Masaryk University

Faculty of Arts

Department of English

and American Studies

English Language and Literature

Frederika Ratkovičová

A Criticism and Defence of

Bachelor`s Diploma Thesis

Supervisor: Jeffrey Alan Vanderziel, B.A.

2016

I declare that I have worked on this thesis independently,

using only the primary and secondary sources listed in the bibliography.

……………………………………………..

Acknowledgement

I would like to thank my supervisor, Jeffrey Alan Vanderziel, for his patient guidance and advice.

Table of Contents

Introduction……………………………………………...…….…..….1

1 and Neoshamanism: Background……………….….….3

Shamanism…………………………………………………….3

Neoshamanism………………………………………………...6

Castaneda………………………………………………...……7

2 Criticism of neoshamanism…………………………….…………..13

3 Defence of neoshamanism…………………………….…….……..22

4 Conclusion…………………………………………………………29

Works Cited……………………………………………………….…31

Summary…………………………………………………………..…35

Resumé……………………………………………………………….36

Introduction

Native American shamanism consists of wide set of beliefs which were rooted a long time ago. Nowadays, people are getting back to this tradition through contemporary shamanism which they call neoshamanism. This thesis focuses on the dispute between traditional shamanism and neoshamanism. Native American people, and shamans in particular, are dissatisfied with their traditions being used by non-Natives claiming that it is a misappropriation of their traditions and that they only do it for their own profit.

The aim of this thesis is to acquaint the reader with possible misuse of traditional shamanic by non-Native people in order to gain financial profit based on the claims of shamans and anthropologists and also to demonstrate the defence of neoshamans who try to oppose the criticism.

First chapter is divided into three subchapters dedicated to general description of shamanism and neoshamanism. The first subchapter provides background information about shamanism in general stating the general definition of what shamanism is, based on Eliade`s book - Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy – which was probably the most influential work for Neoshamanic movement, and also what it means to be a shaman.

Later it describes the origin of the word “shaman” and various ceremonies of Native

American shamanism. The second subchapter provides the history of neoshamanism as a part of movement and what are their beliefs as opposed to the beliefs of traditional shamans. The chapter also provides an overview of possibly the most influential figure in neoshamanism – – and his most influential book

The Teachings of Don Juan: A Way of Knowledge, which inspired many people who were interested in this field or wanted to become neoshamans themselves. This

1 analysis is based on claims of certain people, providing an overall idea of how this particular work influenced their lives and what they found so inspiring about it, taking extracts from the book Carlos Castaneda and His Followers. It also comments on the nonacceptance of his books based on opinions of some scholars, for instance de Mille,

Wasson, or Muriel Thayer Painter, who noticed some contradictions and discrepancies in his work, which suggest the works` unreliability and inauthenticity. These scholars support their claims with specific examples found in the book, such as the language the book uses or practices of Don Juan which differ from that traditionally understood to exist in Yaqui society. Furthermore, they suggest that this might have started the criticism of neoshamanism because they believe that Castaneda only wrote his books for his own profit, also thinking that other neoshamans are profiting from the misappropriation of

Native American and religions as well.

The core of this thesis is formed by the criticism and defence of neoshamanism itself. The second chapter is an analysis of criticism on neoshamanism from Native

Americans` point of view, more specifically, from a point of view of traditional shamans.

The criticism is supported by works of anthropologists like Wallis or Aldred, giving examples of misuse of shamanic traditions by non-Native people for financial profit. The third chapter looks at the defence of neoshamans claiming that they have the right to

Native American on the basis of their right of expression and of some neoshamans` claims of money being just a spiritual energy seeing nothing wrong in doing certain practices for money if they feel like they deserve it.

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1 Shamanism and Neoshamanism: Background

Shamanism

The definition of shamanism is not an easy one to construct because it is not based on a consistent system of beliefs and practices. Shamanism is not a particular religion, but a descriptive word for many religions or spiritual beliefs with common features. As such, it has no real dogma. There seems to be an uncertain idea of what shamanism is.

According to shamanic beliefs our outer world is a reflection of our inner state of consciousness. In today’s world one is almost always focused on the outer (Hutton).

World might be a better place if everyone moved their focus inward. At least, that is what the neoshamans believe. Every change in consciousness that one makes affects the web of life. Many scholars are having trouble depicting what shamanism really includes. This also includes the geographical extent of shamanism, many hesitate whether the area outside the artic-Siberian Asiatic area might be included. In general, shamanism is based on the presence of a specialist - the shaman (Hutton). Unlike shamanism, there are several definitions provided for shaman. Shamans are characteristically defined as “ritual practitioners in hunting-and-gathering societies, who enter altered states of consciousness to achieve a variety of ends that include healing the sick, foretelling the future, meeting the spirit-animals, changing the weather, and controlling real animals by means” (Clottes, Lewis-William 19). This wide definition of shaman and shamanism derives from Eliade’s thought. Mircea Eliade, a Romanian scholar who worked from the late 1950s in the US, popularised a particular understanding of shamanism. He proposed the validity of the term “shaman”, until then only used for certain ritual specialists in

