B0ffibitil T]Re Ill Htfieiquartens - My Big-Character Poster 4 (August 5, 1966) B6A€} TSE-Tf;I[{;

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

B0ffibitil T]Re Ill Htfieiquartens - My Big-Character Poster 4 (August 5, 1966) B6A€} TSE-Tf;I[{; PE i3 August 11, 1967 B0ffiBItil T]rE ilL HTfiEIQUARTEnS - My Big-Character Poster 4 (August 5, 1966) B6A€} TSE-Tf;I[{; A CompleteEy Smosh the Bourgeo;s H esdq us rters ILotgqi editoriol commemorotes first onnirerscry of 11th Fl e na rv sess io n -'ttee or ch i nese & "t aujl *t"J:'r'lrff : Kenji t&iyornate Group's S*tray*f Re ntnin Iiibnt:.r Ccmneniaior $u0T[il(}]ls FRoH GIIIIHTIIffi ilTA(D TSE-TUIIG You must eoncern yourselves with state affairs and carry the great proletarian cultural revolution through to the end! (August 1966) **r< The seizure of power by armed force, the settlement of the issue hy war, is the central task and the highest form of revolu- tion. This Marsist-Leninist principle of revolution holds good universally, for China and for all other countries. Prablems of War and StrategY (November 1938) According to the Marxist theory of the state, the army is the chief component of state polver. Whoever w-ants to seize and re- tain state power must have a strong arlrly. ibid. Chsirmon Moo Tse-tung Our greot teocher, greot leoder, greot supreme commonder ond greot heirr"rsmqn tsOMBARD TFIE HEADQUARTET€S -Mv tsig-Charscter Foster (August 5, 1966) tsgA{D TSM-TITNG Ctrina's first Marxist-Leninist big-character poster and Comrnentator's article on it in Renntin Ribao (People's Daill') are indeed superbly rvritten! Comrades, please read them again. But in the last fifty da1-s or so some leading comrades from the central dorvn to the local levels have acted in a diametricall5- opposite !vay. Adopting the reactionary stand of the bourgeoisie, they have enforced a bourgeois dictatorship and struck dolvn the surging movement of the great cul- tural revolution of the proletariat. They have stootl facts on ttrreir head and jug- gied black and white, encircled and suppressed revolutionaries, stifled opinions dif- fering from their own, imposed a white terror, and felt very pleased rvith thern- selves. They have puffed up the arrogance of the bourgeoisie and deflated the morale of the proletariat. How poisonous! View'ed in connection rvith the Right deviation in 1962 and the wrong tendency of 1964 rvhich lvas "Left" in form but Right in essence, shouldn't this rnake one wide au,ake? {, z& HONGSI Completely Smash the BoLrrgeois Heodguo rters the First Anniyersory the Plenory Se;sion -eornmemoroting of llth Of the Porty's Eighth Centrol Committee rftHE situation in the great proletai'ian culturai revoiu- rvas facing the danger oI being strangled by the top ,!- tion is becoming better and better. The worker, Party person in authority taking the capitalist road.. peasant and soldier rnasses and the heroic young Red At that gra\/e moment. our great leader Chau'man Mac Guard fighters, with bitter hatred for the class enemy, wrote his big-character poster "Bombard the Head- ar-e 'uvaging an al1-round struggie against the handful quarters." I-Ie said: of top Party persons in authority taking the capitalist road. and are criticizitig and repudiating them in a big "China's first Nlarxist-Leninist trig-eharacter pos{er ir,,ay. Thele is a fle,.h revolutionary upsurge to com- and Cornrnentator's article on it in Renmin Fl.ibao (People's pleteil- smash the t"cr-i:qeois headouarters. It is in this Daily) [for full text of both see Peking Reriew, No. 37, 1966. ?r.] are indeed supertrly written! Com- flesh rer.olutionary ups'rrrge llrat the people of th: u'jroie - ccuntry, in a militant frame of mrnd, are cele:.'a:ing ratles, please read them again. But in the last fifty the first anniversary of the llth Plenary Session of da-r s or so some leading comracles from the central the Party's Eighth Central Committee. dorvn to the locai levels have acted in a diameirically opposite way. Adopting the reactiona-ry star:d af iite The greatest historie accomplishments of the 11th bourgeoisie, they have enforced a bourgeois dictatorship PJenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee were: and struek down the surging movement of the great establishing still more firmiy the absolute authoL'ity of cultural revolution of the proletariat. They have stood Mao Tse-tung's thougtrt; confiirriing as the deputy facts on their head and juggled blaek and white, en* supreme commander oI ihe r.vhole Party Cornrade Lin circled and suppressed revolutionaries, stifled opinions Piao, who has consistently held high the great ied diftering from their olr,n, inrpcsed a white terror, and banner of Mao Tse-tung's thourght and carried out felt very pleased with thernselves. They have puffed Chairman Mao's prcletarian revoiutionary line most up the arrogance of the bcurgeoisie and cleflated ttre faithfull;r, resolutely and thoroughiy; and furthel con- rnorale of the proletariat, Etrort' poisonous! Vierved solidating the proletarian headquarters