(In)Determinable: Race in Brazil and the United States
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Umbanda: Africana Or Esoteric? Open Library of Humanities, 6(1): 25, Pp
ARTICLE How to Cite: Engler, S 2020 Umbanda: Africana or Esoteric? Open Library of Humanities, 6(1): 25, pp. 1–36. DOI: https://doi.org/10.16995/olh.469 Published: 30 June 2020 Peer Review: This article has been peer reviewed through the double-blind process of Open Library of Humanities, which is a journal published by the Open Library of Humanities. Copyright: © 2020 The Author(s). This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (CC-BY 4.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. See http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/. Open Access: Open Library of Humanities is a peer-reviewed open access journal. Digital Preservation: The Open Library of Humanities and all its journals are digitally preserved in the CLOCKSS scholarly archive service. Steven Engler, ‘Umbanda: Africana or Esoteric?’ (2020) 6(1): 25 Open Library of Humanities. DOI: https:// doi.org/10.16995/olh.469 ARTICLE Umbanda: Africana or Esoteric? Steven Engler Mount Royal University, CA [email protected] Umbanda is a dynamic and varied Brazilian spirit-incorporation tradition first recorded in the early twentieth century. This article problematizes the ambiguity of categorizing Umbanda as an ‘Afro-Brazilian’ religion, given the acknowledged centrality of elements of Kardecist Spiritism. It makes a case that Umbanda is best categorized as a hybridizing Brazilian Spiritism. Though most Umbandists belong to groups with strong African influences alongside Kardecist elements, many belong to groups with few or no African elements, reflecting greater Kardecist influence. -
Movimento Pardo-Mestiço Brasileiro (MPMB) Associação Dos Caboclos E Ribeirinhos Da Amazônia (ACRA)
Audiência Pública sobre a Constitucionalidade de Políticas de Ação Afirmativa de Acesso ao Ensino Superior – Supremo Tribunal Federal Pol íticas P úblicas de Elimina ção da Identidade Mesti ça e Sistemas Classificat órios de Cor, Ra ça e Etnia Movimento Pardo-Mestiço Brasileiro (MPMB) Associação dos Caboclos e Ribeirinhos da Amazônia (ACRA) Helderli Fideliz Castro de Sá Leão Alves Brasília (DF), 5 de março de 2010 Excelentíssimos Senhores Ministros, As observações que faremos resultam do trato desde 2001, com idéias e práticas de políticas públicas étnicas e raciais no Brasil e em outros países. Esta atuação nos faz ter a convicção de que o Sistema de Cotas para Negros da UnB não é, a rigor, medida de ação afirmativa. MonumentoMonumento emem PortugalPortugal àà índiaíndia ParaguaçuParaguaçu ee seuseu marido,marido, oo portuguêsportuguês Caramuru.Caramuru. Políticas públicas de eliminação da identidade mestiça e sistemas classificatórios de cor, raça e etnia Ele não visa combater discriminação racial, de cor, ou de origem, nem corrigir efeitos de discriminações passadas, nem assegurar os direitos humanos e as liberdades fundamentais de grupos étnicos e raciais, como exige a Convenção Internacional Sobre a Eliminação de Todas as Formas de Discriminação Racial para distinguir uma medida especial de uma medida de discriminação MestiçosMestiços manifestam-semanifestam-se contracontra racial. imposiçãoimposição dada identidadeidentidade negranegra aa pardospardos nana II ConferênciaConferência EstadualEstadual dede PolíticasPolíticas dede PromoçãoPromoção -
Hair's the Question*
Hair Transplant Forum International www.ISHRS.org March/April 2015 Hair’s the Question* Sara Wasserbauer, MD, FISHRS Walnut Creek, California, USA [email protected] *The questions presented by the author are not taken from the ABHRS item pool and accordingly will not be found on the ABHRS Certifying Examination. I got a new toy a few Christmases ago—a magnifier for my iPhone camera. I have to tell you: I LOVE this thing! For diagnositic usefulness during a consult, you cannot beat magnification (Dr. Nicole Rogers even won the poster competition in Alaska with a little device like this)! If you are not already using it for your patients, having a camera like this (or a video microscope) enables instant analysis and feedback for your patient. They will love it and you will, too. Now let’s test your skills for diagnosing some of these commonly seen photomicrographs of the scalp. 