Siberia, for a very ample number of societies throughout the globe (Eliade). Some anthropologists and historians of religion prefer the concept of shamanism being limited

3 to the Siberian area and there are some that later follow the idea of Eliade who generalize the term “shaman” to unlimited areas in the world. Many scholars refuse to form a specific definition. Roger Walsh, Australian professor of , alerts to form a specific answer: “Practically every scholar forms his/her own opinion on what constitutes shamanism” (Bolye). Caitlin Mathews, in her critique of shamanism in the West, suggests that “shamanism is rapidly becoming the most overused and misappropriated word of the late twentieth century” (Mathews 8). Eliade states that the word shaman comes through

Russian, from the Tungusic saman, whereas Walsh, while not disputing the origins of

“shamanic” in saman meaning “one who is excited, moved, raised”, speculates that it is derived from the Tungus verb “to know” (Boyle). Stanley Krippner suggests that the term

“shaman” is of “uncertain derivation” (Krippner 93).

A shaman may also be seen simply as a person who is able to intentionally enter into an ecstatic trance, during which he/she is able to take his/her consciousness into non- physical reality, either ascends to the sky or descends to the underworld, where he/she communicates with other entities or spirits, and gains information (Hanegraaf). In the shamanic trance, there is a sense of egolessness. The shaman feels connected and merged with everything around him. He comes to a state where intuition takes over and his sensitivity to emotional states of others is heightened and where time and space are distorted. It is easier to concentrate on whatever needs to be seen, discovered or healed.

The shaman loses track of his own body and even of the place where he is located, and thus being able to focus on what is important at that moment (Boyle).

The shamanic trance state is designed to let us see the invisible world that is around us all the time. From a shamanic perspective, everything has an invisible dimension: trees, rocks, energies, animals… shamanic trance might be considered as a way to enhance our

4 natural senses that are beyond the five senses and develop a capacity to use them on purpose.

The role of the is to inquire into the symptoms, dreams, and transgressions of the patient who is examined and then comes to a conclusion of the nature of the ailment, which is generally mythical (Krippner).

Western society has associated illness with physical ailments, however, shamanic traditions claim that illness occurs at all levels of the psyche and cannot affect one part of the being without affecting other parts. Shamanism has been preserved down the ages because of its ability to provide healing, reconnection and restoration of the physical connection to the Spirit. The shaman sometimes affects the healing with the aid of the spirits alone, and sometimes with the help of an herbalist. With the improvement in health-care throughout the world, the primary function of shamans today generally is to look after the spiritual and subtle reality aspects of healing. In our western society, they heal and cure physical ailments by marshalling the emotional and visual triggers in the brain to mobilize the body’s natural immune system to cure illnesses. By rectifying one imbalance, shamanism brings healing to the whole cosmic web, so that universal, not personal, healing is accomplished. Shamanic healing is normally accomplished at one time, or over very few sessions. Therapy may sometimes be required after shamanic healing in the case of long-established dysfunctions, originating from abusive backgrounds (Walllis).

Shaman is a holistic healer, storyteller, priest, mystic, ad psychotherapist. Shamanism focuses on the spiritual realm when trying to solve matters of illness or death. Whatever is separated, divided or fragmented, according to shamanic , is unhealthy (Mack).

The causes of illness in shamanism might include lack of cleanliness, unethical behaviour, lack of self-respect, loss of the , or addictive behaviour (Hammerschlag).

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However, there are three main causes of illness for a shaman. Two of these are loss of power of power and loss of soul. Loss of power means that the power animal that has been protecting the individual in no longer around them, which can manifest as chronic depression, some kind of illness or suicidal tendencies. Loss of soul means that a piece of an individual`s life-force had escaped.

Soul loss is regarded as the gravest diagnosis in shamanism, being seen as a cause

of illness and death. Yet it is not referred to at all in modern Western medical

books. It is becoming increasingly clear that what the shaman refers to as soul

loss– that is injury to the inviolate core that is the essence of the person’s being–

does manifest in despair, immunological damage, cancer, and a host of other very

serious disorders. It seems to follow the demise of relationships with loved ones,

career, or other significant attachments. (Mack)

This fragmentation might be a result of some kind of trauma or serious illness.

Neoshamanism

Neoshamanism is a part of the New Age movement which is a term often used to refer to a movement that emerged in the 1980s (Hanegraaf). It includes a set of beliefs and practices, often hybridized from various cultures. New Agers tend to focus on what they refer to as personal transformation and spiritual growth. New Age is often also described as a period of massive change in the future when people will live in harmony with nature and each other. “Only in this New Age will they realize the full extent of human potential, including spiritual growth, the development of psychic abilities, and optimum physical health through alternative healing” (Aldred). Most New Agers contend that this transformation will not take place through concerted political change directed at

6 existing structures and institutions. Rather, it will be achieved through individual personal transformation (Aldred).

There is no defined creed or tenets in the New Age movement. The New Age is thus not a strictly defined community headed by formally recognized leaders with an articulated dogma. Rather, it is a term that is applied to a heterogeneous collection of philosophies and practices (Aldred).

