the American Committee on Africa SOUTH AFRICA: WHAT'S GOING ON FOUNDING MEMBERS AND WHAT TO DO ABOUT IT (Pa rti al listing) Dr. Wyatt Tee Walker, Cha,·persan by Aleah Bacquie Concan Bophst Church, New York Canon Frederick B. Williams what's going on ••• Church of· the Intercession, New York Rev. M. William Howard, President In South Africa' it seems' the more things change' the Amencon Common .. on Afr;co more they stay the same. In the past two years' Nelson Jennifer Davis, EKecvtove Director Mandela and other prominent political prisoners were Ame,;canCommoHeeonAfnco released from prison . The African National Congress' Aleoh Bocquie, Coordmatar Pan Africanist Congress and other political parties RelogoousActoonNetwork were unbanned. But Blacks, some 83% of the South African · popula­ tion, are still denied the vote. In some areas, the rate of malnutrition among black children is as high as 60-70%. Some 400 political prisoners remairi in apartheid jails where ill­ treatment, torture, and murder by officials are still rampant according to human rights groups. And now, in addition to everything else, government sanctioned political violence threatens a just and democratic transition. It is no small indictment of South African society that its history is known mainly by its massacres. The Sharpeville Massacre thirty-two years ago left sixty-eight dead at the hands of police. The Soweto Uprising sixteen years later had a death toll of over 1000 due to South African police and security forces. On June 17th, 1992, another sixteen years later, fifty people lost their lives to state-sponsored violence in Boipatong.
    [Show full text]
  • Death in Boipatong
    DEATH IN BOIPATONG The Dead ofBoipatong More than forty people were massacred at Boipatong on Wednesday 17 June. Men, women and children, and even those in their mother's womb were hack­ ed to death. Life, which hitherto offered only suffering, was snuffed out by men so low, that they could only attack at the dead of night when the shadows concealed their identity. Even though the evidence is hidden and might never be established there is little doubt about who is guilty. This killing must be laid at the door of the Intelligence Department and their allies in the Inkatha Freedom Party. It is clearly the work of men who are out to destabilize the townships, destroy all movements of opposition and reimpose the state of emergency. Addressing this issue, John Carlin said in The Independent (24 June 1992): In Boipatong, as in the majority of other massacres, the people who actually do the killing are blacks linked to the Inkatha Freedom Party...Those who direct them are whites operating within the intelligence structures of the police and army. The only issue in doubt is how high up does the authority come from? Does it stop at the 'securocrats', the generals and colonels who effectively ran the country during the Eighties? Or does it go right up to F W de Klerk, as Nelson Mandela claims? These questions have not been conclusively answered. The argument that this event was the result of previous shootings in the area is beside the point. The townships and squatter camps are witness to violence and murders week after week.
    [Show full text]
  • Trc-Media-Sapa-2000.Pdf
    GRAHAMSTOWN Jan 5 Sapa THREE OF DE KOCK'S CO-ACCUSED TO CHALLENGE TRC DECISION Three former security branch policemen plan to challenge the Truth and Reconciliation Commission's decision to refuse them and seven of their former colleagues, including Eugene de Kock, amnesty for the 1989 murder of four policemen. De Kock, Daniel Snyman, Nicholaas Janse Van Rensburg, Gerhardus Lotz, Jacobus Kok, Wybrand Du Toit, Nicolaas Vermeulen, Marthinus Ras and Gideon Nieuwoudt admitted responsibility for the massive car bomb which claimed the lives of Warrant Officer Mbalala Mgoduka, Sergeant Amos Faku, Sergeant Desmond Mpipa and an Askari named Xolile Shepherd Sekati. The four men died when a bomb hidden in the police car they were travelling in was detonated in a deserted area in Motherwell, Port Elizabeth, late at night in December 1989. Lawyer for Nieuwoudt, Lotz and Van Rensburg, Francois van der Merwe said he would shortly give notice to the TRC of their intention to take on review the decision to refuse the nine men amnesty. He said the judgment would be taken on review in its entirety, and if it was overturned by the court, the TRC would once again have to apply its mind to the matter in respect of all nine applicants. The applicants had been "unfairly treated", he said and the judges had failed to properly apply their mind to the matter. The amnesty decision was split, with Acting Judge Denzil Potgieter and Judge Bernard Ngoepe finding in the majority decision that the nine men did not qualify for amnesty as the act was not associated with a political objective and was not directed against members of the ANC or other liberation movements.