headed by Chair- in connection with the Right deviation in 1962 and man Mao, and defeaiing the bcurgeois headquarters the wrong tendency of 1964 rvhich was 'LefL' in headed by the top Party person in authority taking the forrn but Eight in essence, shouldn't this make orle capitalist road. The documents of the plenary se-rsion wide arvake?" drawn up under Chairman Mao's personal guida.nce sys- poster most rev- tematicall;: laid d<lrr,n and advanced the theory, line, This big-character is a brilliant principles, method and policy for rnaking retzolution olutionary document. It provided the guiding thought under the dictatorship of the proletar.iat: they pointed for the session and laid don,n th,e genei"al principies for out to the people of the rvhcle country- the road to vic- the great proletarian cultural revolution. tory in consolidating the dictatorship of the proletariat "Bombard the Headqualters" blasted the lid off the pretrenting and the restoration of capitalism, and in struggle between the proletarian revolutionary line and advancing from socialism to communism. This session the bourgeois reactionary line and between the pro- great was of historic significance, deciding the fate of letarian headqnarters and the bourgeois headquarters our Party arid state and that of the international com- which had existed in the Party over a long peliod. It murrist movement. made the entire Party and people understand more great proletarian The 11th Plenar:y Session of the Eighth Centlal clearlv the main object a.nd task of the Committee of the Party rn,as convened at a crucial cultural revohrtion. juncture in ti're sharp .struggie between the proletariat The bourgeoie headqr-ralters is c<;mposed of the and the boui'geoisie, between the proletarian i:ead- han<ifui of top Pai'ty persons in autht,'rity takittg the qtrarters and the boulgeois headquarters. It was con- capitalist roaC rn,ith China's Iihrughchov as its chisftain. vened when the gi'eat pioletarian cuit,"rral revolution They are the main target of the great proletarian cul- 6 Peking lle--ie'to. lfo. 33 tural revolution, and the main task of this rr:voiution quai'iers hidden in the apparatus of the dictatorship of is to overthrow them completelv. the proletariat ls crushed, the rvhole Party and state rvili inevitably change coioui'. The fundamental reason The big-character poster "Bombard the Ileadquar- for the capitalist restoration s,hlch has occurred in the ters" penetratingly exposed the leactionary naiui'e of the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia ancl some other socialist coun- bourgeois headquarters, u,hich, adopting the reactionary trie,s is that the handfr-rI of top Party pelsons in stand of the bourgeoisie. enforced a bourgeois di.ctator- authority taking the capita.list road in those countries ship. Chairrrran Mao in his big-chal'ac';er poster ex:- have usurped the leadership of the PaltSz and the state. posed the fact that some leading p,ersonn--l from the Thjs is the gravest lesson in the intelnational communist central dotvn to the local levels "acted in a diametrically movcrnent. opposite way." That nreans in a way opposed to Chair- man I{ao's proleiarian revolutionary line, and the Chairrnan Mao has pointed out that the rnain target leading personnel from the central down to the local of th,e revolution under the dictatorship of the prole- .rr-ithin levels mentioned here are the handful of people headed tariat is the bourgeois headquarters hidden the by China's Khlushchov making up the bourgeois head- appalatus of this dictatorship. It is against this section quarters. The big-character poster laid bare the sinister vrithin the apparatus of the dictatorsl'rip of the prole- counter-revolutionary revisionist features of the top tariat that we are making revolution. Taking our Partl- Party person in authority taking the capitalist road and state as a whole, the bourgeois headquarters is and called on the rvhole Party to be "wide awake." It not in a dominant position, but unless it is overthrosn was a great call to battle to the 'ivhoie Party and th,e it is impossible to eonsolidate and strengthen the dic- peopl.e of the whole country to completeiy smash the tatcrship of the proletariat and prevent the restoration bourgeois headquarters. of capitalism. This theory has been forrnulated by summing up the historical experience of th,e dictatorship Throughout the entire historical period of socialism of the proletariat internationatly and in China. there always exists a struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie and b,etween the socialist road and In the eourse of the protracted struggle against the the capitalist road. The struggle between the prole- top Party person in authority taking the capitalist road, Chailman Mao sa..v arnbitions and tarian headquarters and the bourgeois headquarters is through his vicious conclud,ed that he was the chief hidden danger to our the most concentrated expression of the str:uggle be- Partl' and the chief scoulge in it.