A neoshamanic practitioner is one who engages in spiritual/psychological/physical healing practice by intentionally entering a Shamanic State of Consciousness (SSC), and while in this state becomes a healer of the human soul. Unlike traditional shamans, many neoshamans focus on healing their own soul (Boyle).

A few decades ago, “shamanism” was a word known mainly by anthropologists. As the

New Age movement grew in the West, however, many others were introduced to and embraced spiritual practices drawn from several primitive cultures such as Native

American. These practices, which emphasized trance and ecstatic states, spirit contact, animal spirits, out-of-body experiences, and non-traditional healing were harmonious with the budding New Age beliefs that emphasized the earth, transcendence through drugs, and multileveled realities. Neoshamanism thus was born and started facing many objections.

Carlos Castaneda

Carlos Castaneda represents one of the most prominent influence on neoshamanism, particularly his first book – The Teaching of Don Juan. Nevil Drury suggests that “Castaneda was the first person to make the shamanic perspective accessible to Westerners” (Wallis). Castaneda`s work encouraged Westerners to become shamans.

By the early 1990`s his books had sold over eight million and were translated into several

7 languages, including Czech language (Wallis). According to Atkinson the blossoming of the new Western shamanism is associated with the 1960-1070`s drug culture and some popular anthropologists, such as Carlos Castaneda (Philips 4).

Castaneda’s engagement with psychedelics was probably the most important source of influence of his books. They provided an alternative way of living based in the exploration of evolving consciousness (Krantz).This awareness, facilitated by psychedelics, would allow for a better world, one based in love, nature, , and community. For

Castaneda, as an ethnographer, using psychedelics was, at first, the necessary means, as part of his apprenticeship, to study their cultural use. In the first two books, he describes the profound alternative reality experiences that the psychedelic plants facilitated. Many of his readers, having used similar drugs, could find resonant experiences in Castaneda’s claimed research (Krantz). However, in his subsequent books, Castaneda reconsiders his drug experiences and claims:

My original assumption about the role of psychotropic plants was erroneous. They

were not the essential features of the sorcerer’s description of the world, but were

only an aid to cement . . . parts of the description, which I had been incapable of

perceiving otherwise. My insistence on holding on to my standard version of

reality rendered me almost deaf and blind to Don Juan’s aims. (Krantz)

He also came to realize that sorcerers, like Don Juan, accessed this world without psychedelics, which interfered with the necessary full awareness. This shift in

Castaneda’s view of psychedelics may have been, for some of his readers, among the sources of their later disengagement from his ideas.

Some people found interesting insights in his books, for others, his writings formed part of an ongoing search to find direction in their lives. As one interviewee noted: “Castaneda was the guru for my college years. It’s hard being a warrior when you’re changing

8 diapers” (Krantz). For a small number of readers, his ideas dominated their lives for extended periods. These individuals went beyond reading his narratives by seeking a personal relationship with him. The following opinions of people on Castaneda and his work demonstrate his influence on peoples` lives and spirituality. In the journal – “Carlos

Castaneda and his followers: Finding Life's Meaning in Your Local Bookstore” an anonymous interviewee made a statement about the appeal of his writings on her:

What I found particularly appealing about Carlos’ work was the “Hispanicness”

of it. Carlos painted a picture of it that was mysteriously powerful and full of

esoteric promise. At that time I was also very interested in ,

and . Loss of ego/self-centeredness was an attractive

objective, as well as stopping the inner dialog. The absence of emotional sappiness

together with Mexican travel-adventure side of the literature was right up my

alley.

Another interviewee said that:

The fact that Carlos continued to repeat questions and approaching his inquiry

from different directions seemed entirely natural; it never occurred to me that it

could be faked. The dull repetitiveness of the narrative and the attention to

miniscule detail were the stuff of anthropology I was used to. I knew Carlos was

seeking to learn about the ritual uses of as a spiritual aid. I had read in

African tribal accounts about shamans who achieve altered states through

chemicals and dancing drumming that enabled them to communicate with spirits

and such. As a cultural relativist, I wasn’t saying I believed it or didn’t. I believed

that THEY believed it, and I was interested in learning about the varieties of

human experience.

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Later people started to question the validity of his work. Some reacted by denying the validity of their powerful experiences derived from the practices described in Castaneda’s books and workshops. As one interviewee noted:

The main factor that allowed me to be fooled into believing in Castaneda’s

accounts . . . is the stunning reality of lucid dreaming. When you couple that factor

with having bought into some of the better philosophical ideas, such as being

“impeccable” and using death as an advisor, I truly thought I had found the best

way to live. I lost a decade of my life falling for it. (Krantz)

A variant from another respondent:

I eventually learned to have visions on demand, by internal silence, to ‘see’, to

walk directly into dreaming from waking, to control dreams and hold them for up

to 6 hours at a time. But I found them all to be merely self-delusion. There is no

alternate reality there. Just your own imagination, made vivid by the brain’s

natural ability to dream. What I learned was that it doesn’t matter if it’s , yoga,

Taoism, sorcery, or shamanism. They are all businesses, selling. (Krantz)

One of the insightful observations regarding the ongoing attempts of proving Castaneda’s fiction is: “This meandering around the question about where [Castaneda] got this or that idea is getting somewhat boring. Most astonishing is how on earth could he put all the puzzles together to get a uniform theory, which is so seductive and coherent, at least in his first books. He touched some deep cord in many of us, and I don’t think it was just a defective cord” (Kratz).