    [Show full text]
  • We Were Cut Off from the Comprehension of Our Surroundings
    Black Peril, White Fear – Representations of Violence and Race in South Africa’s English Press, 1976-2002, and Their Influence on Public Opinion Inauguraldissertation zur Erlangung der Doktorwürde der Philosophischen Fakultät der Universität zu Köln vorgelegt von Christine Ullmann Institut für Völkerkunde Universität zu Köln Köln, Mai 2005 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The work presented here is the result of years of research, writing, re-writing and editing. It was a long time in the making, and may not have been completed at all had it not been for the support of a great number of people, all of whom have my deep appreciation. In particular, I would like to thank Prof. Dr. Michael Bollig, Prof. Dr. Richard Janney, Dr. Melanie Moll, Professor Keyan Tomaselli, Professor Ruth Teer-Tomaselli, and Prof. Dr. Teun A. van Dijk for their help, encouragement, and constructive criticism. My special thanks to Dr Petr Skalník for his unflinching support and encouraging supervision, and to Mark Loftus for his proof-reading and help with all language issues. I am equally grateful to all who welcomed me to South Africa and dedicated their time, knowledge and effort to helping me. The warmth and support I received was incredible. Special thanks to the Burch family for their help settling in, and my dear friend in George for showing me the nature of determination. Finally, without the unstinting support of my two colleagues, Angelika Kitzmantel and Silke Olig, and the moral and financial backing of my family, I would surely have despaired. Thank you all for being there for me. We were cut off from the comprehension of our surroundings; we glided past like phantoms, wondering and secretly appalled, as sane men would be before an enthusiastic outbreak in a madhouse.
    [Show full text]
  • AK2672-E3-001-Jpeg.Pdf
    AMC INTERVIEW WITH DR. WADDINGTON On the 2nd July 1992, Barbara Sudano and Rev. Iloerane met with Dr. Waddington. The ANC requested Rev. Moerane to speak on their behalf. He was also representing the Vaal Council of Churches. We collected Dr. Waddington and Commissioner Laidlaw from the Vanderbijlpark Police Station and took them to a church nearby where the meeting took place. The discussion was prefaced by Dr. Waddington and Mr. Laidlaw, stating that they were not investigating the events on the night of the 17th June 1992, but were investigating : - a* whether the police could have prevented the event; and k* the investigation by the police subsequent to the events of the night of the 17th June 1992. ERIQR WARMINGS OF THE ATTACK TO THE POLICE We reported a call by Rev. Paul Verryn to Col. Gouws, the calls by Watch Mothibidi and we reported the discussion held between Capt. De Klerk and Lucas Nthobejane. We stated that Paul Verryn and Lucas Nthobejane had both referred to an impending attack in the Vaal that night. We stated that Watch Mothibidi had communicated an impending attack in Sebokeng and that he was phoning from Zone 11. We were questioned as to whether this number of calls was an unusual occurrence, or whether it was common practice or a daily occurrence that people would phone the police with rumours of impending attacks. Rev. Moerane states that in his opinion that it was a fairly unusual occurrence. He stated that he had called Col. Du Pont about an impending attack on an individual by Kwa-Madala residents approximately 3 weeks prior to the massacre.
    [Show full text]
  • Telematics 2021 History Grade 12
    DIRECTORATE: CURRICULUM FET TELEMATICS 2021 HISTORY GRADE 12 1 Telematics Schedule DAY DATE TIME TOPIC Wednesday 10 March 15:00 – 16:00 Cold War P1 Wednesday 12 May 15:00 – 16:00 Paper 2 Content Tuesday 10 August 15:00 – 16:00 Examination Preparation P1 and 2 2 SESSION 1 THE COLD WAR 10 MARCH 2021 ORIGINS OF THE COLD WAR COUNTRY:__________________ COUNTRY:__________________ IDEOLOGY:_________________ IDEOLOGY:_________________ MEANING:__________________ MEANING:__________________ _____________________________ ___________________________ _____________________________ ___________________________ KNOW THE FOLLOWING: HISTORICAL EVENTS EXPLANATION IRON CURTAIN / BERLIN WALL POLICY OF CONTAINMENT THE TRUMAN DOCTRINE MARSHALL PLAN BERLIN BLOCKADE BERLIN AIRLIFT CONFERENCES: DATE AND PLACE YALTA CONFERENCE POTSDAM CONFERENCE 3 ROLE PLAYERS COUNTRIES: LEFT: _________________________ _______________________ CENTRE: ______________________ _______________________ RIGHT: ________________________ _______________________ WHAT WAS THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE YALTA AND POTSDAM CONFERENCES? YALTA POTSDAM 4 ACTIVITY 1 SOURCE 1A This is an extract from a speech delivered by Winston Churchill, Prime Minister of Britain, at Fulton, Missouri, in the United States, on 5 March 1946. It called for greater partnership between Britain and the United States of America to prevent Soviet expansion into Eastern Europe. From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has descended across the continent. Behind the line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and populations around them lie in the Soviet sphere and all are subject, in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and increasing measure of control from Moscow.