Recommended publications
  • The Cultural Revolution and the Mao Personality Cult
    Bard College Bard Digital Commons History - Master of Arts in Teaching Master of Arts in Teaching Spring 2018 'Long Live Chairman Mao!' The Cultural Revolution and the Mao Personality Cult Angelica Maldonado Bard College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.bard.edu/history_mat Part of the Asian History Commons, Asian Studies Commons, Chinese Studies Commons, Curriculum and Instruction Commons, and the Secondary Education Commons Recommended Citation Maldonado, Angelica, "'Long Live Chairman Mao!' The Cultural Revolution and the Mao Personality Cult" (2018). History - Master of Arts in Teaching. 1. https://digitalcommons.bard.edu/history_mat/1 This Book is brought to you for free and open access by the Master of Arts in Teaching at Bard Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in History - Master of Arts in Teaching by an authorized administrator of Bard Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ‘Long Live Chairman Mao!’ The Cultural Revolution and the Mao Personality Cult By Angelica Maldonado Bard Masters of Arts in Teaching Academic Research Project January 26, 2018 Maldonado 2 Table of Contents I. Synthesis Essay…………………………………………………………..3 II. Primary documents and headnotes……………………………………….28 a. Quotations from Chairman Mao Tse-tung b. Chairman Mao badges c. Chairman Mao swims across the Yangzi d. Bombard the Headquarters e. Mao Pop Art III. Textbook critique…………………………………………………………33 IV. New textbook entry………………………………………………………37 V. Bibliography……………………………………………………………...40 Maldonado 3 "Had Mao died in 1956, his achievements would have been immortal. Had he died in 1966, he would still have been a great man. But he died in 1976. Alas, what can one say?"1 - Chen Yun Despite his celebrated status as a founding father, war hero, and poet, Mao Zedong is often placed within the pantheon of totalitarian leaders, amongst the ranks of Mussolini, Stalin, and Hitler.
    [Show full text]
  • Information to Users
    INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript Pas been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissenation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from anytype of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely. event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material bad to beremoved, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with smalloverlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back ofthe book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. UMI A Bell &Howell Information Company 300North Zeeb Road. Ann Arbor. MI48106-1346 USA 313!761-47oo 800:521·0600 THE LIN BIAO INCIDENT: A STUDY OF EXTRA-INSTITUTIONAL FACTORS IN THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAII IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN HISTORY AUGUST 1995 By Qiu Jin Dissertation Committee: Stephen Uhalley, Jr., Chairperson Harry Lamley Sharon Minichiello John Stephan Roger Ames UMI Number: 9604163 OMI Microform 9604163 Copyright 1995, by OMI Company.