Despite Castaneda`s seemingly harmless presentation, Don Juan nevertheless aroused the suspicions of more sceptical readers who exposed further discrepancies in details and chronologies of events in Castaneda’s work. Questions emerged over the existence of

Don Juan and the authenticity of Teaching of Don Juan. Some critics wonder why Don

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Juan teaches Carlos solely in their lingua franca when certain concepts would be more genuinely articulated in his native tongue (Kratz). The absence of Yaqui terminology in the text raised many questions from Castaneda`s audience and critics such as Wasson or

De Mille. Wasson inquires in his letter to Castaneda whether he managed to gather any

Yaqui translations of the philosophical terms used by Don Juan which are present in the book and he replied that he had learned a few Yaqui words but “is loath to expound further of that issue” (De Mille). De Mille points out that “the young anthropologist learned not one word of Yaqui during his first five years with Don Juan, and then in later writings makes reference to only two, rather commonplace terms”.

Moreover, the nature of sorcery as practiced by Don Juan differs from that traditionally understood to exist in Yaqui society. Anthropologist Muriel Thayer Painter notes that, according to Yaqui belief, “those persons that practice witchcraft (i.e., sorcery) are timorous and feeble – both traits utterly incongruous with Don Juan’s depiction as a man who has “vanquished fear” and is remarkably fit, “despite his advanced age.”

Furthermore, the knowledge of witchcraft is thought by the to be “an inborn quality,” a power that cannot be taught or inherited (Kratz). This statement directly contradicts Castaneda’s accounts of the art of Yaqui sorcery as a cycle of apprenticeship handed down across generations from a “benefactor” to his “chosen man. The Indian depicted in The Teachings of Don Juan departs from traditional Yaqui behaviour in other significant ways, most notably in his usage of entheogenic plants such as peyote and psilocybe mushrooms. As Spicer and several others have argued, “Don Juan’s psychedelic forays are not consistent with our ethnographic knowledge of the Yaquis”

(Kratz). However, Castaneda claims that it was not his intention to name the subtitle

Yaqui ways of knowledge, but that the University of Press insisted on it to help categorize the book.

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Some anthropologists say that his exploits do resemble those of Native American tribes like the Huichols who have a well-documented history of peyote consumption.

Anthropologist and outspoken Castaneda critic Jay Courtney Fikes spent several years embedded in a community of Chapalagana Huichols during which time he became intimately acquainted with shamanism and the ritual practices of Mexican Indians. Once a fan of Castaneda’s work, Fikes soon grew disillusioned with what he viewed as outright caricatures of Huichol culture. New Age shamans inspired by Castaneda’s sorcerer exist in abundance in today’s society. This might have been the start of criticism on these neoshamans profiting from the misappropriation of rituals and liturgical objects sacred to

Native American religions.

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2 Criticism of neoshamanism by Native Americans

Shamanism is often an abused and misunderstood term in anthropology, archaeology and popular culture. The socio-political roles of altered states of mind and shamanism in past and present societies are being widely recognized (Krippner). In modern era, this term is gaining more and more attention as neoshamanism has occurred all over the world. However, express various opinions on neoshamanism, from “blatant condemnation to active encouragement” (Wallis). This is, of course, a matter of point of view. Nothing is either good or bad, it is only up to people to decide how they will perceive the reality, and whether they will associate neoshamanism with positive or negative connotations.

The new shamanism has been condemned since it first occurred in the 1980`s and its detractors still remain (Aldred). Many Native Americans do not approve of their traditions and teachings being used outside the context of their culture. They sometimes consider the new shamans to be, as Abgrall states it, “New Age charlatans” (Abgrall).

Indians have the opinion that shaman rituals belong only to the Indians. They accuse non-

Natives of first taking their land, then their spirituality. Harner is writing in his book about

Native Americans saying that people should not be charging money to teach spiritual traditions (Harner). Unfortunately, people seem to be searching for spiritual meaning through material acquisition. Many New Agers interested in Native American spirituality participate only through commercially run seminars or the purchase of texts and products.

Indigenous leaders are considering these “white shamans” to be those “who are prostituting our spiritual ways for their own selfish gain, with no regard for the spiritual well-being of the people as a whole” (Fenelon 297). The term “”, as used by Aldred, is used to describe a person who identifies himself as a shaman, although he has no genuine connection to this tradition and culture. Commercial exploitation of native

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American spirituality would seem to describe the New Age movement since its first emergence. Many Europeans and Americans have presented themselves as medicine people profiting from publications and workshops earning them money because of selling their products as Native American sacred objects to non-Indian market. Native Americans are generally upset for a behaviour like this and have objections to such practices.

Shamans usually do not seek payment for healing someone, whereas neoshamans are selling their services for a fee calling themselves alternative medicine practitioners.