    [Show full text]
  • Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report
    VOLUME THREE Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report The report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was presented to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998. Archbishop Desmond Tutu Ms Hlengiwe Mkhize Chairperson Dr Alex Boraine Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza Vice-Chairperson Ms Mary Burton Dr Wendy Orr Revd Bongani Finca Adv Denzil Potgieter Ms Sisi Khampepe Dr Fazel Randera Mr Richard Lyster Ms Yasmin Sooka Mr Wynand Malan* Ms Glenda Wildschut Dr Khoza Mgojo * Subject to minority position. See volume 5. Chief Executive Officer: Dr Biki Minyuku I CONTENTS Chapter 1 Introduction to Regional Profiles ........ 1 Appendix: National Chronology......................... 12 Chapter 2 REGIONAL PROFILE: Eastern Cape ..................................................... 34 Appendix: Statistics on Violations in the Eastern Cape........................................................... 150 Chapter 3 REGIONAL PROFILE: Natal and KwaZulu ........................................ 155 Appendix: Statistics on Violations in Natal, KwaZulu and the Orange Free State... 324 Chapter 4 REGIONAL PROFILE: Orange Free State.......................................... 329 Chapter 5 REGIONAL PROFILE: Western Cape.................................................... 390 Appendix: Statistics on Violations in the Western Cape ......................................................... 523 Chapter 6 REGIONAL PROFILE: Transvaal .............................................................. 528 Appendix: Statistics on Violations in the Transvaal ......................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Apartheid South Africa Xolela Mangcu 105 5 the State of Local Government: Third-Generation Issues Doreen Atkinson 118
    ress.ac.za ress.ac.za p State of the Nation South Africa 2003–2004 Free download from www.hsrc Edited by John Daniel, Adam Habib & Roger Southall ress.ac.za ress.ac.za p Free download from www.hsrc ress.ac.za ress.ac.za p Compiled by the Democracy & Governance Research Programme, Human Sciences Research Council Published by HSRC Press Private Bag X9182, Cape Town, 8000, South Africa HSRC Press is an imprint of the Human Sciences Research Council Free download from www.hsrc ©2003 Human Sciences Research Council First published 2003 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. ISBN 0 7969 2024 9 Cover photograph by Yassir Booley Production by comPress Printed by Creda Communications Distributed in South Africa by Blue Weaver Marketing and Distribution, PO Box 30370, Tokai, Cape Town, South Africa, 7966. Tel/Fax: (021) 701-7302, email: [email protected]. Contents List of tables v List of figures vii ress.ac.za ress.ac.za p Acronyms ix Preface xiii Glenn Moss Introduction Adam Habib, John Daniel and Roger Southall 1 PART I: POLITICS 1 The state of the state: Contestation and race re-assertion in a neoliberal terrain Gerhard Maré 25 2 The state of party politics: Struggles within the Tripartite Alliance and the decline of opposition Free download from www.hsrc Roger Southall 53 3 An imperfect past:
    [Show full text]
  • AG2543-2-2-43-01-Jpeg.Pdf
    Independent Board of Inquiry POBox 32293 Broomfontein 201 7 Johonnesburg South Africo Phone (all ) 403 - 3256/7 Fox (all ) 403 - 1366 .') -- Report fo May - Augu st 1994 • .".) Report for MIIy-AuifUst i9J IBI Copyright otice Members of the public are free to reprint or report information, either in whole or in part, contained in this publication on the strict understanding that the Independent Board of Inquiry is acknowledged. Otherwise, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electrical, mechanical, photocopy, recording or otherwise, without prior permission of the publisher. • BOARD MEMBERS: Dr Alex Boraine, Rev Frank Chi kane, Mr Brian Currin, Reverend Mvume Dandala, Prof John Dugard, Ms Sheena Duncan, Mr Peter Kerchhoff, Mr Norman Manoim, Ms Emma Mashinini, Br Jude Pieterse, Archbishop Desmond Tutu • IBI Report for AlnrAugust i9J TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION: 1 1. STATE INSTITUTIONS: 3 1.1 South African Police Se rvice (SAPS) 3 1.1.1 Vusi Phiri "C 4 1.1.2 Eugene de Kock 4 1.2 Prisons 6 2. RIGHT WING 7 . - • 2. t Freedom Front 8 2.2 Afrikaner Weel'"S tandsbeweging (A WB) 9 2.3 Ri ght-wing trials 10 3. THE GOLDSTONE COMMISSION 11 3. 1 Escom Arms Deal 12 3.2 Third Force activities \3 4. TRUTH COMMISSION 14 5. ATTACKS ON INDIVIDUALS 15 • 5.1 W alter Sisulu 16 .2 Wilson Xolo 17 5.3 Oswald OIadla 17 5.4 Mathew Goniwe, Fort Calata. Sparrow Mkonto and Sicelo Mhlauli 17 5.5 Anton Lubowski 18 7.
    [Show full text]