    [Show full text]
  • Qinghua University and Chinese Politics During the Cultural
    Framing the Event: Qinghua University and Chinese Politics during the Cultural Revolution On 5 August 1968 Mao Zedong regifted mangoes, given him by the Pakistan foreign minister, to the Workers’ Propaganda Teams who were then bringing two warring factions of Red Guards, the Jinggangshan Corps (tuanpai) and the Fours (sipai), under control at Qinghua University. Mao’s gesture signaled an important change of direction in the mass campaigns of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. The student Red Guards, who had been the main force in the first stage of the Cultural Revolution and taken out the “capitalist roaders”, had run amok. Henceforth the working class would take charge of forwarding the Cultural Revolution. From 27 July to 26 August was an anxious and confusing time for Red Guards in China. On the morning of 27 July, huge crowds of workers and a scattering of PLA men appeared before the campus gates at Qinghua University, demanding an end to all violent confrontations. At dawn on 28 July Mao Zedong summoned the five Red Guard leaders in Beijing to the Great Hall of the People for a meeting, which lasted from 3:30 A.M. to 8:30 A.M. Mao lambasted the Red Guard leaders for disobeying his order to “struggle, criticize and transform” Chinese campuses and instead forming viciously opposing factions which degenerated from diatribes even to armed combats. He revealed that he was the “black hand” behind the order sending in work 1 teams to quell the violence and told his “little generals” [Red Guards] that “they have now made mistakes (xianzai shi xiaojiang fan cuowu de shihou le).1 On 5 August Mao instructed his bodyguard Wang Dongxing to distribute the case of mangoes given him by the Pakistani foreign minister to the workers who were occupying Qinghua University campus.
    [Show full text]
  • Big-Character Posters, Red Logorrhoea and the Art of Words
    History Writ Large: Big-character Posters, Red Logorrhoea and the Art of Words Geremie R. Barmé, Australian National University In 1986, the Zhoushan-based artist Wu Shanzhuan worked with other recent art school graduates to create an installation called ‘Red Humour’ (hongse youmo 红色幽默). It featured a room covered in the graffiti-like remnants of big-character posters (dazi bao 大 字报) that recalled the Cultural Revolution when hand-written posters replete with vitriol and denunciations of the enemies of Mao Zedong Thought were one of the main cultural weapons in the hands of revolutionary radicals (Figure 1). It was an ironic attempt to recapture the overwhelming and manic mood engendered by the red sea of big-character posters that swelled up in Beijing from mid 1966 and developed into a movement to ‘paint the nation red’ with word-images during the second half of that year and in 1967. In the reduced and concentrated form of an art installation Wu attempted to replicate the stifling environment of the written logorrhoea of High-Maoist China (Figure 2). Figure 1: ‘Red Humor,’ Wu Shanzhuan. Source: Gao Minglu (2008) ’85 Meishu Yundong—80 niandaide renwen qianwei, Guangxi shifan daxue chubanshe, Guilin, vol. 1. PORTAL Journal of Multidisciplinary International Studies, vol. 9, no. 3, November 2012. Politics and Aesthetics in China Special Issue, guest edited by Maurizio Marinelli. ISSN: 1449-2490; http://epress.lib.uts.edu.au/ojs/index.php/portal PORTAL is published under the auspices of UTSePress, Sydney, Australia. Barmé History Writ Large Figure 2: Red Sea, Beijing 1967. Source: Long Bow Archive, Boston.