Traditional shamans often refuse to accept any payment for their healing, particularly when their healing is not successful. They only practice their work on people from the tribe, almost never on the strangers which is a difference in comparison to neoshamanism.

Andy Smith, Native American scholar, claims that: “True spiritual leaders don’t make a profit from their teachings, whether it is through selling books, workshops, sweat lodges, or otherwise. Spiritual leaders teach the people because it is their responsibility to pass what they have learned from their elders to the younger generations. They do not charge for their services” (Smith).

Furthermore, neoshamans may become shamans by simply reading a book and attending seminars or learning from audiotape for which they had previously paid good money.

Shamans learn from the spirits themselves, they do not become a shaman, they are chosen to be one (Owen). It might be said that to be a shaman is one`s destiny, one does not chose the way of being a healer. Indigenous American spiritual leaders have accused New Age of misusing their sacred ceremonies and other , stating that “the value of these instructions and ceremonies [when led by unauthorized people] are questionable, maybe meaningless, and hurtful to the individual carrying false messages” (Yellowtail).

Mesteth comments that traditional leaders are rejecting “the expropriation of [their] ceremonial ways by non-Indians” (Mesteth). They see the New Age as a deformation of

14 their culture and not fully understanding it and calling these practitioners “plastic medicine people” (Hagan) who are stealing their spiritual way of life and pretending this way of life to be their own. The General Assembly has outlaid a declaration which is protecting traditional ceremonies as part of the cultural and intellectual property of Native peoples stating:

Indigenous peoples have the right to maintain, control, protect and develop their

cultural heritage, and traditional cultural expressions, as

well as the manifestations of their sciences, technologies and cultures, including

human and genetic resources, seeds, medicines, knowledge of the properties of

fauna and flora, oral traditions, literatures, designs, sports and traditional games

and visual and performing arts. They also have the right to maintain, control,

protect and develop their intellectual property over such cultural heritage,

traditional knowledge, and traditional cultural expressions. (Declaration on the

Rights of Indigenous Peoples)

One might object that this promotion of Indian culture by non-Indians is destroying the freedom of speech of Native Americans and steeling their culture resulting in some people not being aware of the fact that this knowledge originates from Indian culture and not the

New Age. But according to Gary Snyder “Spirituality is not something which can be

“owned” like a car or a house. Spiritual knowledge belongs to all humans equally”

(Churchill). New Agers claim that spirituality cannot be owned, and therefore it cannot be said that they are stealing something if no one owns it in the first place.

However, it is not the question of shamanism being used by non-shamans that needs the attention, but rather of neoshamanism being used for profit leaving traces of sadness in human minds, mostly in Indian Americans` minds. Although some New Agers interested in Native American spirituality may not be aware of Native American protests, a great

15 number have heard the objections. It is not easy to understand why New Agers would continue to consume Native American spirituality when so many Indian people have expressed their reprehension of this commercialization. Many Native Americans are outraged at the commercialization of their spiritual traditions. At least two intertribal groups of Native American elders have issued proclamations warning the public that the teachings of these commercial profiteers may harm them (Aldred). As stated in the

Resolution of the Fifth Annual Meeting of the Traditional Elder Circle, “Medicine people are chosen by the medicine and long instruction and discipline is necessary before ceremonies and healing can be done ... profit is not the motivation” (Yellowtale). Some

Native Americans have taken a harder stand. Leaflets criticising the commercialization of have been distributed at lectures given by “plastics” and their workshops disrupted by confrontations instigated by Native American activists (Aldred).

The Southwestern American Indian Movement (AIM) Leadership Conference held in

Window Rock in the Nation in September 1982 disapproved of those who profited from American Indian spirituality. It is not that surprising when we learn about some examples of practices of neoshamans:

A non-Indian woman going by the name of “Quanda” representing herself as

a Healing Woman” and charging $20 for sweat lodges;

Sun Bear and the so-called “Bear Tribe Medicine Society,” who engage in the sale

of Indian ceremonies and Sacred objects, operating out of the state of Washington,

but traveling and speaking throughout the ;

Wallace Black Elk and Grace Spotted Eagle, Indian people operating in Denver,

Colorado, charging up to $50 for so-called “ Workshops;”

A group of non-Indians operating out of Boulder, Colorado, and throughout the

Southwest, and audaciously calling itself “, Inc.,” thereby stealing

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the name and attempting to steal the concept of one of our most Spiritual

ceremonies. (Graham)

The position of the Elders articulated in The First American Indian Tribunal is as follows:

“Now, to those who are doing these things, we send our third warning. Our Elders ask,

“Are you prepared to take the consequences of your actions? You will be outcasts from your people if you continue these practices” (Harner). Apart from Native ceremonies held by non-Natives being inappropriate, it may be also dangerous when done under supervision of an unskilled shaman. This was the case of a sweat lodge ceremony led by

James Arthur Ray where two people died because of the insufficient knowledge about running a sweat lodge ceremony. Sixty-four people were put into the sweat lodge sweating for two hours in hot, wet dark collapsing from the heat of a sweat lodge at a James Ray spiritual retreat in Sedona, Arizona leaving two of them dead and 19 injured.