1. This patient has been: 4. The following microscopic photo is an example of: A. Shaving his hair recently A. An ingrown hair B. Plucking out his own hair B. Diffuse folliculitis C. Using keratin hair fibers (aka Toppik®, etc.) C. Donor area 6 months post FUE hair surgery D. Getting regular “Brazilian blowouts” D. Follicular plugging 2. This patient shows evidence of: 5. What recently happened to the hairs in this photo? A. Exclamation point hairs indicating trichotillomania A. They were recently backcombed as evidenced by their B. Alopecia areata ruffled cuticle. C. Loss of follicular openings B. They were recently cut as shown by their blunt (i.e., not D. -
H.Doc. 108-224 Black Americans in Congress 1870-2007
“The Negroes’ Temporary Farewell” JIM CROW AND THE EXCLUSION OF AFRICAN AMERICANS FROM CONGRESS, 1887–1929 On December 5, 1887, for the first time in almost two decades, Congress convened without an African-American Member. “All the men who stood up in awkward squads to be sworn in on Monday had white faces,” noted a correspondent for the Philadelphia Record of the Members who took the oath of office on the House Floor. “The negro is not only out of Congress, he is practically out of politics.”1 Though three black men served in the next Congress (51st, 1889–1891), the number of African Americans serving on Capitol Hill diminished significantly as the congressional focus on racial equality faded. Only five African Americans were elected to the House in the next decade: Henry Cheatham and George White of North Carolina, Thomas Miller and George Murray of South Carolina, and John M. Langston of Virginia. But despite their isolation, these men sought to represent the interests of all African Americans. Like their predecessors, they confronted violent and contested elections, difficulty procuring desirable committee assignments, and an inability to pass their legislative initiatives. Moreover, these black Members faced further impediments in the form of legalized segregation and disfranchisement, general disinterest in progressive racial legislation, and the increasing power of southern conservatives in Congress. John M. Langston took his seat in Congress after contesting the election results in his district. One of the first African Americans in the nation elected to public office, he was clerk of the Brownhelm (Ohio) Townshipn i 1855. -
Can Money Whiten? Exploring Race Practice in Colonial Venezuela and Its Implications for Contemporary Race Discourse
Michigan Journal of Race and Law Volume 3 1998 Can Money Whiten? Exploring Race Practice in Colonial Venezuela and Its Implications for Contemporary Race Discourse Estelle T. Lau State University of New York at Buffalo Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjrl Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Law and Race Commons, Law and Society Commons, and the Legal History Commons Recommended Citation Estelle T. Lau, Can Money Whiten? Exploring Race Practice in Colonial Venezuela and Its Implications for Contemporary Race Discourse, 3 MICH. J. RACE & L. 417 (1998). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjrl/vol3/iss2/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Journal of Race and Law by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CAN MONEY WHITEN? EXPLORING RACE PRACTICE IN COLONIAL VENEZUELA AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR CONTEMPORARY RACE DISCOURSE Estelle T. Lau* The Gracias al Sacar, a fascinating and seemingly inconceivable practice in eighteenth century colonial Venezuela, allowed certain individuals of mixed Black and White ancestry to purchase "Whiteness" from their King. The author exposes the irony of this system, developed in a society obsessed with "natural" ordering that labeled individuals according to their precise racial ancestry. While recognizing that the Gracias al Sacar provided opportunities for advancement and an avenue for material and social struggle, the author argues that it also justified the persistence of racial hierarchy. -
Who Is Black, White, Or Mixed Race? How Skin Color, Status, and Nation Shape Racial Classification in Latin America1