    [Show full text]
  • Andreas and Dong 2016 (Forthcoming)
    The tumultuous history of “big democracy” in China’s factories Joel Andreas Johns Hopkins University Yige Dong Johns Hopkins University We would like to thank Lingli Huang and Shaohua Zhan for their help with the research on which this paper is based, and Mark Frazier for helpful comments on an early draft. 1 The tumultuous history of “big democracy” in China’s factories Abstract This paper compares two fateful experiments conducted in China during the Mao era that encouraged freewheeling criticism of Communist cadres: the 1957 Party Rectification campaign and the early upheavals of the Cultural Revolution (1966-1968). Through a content analysis of articles published in the Chinese Communist Party’s flagship newspaper, People’s Daily, we first show that the two movements shared characteristics that made them very similar to each other and remarkably different from all other mass campaigns carried out during the Mao era. We then examine the differences between the two movements by investigating how they unfolded in factories, based on interviews with workers and party cadres. Key elements of the strategies Mao pursued during the Cultural Revolution, we argue, can be interpreted as responses to the unmitigated failure of the 1957 campaign. In comparing the two movements, we highlight the evolution of the term “big democracy,” which was uniquely associated with these two episodes, but was deployed very differently in the Cultural Revolution than it was in 1957. Introduction In early 1968, when Franz Schurmann was trying to make sense of
    [Show full text]
  • ART in TURMOIL
    ART in TURMOIL King hi_res.pdf 1 12/21/2009 3:15:46 PM Contemporary Chinese Studies This series, a joint initiative of UBC Press and the UBC Institute of Asian Research, Centre for Chinese Research, seeks to make available the best scholarly work on contemporary China. Volumes cover a wide range of subjects related to China, Tai- wan, and the overseas Chinese world. Glen Peterson, The Power of Words: Literacy and Revolution in South China, 1949-95 Wing Chung Ng, The Chinese in Vancouver: The Pursuit of Power and Identity, 1945-80 Yijiang Ding, Chinese Democracy after Tiananmen Diana Lary and Stephen MacKinnon, eds., Scars of War: The Impact of Warfare on Modern China Eliza W.Y. Lee, ed., Gender and Change in Hong Kong: Globalization, Postcolonialism, and Chinese Patriarchy Christopher A. Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai: Chinese Print Capitalism, 1876-1937 James A. Flath, The Cult of Happiness: Nianhua, Art, and History in Rural North China Erika E.S. Evasdottir, Obedient Autonomy: Chinese Intellectuals and the Achievement of Orderly Life Hsiao-ting Lin, Tibet and Nationalist China’s Frontier: Intrigues and Ethnopolitics, 1928-49 Xiaoping Cong, Teachers’ Schools in the Making of the Modern Chinese Nation- State, 1897-1937 Diana Lary, ed., The Chinese State at the Borders Norman Smith, Resisting Manchukuo: Chinese Women Writers and the Japanese Occupation Hasan H. Karrar, The New Silk Road Diplomacy: China’s Central Asian Foreign Policy since the Cold War King hi_res.pdf 2 12/21/2009 3:16:06 PM ART in TURMOIL The Chinese Cultural Revolution 1966-76 Edited by Richard King With Ralph Croizier, Shengtian Zheng, and Scott Watson King hi_res.pdf 3 12/21/2009 3:16:06 PM © UBC Press 2010 All rights reserved.
    [Show full text]
  • Afterlives of Chinese Communism: Political Concepts from Mao to Xi
    AFTERLIVES OF CHINESE COMMUNISM AFTERLIVES OF CHINESE COMMUNISM POLITICAL CONCEPTS FROM MAO TO XI Edited by Christian Sorace, Ivan Franceschini, and Nicholas Loubere First published 2019 by ANU Press and Verso Books The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] Available to download for free at press.anu.edu.au ISBN (hardback): 9781788734790 ISBN (paperback): 9781788734769 ISBN (online): 9781760462499 WorldCat (print): 1085370489 WorldCat (online): 1085370850 DOI: 10.22459/ACC.2019 This title is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0). The full licence terms are available at creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode Note on Visual Material All images in this publication have been fully accredited. As this is a non-commercial publication, certain images have been used under a Creative Commons licence. These images have been sourced from Flickr, Wikipedia Commons and the copyright owner of each original picture is acknowledged and indicated in the source information. Design concept and typesetting by Tommaso Facchin; Illustrations by Marc Verdugo Lopez. Cover design by No Ideas. Cover artwork by Marc Verdugo Lopez. Proofreading by Sharon Strange and Evyn Chesneau Papworth. This edition © 2019 ANU Press and Verso Books Table of Contents Introduction - Christian SORACE, Ivan FRANCESCHINI, and Nicholas LOUBERE 1 1. Aesthetics - Christian SORACE 11 2. Blood Lineage - YI Xiaocuo 17 3. Class Feeling - Haiyan LEE 23 4. Class Struggle - Alessandro RUSSO 29 5. Collectivism - GAO Mobo 37 6. Contradiction - Carlos ROJAS 43 7. Culture - DAI Jinhua 49 8. Cultural Revolution - Patricia M.