I know several people who have gone to the hospital for various reasons after

“large group awareness trainings” such as Ray’s “Spiritual Warrior Event.” … It’s

time we brought these gurus to justice and demanded that personal change

workshops be safe for all. When something goes wrong in such a seminar due to

it being overly intense and dangerous, usually the victims are blamed for “not

taking 100% responsibility,” thus dodging the responsibility of the seminar

leaders. Personally, I think we should hold 100% personally

responsible for the death of these two seminar participants, up to and including

going to jail. Seminar leaders are responsible for making their workshops both

effective and safe for all. (James Arthur Ray's Spiritual Warrior Event Kills 2)

At the AIM conference “dramatic increase in the incidence of selling sacred ceremonies, such as the sweat lodge, and the vision quest, and of sacred articles, such as religious pipes, feathers and stones” was noted (Churchill). These acts were denounced as

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“constituting ... insult and disrespect for the wisdom of the ancients” (Aldred). They characterized the commercialization of Native American spiritual traditions as follows:

“The attempted theft of Indian ceremonies is a direct attack and theft from Indian people themselves.” In this denunciation, a number of “plastics” were listed by name. The document concludes: “We condemn those who seek to profit from Indian spirituality. We put them on notice that our patience grows thin with them and they continue their disrespect at their own risk” (Southwest AIM Leadership Conference). The National

Congress of American Indians went a step further, issuing what they term “a declaration of war against 'wannabees,' hucksters, cultists, commercial profiteers, and self-styled

New Age shamans” (Declaration of War Against Exploiters of Lakota Spirituality).

Many Native Americans have been offended by the mockery these bastardized versions make of their sacred ceremonies. Some of the incidents denounced as most offensive include Sun Dances held on Astroturf, sweats held on cruise ships with wine and cheese served, and sex orgies advertised as part of “traditional Cherokee ceremonies” (Jenkins).

A typical advertisement for such a workshop promises an introduction to “core shamanism--the universal and basic methods used by the shaman to enter non-ordinary reality for problem solving, well-being and healing” (Harner). Others make even more specific promises; Aldred gives an example of one workshop which guarantees that you will retrieve your own personal power animal in a trance (Aldred). These workshops are also incorporated into theme adult camps, wilderness training programs, and New Age travel packages (Aldred). Native American activists have been greatly angered by the commercial exploitation of their spirituality represented by these workshops. A weekend vision quest workshop, for instance, can currently run anywhere between $250 to $550

(accommodations and meals not included) (Aldred). This might be seen as a bit of an irony since many indigenous people still live below the poverty level while plastic

18 shamans profit from degrading Native American rituals (Smith). In 1988, Singing Pipe

Woman of Springdale, Washington, advertised a two-week pilgrimage that included study with a Huichol woman and was priced at $2,450. New Age interest in Native

American cultures appears more concerned with exoticized images and romanticized rituals revolving around an altered view of Native American spirituality than with the

Indigenous peoples themselves and the very real socioeconomic and political problems they face as colonized peoples (Aldred). The result is a list of differences between traditional shamanism and neoshamanism that are trivial and artificial. Ulla Johansen`s disgust for neoshamanism very clearly shows: “Neoshamans, who imitate the classical costume, perform for people they do not know. . . . They perform in the daytime, when it is easy to make photos and films”; they perform their show “amidst a crowd of tourists and not-too-critical anthropologists, . . . showing a carefully arranged scene” and

“shamanizing in a ten-minute performance,” decorated with “little shining balls from

Christmas-tree decorations . . . and green snakes made by the plastic industry” (Stukhard

299-301).

As Dixon mentions in his article “Some Aspects of the American Shaman”, there is also a denial of the shaman’s initiatory preparation usually fraught with great battle (Dixon).

Becoming a shaman might not be an easy task to do. Before becoming one, shamans usually have to undergo difficult initiations which includes “a lot of hardship, study and the development of a keen understanding of the Spirit World” (Eliade). New Agers usually do not undergo such difficult trainings, and thus, sometimes, they do not appreciate what difficulties it brings to become a shaman.

“Shamanic calling” in traditional cultures varies somewhat from culture to culture.

In some, the vocation is hereditary, in others the ‘calling’ may come in the form

of a ‘big dream’ or a vision. In yet another form, the calling may come through

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severe illness or near-death experience. It is deemed to be a spiritual calling, and

one that the ‘called’ dare not refuse. Eliade’s comment on the shamanic vocation

is quite succinct: “hereditary or spontaneous, shamanism is a gift from the

or spirits; viewed from a certain angle, it is hereditary only in appearance.

(Eliade 15)

However, some of the practices inherent in shamanism appear to be readily assimilated by those willing to participate and persevere, at least, this is the view of many contemporary shamans. Boyle in his work states that: “I have not come across any comprehensive psychological or spiritual screening processes for contemporary Western shamanic training programs. Screening is cursory at best. It appears to be: pay your money, turn up and you’re in” (Boyle 33). Most neoshamans have never undergone rigorous training. To Native American elders, such narratives were neither new nor interesting, nor did they believe that anyone would really want to live the life of a shaman.

