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Allumer Le Huitième Feu ? Université de Montréal Allumer le Huitième Feu ? Analyse de la rencontre entre Autochtones et non Autochtones Lors de cérémonies de guérison autochtones au Québec par Marie-Noëlle Petropavlovsky Département d'anthropologie Faculté des arts et des sciences Thèse présentée en vue de l’obtention du grade de Philosophiae Doctor (Ph.D.) en anthropologie Août 2018 © Marie-Noëlle Petropavlovsky, 2018 Université de Montréal Cette thèse intitulée : Allumer le Huitième Feu ? Analyse de la rencontre entre Autochtones et non Autochtones Lors de cérémonies de guérison autochtones au Québec présentée par Marie-Noëlle Petropavlovsky a été évaluée par un jury composé des personnes suivantes : Sylvie Poirier Examinatrice externe Robert Crépeau Président-rapporteur Laurent Jérôme Membre du jury Deirdre Meintel Directrice de recherche Claude Gélinas Codirecteur de recherche © Marie-Noëlle Petropavlovsky, 2018 Je ne peux pas me souvenir. Ces rochers me parlaient. Ils répondaient à mes questions. La ligne est cassée, mes souvenirs ont disparu, les arbres, les pierres, les animaux, tous se sont tus. Maintenant, ils ne sont que des images sur les rochers. Maintenant je suis vide. Je suis un chullachaqui.1 1 Paroles prononcées par le chamane Karamakate dans le film colombien L’étreinte du serpent (2015). Le chullachaqui est un personnage de l’entre-deux de la mythologie amazonienne. Il a un pied humain et un pied en sabot – ce qui atteste de sa double nature. Il prend la forme ou la tête d'une personne connue afin de tromper ses victimes. (Notre traduction des sous-titres anglais) Résumé Cette thèse rend compte du développement en dehors des réserves de cérémonies de guérison autochtones auxquelles participent des Autochtones urbanisés de diverses nations, toutes les déclinaisons possibles de la métissité, des Québécois et des immigrants. Cette ritualité se développe de façon informelle à travers un système de réseaux, par le bouche à oreille et en dehors de tout contexte institutionnel. Il ressort de l'enquête de terrain que les cérémonies observées sont l'héritage du chef Algonquin William Commanda (1913-2011), haute figure de la résistance autochtone et prophète dont les enseignements faisaient la promotion d’une culture de paix. Sa posture universaliste prônant le pardon et la réconciliation a favorisé l’ouverture des cérémonies aux non Autochtones. Celles- ci ont été discréditées pour cette raison par une partie du monde autochtone et n’ont pas suscité l’intérêt du monde académique. Ces cérémonies représentent pourtant selon nous un des rares points de rencontre entre Autochtones et non Autochtones en dehors de la sphère institutionnelle et méritent par là-même d’être étudiées. Notre recherche s’intéresse aux dynamiques à l’œuvre dans cette rencontre autour de la guérison. Elle est basée sur une enquête ethnographique à travers une approche expérientielle complétée par une méthodologie plus classique d’entrevues semi-dirigées. Nous commencerons par étudier la circulation des ressources culturelles à travers le prisme de l’appropriation culturelle. Puis nous traiterons des repositionnements identitaires qui découlent d’un malaise propre à la société québécoise. Enfin nous analyserons le rapport à la tradition sur le terrain. Nous nous intéresserons notamment à certains « mécanismes de régulation » que nous avons identifiés lors de nos observations. Ils permettent de protéger les cérémonies de certains écueils comme la marchandisation, les déformations ou la perte de sens qui pourraient se produire lors de la rencontre entre Autochtones et non Autochtones. Mots-clés : Autochtone, Métis, appropriation culturelle, mouvement de guérison autochtone, néochamanisme i Abstract This thesis focusses on the development outside reserves of Aboriginal healing ceremonies that involve urban Aboriginals from various nations, all possible variations of Métis, Quebecois and immigrants. This rituality develops informally through social network, by word of mouth and outside any institutional context. In the fieldwork I found that these ceremonies are the legacy of Chief Algonquin William Commanda (1913-2011), a prominent figure of Aboriginal resistance and a prophet whose teachings promoted a culture of peace. His universalist stance of forgiveness and reconciliation allowed the opening of the ceremonies to non-Aboriginals. These ceremonies have been criticized for this reason by some Aboriginals and have not aroused the interest of the academic world so far. However, I see them as one of the few meeting points between Aboriginals and non-Aboriginals outside the institutional sphere. If only for this reason, they are worth studying. Based on ethnographic fieldwork, my study analyzes the dynamics at work in this encounter around healing, through an experiential approach completed by a more classical methodology of semi-directed interviews. The circulation of cultural resources will be studied through the lens of cultural appropriation. Then I will analyze the repositioning of identities that stems from a certain malaise that is particular to Quebec society. Finally, I will describe the relationship to tradition in the field. Especially, I will focus on "regulatory mechanisms" that I identified in my observations. They protect the ceremonies of certain pitfalls such as commodification, deformation or loss of meaning that could occur during the encounter between Aboriginals and non-Aboriginals. Keywords : Aboriginal, Métis, cultural appropriation, Aboriginal healing movement, neochamanism ii Table des matières Résumé ......................................................................................................................................... i Abstract ....................................................................................................................................... ii Table des matières...................................................................................................................... iii Liste des figures ......................................................................................................................... ix Liste des sigles ........................................................................................................................... xi Remerciements – Megwetch ..................................................................................................... xv AVANT-PROPOS .................................................................................................................... 17 La Prophétie des Sept Feux ...................................................................................................... 17 Romola Vasantha Thumbadoo .................................................................................................. 21 INTRODUCTION GÉNÉRALE .............................................................................................. 23 CHAPITRE 1 – PRÉSENTATION DE LA RECHERCHE ..................................................... 29 1.1 - INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................ 29 1.2 – L’ESPRIT DE LA THÈSE .......................................................................................... 31 1.3 – TERMINOLOGIE ....................................................................................................... 33 1.3.1 – La catégorie « indigenous » .................................................................................. 33 1.3.2 – La terminologie au Canada et au Québec ............................................................. 35 1.3.3 – Les non Autochtones............................................................................................. 37 1.3.4 – Les officiants ......................................................................................................... 38 1.4 – GENÈSE DE LA RECHERCHE ................................................................................. 39 1.4.1 – Commencer l’enquête ........................................................................................... 39 1.4.2 – Remise en question de notre première hypothèse ................................................. 42 1.4.3 – L’angle mort du « vivre-ensemble » ..................................................................... 45 1.4.4 – Centrer la recherche sur la question autochtone ................................................... 48 1.4.5 – Partir de la vision de William Commanda ............................................................ 49 1.5 – LE TERRAIN .............................................................................................................. 54 1.5.1 – La zone grise de l’autochtonie .............................................................................. 54 1.5.2 – Les non Autochtones............................................................................................. 56 1.5.3 – Une ritualité en réseaux ........................................................................................ 57 1.5.4 – Les cérémonies observées ..................................................................................... 58 iii 1. 6 – CONCLUSION ........................................................................................................... 58 CHAPITRE 2 – PROBLÉMATIQUE, APPROCHE ET MÉTHODOLOGIE ........................ 61 2.1 – INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................................... 61 2.2 – PROBLÉMATIQUE ...................................................................................................
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