    [Show full text]
  • Big-Character Poster (大字报)
    The Mao Era in Objects Big-character Poster (大字报) Denise Y. Ho, Yale University Summary Big-Character-Posters served as forms of propaganda throughout the Mao era, and were especially prominent during the Cultural Revolution. This biography examines the history and legacy of the big-character-poster, especially the ways they were used by individuals to spread ideology and serve as a form of mass mobilisation. From Red Guards in the Cultural Revolution to students during the Umbrella Movement, big-character-posters are often seen as a bottom-up form of protest. However, oral histories and memoirs reveal that the process of writing them was more complicated, sometimes top-down and sometimes collectively authored. Introduction and Origins A big-character-poster may be defined as a type of political writing, expressed on paper —in handwritten characters—and posted in a public place; a wall covered with such posters established a forum for discussion and dissemination. Big-character-posters played a role in the Hundred Flowers Movement in 1956, during which individuals were encouraged to express their opinions on contemporary politics. In 1958, Mao Zedong wrote that ‘a big-character-poster is an extremely useful new weapon. It can be used anywhere as long as the masses are there…It has been widely-used, and should be used indefinitely.’1 Big-character-posters thus became instruments for mass mobilisation, especially during the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976). During that tumultuous period, they were used to expose enemies of the revolution, accuse them of crimes, and call for class struggle against them. Though the Big-Character-Poster is most often associated with the period of the Cultural Revolution, it had precedents in earlier periods.
    [Show full text]
  • Language and Politics During the Chinese Cultural Revolution: a Study in Linguistic Engineering
    LANGUAGE AND POLITICS DURING THE CHINESE CULTURAL REVOLUTION: A STUDY IN LINGUISTIC ENGINEERING A Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics in the University of Canterbury by Ji Fengyuan ? University of Canterbury 1998 CONTENTS Abbreviations vi Acknowledgments vii Introduction 1 I PRELUDE 1. linguistic Engineering: Theoretical Considerations 1.1 The Language of Speech and the Language of Thought 8 1.2 Sapir, Whorf and the Categories of Thought 11 1.3 Concepts, Schemas and World View 24 1.4 Primitive Affective and Associational Processes 31 1.5 Code, Context and Relevance Theory 49 1.6 A Framework for Multi-factorial Persuasion: Information Processing and the Elaboration Likelihood Model 61 1.7 Timeless Theories and Empirical Case Studies 64 2. Linguistic Engineering before the Cultural Revolution 2.1 Origins of Linguistic Engineering in China 66 2.2 The Institutional Basis of linguistic Engineering 72 2.3 Formulae, Codability and Processing Efficiency 81 2.4 The Language of Class Analysis 84 2.5 Language, Love and Revolution 98 2.6 The Discourse of Collectivization 101 2.7 Discourse of the Great Leap Forward: From Martial Language to Disillusionment 103 2.8 Emerging Mao Worship: Prelude to the Cultural Revolution 110 2.9 Linguistic Engineering in China before the Cultural Revolution: an Assessment 117 ii II THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION 1966-68: MASS MOBILIZATION, LANGUAGE AND INTERPRETATION 3. Context and Interpretation: Mao's Manipulation of Meaning 3.1 Background to the
    [Show full text]
  • The Cultural Revolution: 1967 in Review
    THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN CENTER FOR CHINESE STUDIES MICHIGAN PAPERS IN CHINESE STUDIES Chang Chun-shu, James Crump, and Rhoads Murphey, Editors Ann Arbor, Michigan The Cultural Revolution: 1967 in Review Four Essays by: Michel Oksenberg, Assistant Professor of Government at Columbia University Carl Riskin, Assistant Professor of Economics at Columbia University Robert A. Scalapino, Professor of Political Science at the University of California, Berkeley Ezra F. Vogel, Professor of Sociology and Associate Director of the East Asian Center at Harvard University Introduction by: Alexander Eckstein, Professor of Economics and Director of the Center for Chinese Studies at the University of Michigan Michigan Papers in Chinese Studies No. 2 1968 Open access edition funded by the National Endowment for the Humanities/ Andrew W. Mellon Foundation Humanities Open Book Program. Copyright 1968 by Center for Chinese Studies The University of Michigan Ann Arbor, Michigan 48104 Printed in the United States of America ISBN 978-0-89264-002-7 (hardcover) ISBN 978-0-472-03835-0 (paper) ISBN 978-0-472-12812-9 (ebook) ISBN 978-0-472-90212-5 (open access) The text of this book is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Contents 1. INTRODUCTION Alexander Eckstein i 2. OCCUPATIONAL GROUPS IN CHINESE SOCIETY AND THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION Michel Oksenberg Analytical Approach 1 Peasants .4 Industrial Managers and Industrial Workers 8 Intellectuals 12 Students 14 Party and Government Bureaucrats 23 Military 31 Conclusion 37 3. THE CHINESE ECONOMY IN 1967 Carl Riskin Introduction 45 Agriculture 46 Industry 56 Foreign Trade 58 General Observations 60 4.