Shamanic training requires a great deal of personal suffering, social isolation, and the psychological fortitude to withstand great terror (Black Elk). The most powerful shamans often lead solitary lives full of arduous service with few personal rewards. Much contemporary shamanism neglects to mention any such considerations, and perhaps would consider them fundamentally naive. This is a point highlighted by Dr. Maureen

Roberts, a Jungian analyst and shaman. To her, “Shamanism cannot be taught through courses: it can only be taught through direct teaching – in dreams or trance visions – by one’s own guides and ’s, by ancestral teachers, or by master shamans”. She decries the notion that “our instant gratification and easy options society promote notions that for the right amount of money and minimal amount of training a shaman is ‘born’”. She describes the situation in shamanic cultures that folk “steer clear of the shamanic vocation because of the formidable requirements ... and support and respect the uniqueness of the

20 vocation, and revere the gift as too high a calling for most to aspire to” (Roberts).

Shamanic techniques often cause a great deal of discomfort which does not seem to attract neoshamans and so they choose not to undergo these difficult trainings and initiations.

To summarize, some Native Americans believe that their ceremonies were meant for only one tribe but there are also many native peoples who welcome a sincere curiosity that non-Indians express towards Native religion saying that there is no harm in a sincere quest for knowledge (Fleming). But it is insensitive to Native culture to perform sacred ceremonies without earning the proper right and not obeying the specific rules that must be followed. “When someone who does not understand the power of Native religious practices attempts to access it, there is no telling what great good or harm can occur”

(Fleming). It is probably not right to think that spiritual knowledge can be bought.

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3 A Defence of neoshamanism

Certain neoshamanic practitioners might deserve being at the centre of criticism for their romanticising and universalising of non-Western shamanism. However, some academic authors, like Jakobsen or Kahoe, can also be criticised for claiming that neoshamans are insincere and that neoshamanism is only an expression of Western consumerism in the spiritual world. There are number of ways in which reference is made to contemporary neoshamanic practice and practitioners. These terms are often used in critiques and commentaries. Wallis cautions against the tendency or assumption to perceive all neoshamanic practitioners as generic (Wallis 228). In his view, this is “not only a dangerous misrepresentation but also extremely naïve”. According to neoshamanic beliefs, each individual is believed to be capable of becoming their own shaman.

Although Native Americans do not agree with this idea, it might be possible that everyone was born a healer and everyone has the abilities to cure themselves and that our bodies are simply designed to heal themselves.

It might not be easy for New Agers to defend against objections from Native

Americans. They most frequently defend themselves against misappropriation of Indian traditions using the First Amendment, claiming that their right to religious freedom gives them also the right to any religion, and thus the Native American religion as well. Andy

Smith states that the New Age has a “right” to Native American religion through their

“right to freedom of speech.” (Smith, For All Those Who Were Indian in a Former Life).

Therefore, Native Americans should maybe not be demanding the white people to stop promoting and selling books that exploit Indian spirituality. White New Agers' claim to might exasperate Native Americans in light of the history of

22 suppression of Native American spiritual practices by the U.S. government. As part of the US government's suppression of traditional Indigenous religions, most ceremonial ways were banned for over 80 years by a series of US Federal laws that banned traditional sweat lodge and sun dance ceremonies, among others (Rhodes). Moreover, even recent Supreme Court decisions interpreting the First Amendment and the American

Indian Religious Freedoms Act have made it clear that “protection of Native American religious freedoms and practices is a low priority in this country” (Aldred). For instance, in Lyng v Northwest Cemetery Protective Association, the Supreme Court held that the

First Amendment rights of members of three Indian tribes to religious freedom were not violated by the construction of a state forest road in close proximity to important sacred sites (Lyng v Northwest Indian Cemetery Protection Association). In the majority opinion,

Justice Sandra Day O'Connor noted: “The Constitution does not, and courts cannot, offer to reconcile the various competing demands on government, many of them rooted in sincere religious belief, that inevitably arise in so diverse a society as ours” (Lyng v

Northwest Indian Cemetery Protection Association). The Lyng decision also concluded that the American Indian Religious Freedom Act of 1978 did not protect tribal sacred sites. They also determined that AIRFA was merely a statement of policy without any means of judicial enforcement.

Despite the New Ager practices working toward social and cultural change, the commercialization of Native American spirituality is believed to be shaped partly by the late-twentieth century consumer capitalism. Commercialization of ideas and values and fetishized image of a social body perceived to be ethnically Other might stem from thoughts produced within the context of recent consumer capitalism (Crawford, Kelley).

Although the New Agers identify themselves as countercultural, their uncritical ideas

23 about commercialization and marketing practices would seem to have been shaped by the larger capitalist market economy.