Who Is Black, White, or Mixed Race? How Skin Color, Status, and Nation Shape Racial Classification in Latin America1 Edward Telles Princeton University Tianna Paschel University of Chicago Comparative research on racial classification has often turned to Latin America, where race is thought to be particularly fluid. Using nationally representative data from the 2010 and 2012 America’sBa- rometer survey, the authors examine patterns of self-identification in four countries. National differences in the relation between skin color, socioeconomic status, and race were found. Skin color predicts race closely in Panama but loosely in the Dominican Republic. Moreover, de- spite the dominant belief that money whitens, the authors discover that status polarizes ðBrazilÞ, mestizoizes ðColombiaÞ, darkens ðDomin- ican RepublicÞ, or has no effect ðPanamaÞ. The results show that race is both physical and cultural, with country variations in racial schema that reflect specific historical and political trajectories. Throughout the Americas, the idea of race has commonly been used to make social distinctions, especially regarding persons of African origin. 1 We thank the Ford Foundation for funding the ethnicity module of the America’s Barometer through the Project on Ethnicity and Race in Latin America ðPERLAÞ as well as the Latin American Public Opinion Project ðLAPOPÞ and its major supporters ðthe U.S. Agency for International Development, the United Nations Development Program, the Inter-American Development Bank, and Vanderbilt UniversityÞ. We also thank Scott Lynch, René Flores, Jennifer Jones, Andreas Wimmer, Denia Garcia, and the AJS reviewers for their feedback. Direct correspondence to Edward Telles, Depart- © 2015 by The University of Chicago. -
Independent Freedpeople of the Five Slaveholding Tribes
Anderson 1 “On the Forty Acres that the Government Give Me”1: Independent Freedpeople of the Five Slaveholding Tribes as Landholders, Indigenous Land Allotment Policy, and the Disruption of Racial, Gender, and Class Hierarchies in Jim Crow Oklahoma Keziah Anderson Undergraduate Senior Thesis Department of History Columbia University April 15th, 2020 Seminar Advisor: Professor George Chauncey Second Reader: Professor Celia Naylor 1 Kiziah Love, interview with Jessie R. Ervin, spring 1937, Colbert, OK, in The WPA Oklahoma Slave Narratives, ed. T. Lindsay Baker and Julie Philips Baker (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1996), 262. See Appendix 6 for a full transcript of Kiziah Love’s slave narrative. © 2020 Anderson 2 - Notice - None of the work included in this document may be cited or quoted without express written permission from the author. © 2020 Anderson 3 - Table of Contents - Acknowledgements 4 Introduction 5-15 Chapter 1: “You’ve an Indian Not a Negro”: Racecraft, 15-36 Land Allotment Policy, and Class Inequalities in Post-Allotment and Post-Statehood Oklahoma Racecraft and Land Use in the Pre-Allotment Period 15 Racecraft, Blood Quantum, and Ideology in the Jim Crow South & Indian Territory 18 Racecraft in the Allotment Process: Blood Quanta, One-Drop-of-Blood Rules, and Land Land Allotments, Indigeneity, and Racecraft in Post-Statehood Oklahoma 25 Chapter 2: The Reshaping of Gender in the Post-Allotment and 38-51 Post-Statehood Period: Independent Freedwomen Landowners, the (Re)Establishment of Black Infrastructure, and -
Historical Origins of the One-Drop Racial Rule in the United States
Historical Origins of the One-Drop Racial Rule in the United States Winthrop D. Jordan1 Edited by Paul Spickard2 Editor’s Note Winthrop Jordan was one of the most honored US historians of the second half of the twentieth century. His subjects were race, gender, sex, slavery, and religion, and he wrote almost exclusively about the early centuries of American history. One of his first published articles, “American Chiaroscuro: The Status and Definition of Mulattoes in the British Colonies” (1962), may be considered an intellectual forerunner of multiracial studies, as it described the high degree of social and sexual mixing that occurred in the early centuries between Africans and Europeans in what later