    [Show full text]
  • The Influence of Socialist Realism on the Yellow River
    THE INFLUENCE OF SOCIALIST REALISM ON THE YELLOW RIVER PIANO CONCERTO by GLORIA JUNG EIAN THAM A DOCUMENT Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Musical Arts in the School of Music in the Graduate School of The University of Alabama TUSCALOOSA, ALABAMA 2009 Copyright Gloria Jung Eian Tham, 2009 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ABSTRACT Commissioned by Madam Mao, also known as Jiang Qing (1914-1991), the Yellow River Piano Concerto (1968) is scored for Western orchestra and piano. The piano concerto is based on a previous composition – the Yellow River Cantata (1938) by Xian Xinghai (1909-1945). Like its namesake, the Yellow River, the piano concerto has a tumultuous history and background. The piano concerto was arranged by a group of four composers: Yin Chengzong (b. 1941), Chu Wanghua (b. 1941), Sheng Lihong (b. 1926), and Liu Zhuang (b. 1932) during the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976). Prior to the concerto, all forms of Western music were banned and classical musicians suffered great persecution. The Yellow River Piano Concerto displays aspects of Chinese nationalism and Socialist Realism fused together in virtuosic pianistic display. The People’s Republic of China often sought to emulate the Soviet Union, which was considered the elder brother and a suitable model. Ideologies, political practices, cultural reform and the revolutions of the Soviet Union were adapted and sinified by the Communist Party in China by Mao Zedong (1893-1976). This document examines the influences of Mao’s Socialist Realism and revolutionary Romanticism on the Yellow River Piano Concerto as contained in his Talks at the Yan’an Forum on Literature and Art (1942) and Jiang Qing’s speeches of 1964.
    [Show full text]
  • Creating National Narrative the Red Guard Art Exhibitions and the National Exhibitions in the Chinese Cultural Revolution 1966-1976
    Vol 3, No 1 (2014) | ISSN 2155-1162 (online) | DOI 10.5195/contemp.2014.58 http://contemporaneity.pitt.edu Creating National Narrative The Red Guard Art Exhibitions and the National Exhibitions in the Chinese Cultural Revolution 1966-1976 Winnie Tsang Abstract The artistic development in China experienced drastic changes during the Cultural Revolution from 1966 to 1976. Traditional Chinese art was denounced, whereas propaganda art became predominant in shaping the public’s loyalty towards the Communist Party and the country. Two major groups of art exhibitions emerged during the Revolution—the unofficial Red Guard art exhibitions organized by student activists in collaboration with local communes and art schools between 1966 and 1968, and the state-run national exhibitions from 1972 to 1975. These exhibitions were significant to this period because they were held frequently in the capital city Beijing and occasionally elsewhere, and through art they presented unique revolutionary beliefs to the Chinese people in a public setting. While the Red Guard art exhibitions and the national exhibitions certainly created different national narratives, I argue that the national exhibitions were in fact an attempt to revise the national narrative created by the Red Guard art exhibitions in order to re-establish a more utopian, consistent, and official national narrative. This paper unravels the intricate relationship between the two groups of exhibitions by comparing their exhibition venues, ideological focuses, work selection and quality editing. About the Author Winnie Tsang has recently completed her M.A. in Art History and Archaeology at Washington University in St. Louis, specializing in nineteenth-century European art and modern Chinese art.
    [Show full text]