became the United States, and hinted at the subtle racial positionings of mixed people in those years.3 Jordan’s first book, White over Black: American Attitudes Toward the Negro, 1550–1812, was published in 1968 at the height of the Civil Rights Movement era. The product of years of painstaking archival research, attentive to the nuances of the thousands of documents that are its sources, and written in sparkling prose, White over Black showed as no previous book had done the subtle psycho-social origins of the American racial caste system.4 It won the National Book Award, the Ralph Waldo Emerson Prize, the Bancroft Prize, the Parkman Prize, and other honors. It has never been out of print since, and it remains a staple of the graduate school curriculum for American historians and scholars of ethnic studies. In 2005, the eminent public intellectual Gerald Early, at the request of the African American magazine American Legacy, listed what he believed to be the ten most influential books on African American history. -
Complementary and Alternative Treatments for Alopecia: a Comprehensive Review
Review Article Skin Appendage Disord 2019;5:72–89 Received: April 22, 2018 DOI: 10.1159/000492035 Accepted: July 10, 2018 Published online: August 21, 2018 Complementary and Alternative Treatments for Alopecia: A Comprehensive Review Anna-Marie Hosking Margit Juhasz Natasha Atanaskova Mesinkovska Department of Dermatology, University of California, Irvine, Irvine, CA, USA Keywords Introduction Alopecia · Complementary and alternative medicine · Efficacy According to the National Center for Complementary and Integrative Health (NCCIH), a branch of the Nation- al Institutes of Health (NIH; Bethesda, MD, USA), more Abstract than 30% of adults and 12% of children utilize treatments The treatment of alopecia is limited by a lack of therapies developed “outside of mainstream Western, or conven- that induce and sustain disease remission. Given the nega- tional, medicine,” with a total USD 30.2 billion out-of- tive psychosocial impact of hair loss, patients that do not pocket dollars spent annually [1]. In the treatment of alo- see significant hair restoration with conventional therapies pecia, there is an unmet need for therapies providing sat- often turn to complementary and alternative medicine isfying, long-term results. Patients often turn to (CAM). Although there are a variety of CAM treatment op- complementary and alternative medicine (CAM) in an tions on the market for alopecia, only a few are backed by attempt to find safe, natural, and efficacious therapies to multiple randomized controlled trials. Further, these mo- restore hair. Although CAMs boast hair-growing poten- dalities are not regulated by the Food and Drug Administra- tial, patients may be disappointed with results as there is tion and there is a lack of standardization of bioactive in- a lack of standardization of bioactive ingredients and lim- gredients in over-the-counter vitamins, herbs, and supple- ited scientific evidence. -
Jim Crow Laws to Pass Laws to Their Benefit
13, 1866. It stated that "No state shall deprive any person of life, Name liberty, or property without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws." Many states got around this amendment by creating their own laws. Whites still held the majority of seats in the state legislatures, so it was easy Jim Crow Laws to pass laws to their benefit. Several states made marriage or even dating between races a crime. You could be put in prison for such a By Jane Runyon crime. Some vigilantes took the law into their own hands and hanged anyone they thought might be breaking this law. Vigilantes are people Many people believed that who try to enforce a law without the help of regular law enforcement. the end of the Civil War The hangings by these vigilantes were called lynchings. The Ku Klux would bring great changes to Klan became infamous as a vigilante group. the lives of slaves in the South. They were given There were several types of Jim Crow laws enforced during this time. freedom from slavery by the Louisiana had a law that made black passengers ride in separate President of the United States. railroad cars. A black man named Homer Plessey took the railroad to They were declared to be court saying this law was unconstitutional. The U.S. Supreme Court citizens of the United States. ruled that as long as the railroad cars used by the blacks were As citizens, they were guaranteed certain rights by the Constitution. -
Than Segregation, Racial Identity: the Neglected Question in Plessy V
Washington and Lee Journal of Civil Rights and Social Justice Volume 10 | Issue 1 Article 3 Spring 4-1-2004 MORE THAN SEGREGATION, RACIAL IDENTITY: THE NEGLECTED QUESTION IN PLESSY V. FERGUSON Thomas J. Davis Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/crsj Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, and the Legal History Commons Recommended Citation Thomas J. Davis, MORE THAN SEGREGATION, RACIAL IDENTITY: THE NEGLECTED QUESTION IN PLESSY V. FERGUSON, 10 Wash. & Lee Race & Ethnic Anc. L. J. 1 (2004). Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/crsj/vol10/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington and Lee Journal of Civil Rights and Social Justice at Washington & Lee University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington and Lee Journal of Civil Rights and Social Justice by an authorized editor of Washington & Lee University School of Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MORE THAN SEGREGATION, RACIAL IDENTITY: THE NEGLECTED QUESTION IN PLESSY V. FERGUSON Thomas J. Davis* I. INTRODUCTION The U.S. Supreme Court's 1896 decision in Plessy v. Ferguson' has long stood as an ignominious marker in U.S. law, symbolizing the nation's highest legal sanction for the physical separation by race of persons in the United States. In ruling against thirty-four-year-old New Orleans shoemaker Homer Adolph Plessy's challenge to Louisiana's Separate Railway Act of 1890,2 the Court majority declared that we think the enforced separation of the races, as applied to the internal commerce of the state, neither abridges the privileges or immunities of the colored man, deprives him of his property without due process of law, nor denies him the equal protection of the laws, within the meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment.3 One commentator on the Court's treatment of African-American civil rights cast the Plessy decision as "the climactic Supreme Court pronouncement on segregated institutions."4 Historian C. -
Pontifícia Universidade Católica De São Paulo Puc-Sp
PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DE SÃO PAULO PUC-SP LUÍS CLÁUDIO CARDOSO BANDEIRA “ROTAS E RAIZES” DE ANCESTRAIS ITINERANTES DOUTORADO EM HISTÓRIA SOCIAL SÃO PAULO 2013 PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DE SÃO PAULO PUC-SP LUÍS CLÁUDIO CARDOSO BANDEIRA “ROTAS E RAIZES” DE ANCESTRAIS ITINERANTES DOUTORADO EM HISTÓRIA SOCIAL Tese apresentada à Banca Examinadora da Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, como exigência parcial para obtenção do título de Doutor em História Social, sob a orientação da Profª Drª Maria Antonieta Martines Antonacci. SÃO PAULO 2013 Banca Examinadora __________________________________ __________________________________ __________________________________ __________________________________ __________________________________ Laroiê Esu ! Chegou a hora, quem lá no mato mora, é que vai agora se apresentar. No chão do terreiro a flecha do Seu Flecheiro foi que primeiro zuniu no ar. Vi Seu Aimoré, Seu Coral, vi Seu Guiné, Vi Seu Jaguará, Seu Araranguá, Tupaíba eu vi, Seu Tupã, vi Seu Tupi, Seu Tupiraci, Seu Tupinambá. Vi Seu Pedra-Preta se anunciar, Seu Rompe-Mato, Seu Sete-Flechas, Vi Seu Ventania me assoviar, Seu Vence Demandas eu vi dançar,Benzeu meu patuá. Vi Seu Pena-Branca rodopiar, Seu Mata-Virgem, Seu Sete-Estrelas, Vi Seu Vira-Mundo me abençoar, Vi toda a falange do Jurema. Dentro do meu gongá. Seu Ubirajara trouxe Seu Jupiara, e Seu Tupiara pra confirmar. Linha de Caboclo, diz Seu Arranca-Toco, um é irmão do outro quem vem lá. Com berloque e jóia vi Seu Araribóia, com Seu Jibóia, beirando o mar,com cocar, borduna, chegou Seu Grajaúna,com Baraúna mandou chamar. Vi Seu Pedra-Branca se aproximar, Seu Folha-Verde, Seu Serra-Negra, Seu Sete-Pedreiras eu vi rolar, Seu Cachoeirinha ouvi cantar, Seu Girassol girar.