In addition, a significant number of people defend the commercialization of Native

American religious practices with an argument that is characteristic of many New Agers` views toward money, they argue that it is “good medicine” to make money or that “money is just spiritual energy anyway” (Aldred). A good example of this kind of argument is found in the following excerpt from Sun Bear. Of Native American descent, Sun Bear, now deceased, wrote a number of plastic shaman texts and attracted a large following of white New Agers who have legally incorporated themselves into a “tribe” with stock offerings. Shawnodese, referred to in the following passage, is a white New Age entrepreneur in the Sun Bear tribe:

Shawnodese, who is now my subchief, and director of the Apprentice Program,

came here in 1979, with a background in about every new-age philosophy

available. He had some progressive ideas that have helped us in many ways. For

one thing, even though I had, at various times in my life, been an operator (such

as selling real estate or men's clothes) in order to survive, I still had some

reservations about being tainted by having a little extra cash. I felt that money was

somehow bad. Shawnodese had the idea that money was just energy, and it was

how you used it that counted. He took over the bookkeeping for a while and started

writing affirmations on everything having to do with money. 31 New Agers' own

statements defending objections against commercialization of Native American

spirituality shed light on the rationalizations in their own psyches. However, to

understand more fully the consumerist nature of their obsession with Native

American spirituality, an analysis of their actions in a larger social and economic

framework is needed. (Sun Bear)

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Florian Gredig in his book Finding New Cosmologies: Shamans in Contemporary Europe assume a somewhat New Age defending position. Although Jakobsen in his work judges the sums of money charging for neoshamanic treatments as “enormous” (Jakobsen),

Gredig expresses the opinion that the price policy of his informants is moderate. They do expect something in return for their services, but it might not necessarily be money. Even among those who charge money, there are many who do not have fixed prices and accept the sum of money the client is willing to pay. In most case, the prices stay negotiable

(Gredig 71).

Lazarus, the most popular channelled spirit among the New Age spiritualists, was once channelled at one of the Lazarus`s seminars in by a man who wanted to know whether it was appropriate to charge money for his services stating the following: “In my country, the people believe that you lose your spiritual power if you charge money for your service. They say you are supposed to do spiritual service for free” (Aldred). Lazarus replied as follows:

Everything that exists is really a spiritual vibration, an illusion. To separate money

and say it`s not spiritual is wrong. You can have all of it if you want and still have

spirituality. It`s like little girls and boys playing tea party. Do they ever run out of

tea? No! Money is the same. You can have all you want. (Aldred)

Furthermore, neoshamans are being accused of being overly individualistic meaning that their main concern is their own personal progress, while traditional shamans serve the community. Neoshamans and New Agers contend that their spiritual growth will be achieved through individual personal transformation (Miller). New Agers share a hunger for a better future, “one characterized by world peace, social justice, and ecological renewal” (Collins). Global transformations generally begin at the individual level with a transformative spiritual experience that forces the individual into a more participatory

25 mode of consciousness. The insights gathered from this consciousness are then used to transform material aspects of life, for example, the adoption of new dietary practices might eventually effect broader changes in culture.

However, the individualism found in the New Age should not be homogenized. The practices often include healing ceremonies, sweat lodges or other form of semi-public group performance as vital elements. Practitioners who offer healing often stress that they shamanise for other people, not just for themselves (Gredig 87). The opinions differ among the New Agers. One of the neoshamans notes that:

There is this point of critique, “If there is no village [community] around him [the

shaman] anymore, he becomes obsolete”. I say, well, he just has to find himself a

new field of activity. It is another market now, the village is no more, but a city or

the world or whatever is in its place. A shaman is not somebody who is looking

for spiritual fulfilment, but somebody who participated in life and tries to achieve

something in this life, for himself and for others, here and now. The shamanic

journey is no self-finding trip. (Gredig 87)

Furthermore, neoshamanic healers and their clientele form a community, even though not locally bound, which could be described as trans-local or even trans-national connected through networks of friends, Internet or other means of communication. Archaeologist and anthropologist - Robert J. Wallis - has dealt with criticism being called a

“neoshaman” while in fact being a formally trained archaeologist (Wallis). In response to conventional anthropologists rejecting any of his findings on the basis of having “gone native” he challenges the insider—outsider dichotomy. He notes:

The origins of concern with “going native” lie in an era when “turning Indian”

was seen as politically suspect, if not heretical, because turning your back on the

West (the best) in favor of the “savage” (the worst) was treasonous. In intellectual

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terms, the fear is of going against rationalist science in favor of primitive myth

and, in religious terms, turning away from god towards superstition. (Wallis 4)

Harner, too, notices this when he notes that implicit in his graduate school training on maintaining objectivity (not going native) “was the patronizing assumption of the superiority of modern Western knowledge and that the natives’ function was to be subjects for the study, rather than to be possibly the teachers of us in the West” (Harner

34). Leslie Conton in her paper on contemporary shamanic practices defended neoshamanism against criticisms voiced by Native Americans and others, arguing that there is nothing “neo” about Western shamanism. Rather, it is “the inevitable resurgence or re-integration of something deeply rooted in human need and nature” (Whitehead 2).

Sun Bear even claims to be told by the spirits to engage in working with the non-natives:

Up until 1970, I worked only with native people—as a medicine man and helping

them in different ways. The only time I went out to talk to non-natives was to raise

money. Then in 1971, the Spirit told me it was time to start working with non-

native people. So I formed the Bear Tribe Medicine Society. At the outset, I got

flak from some Indians, but now I have a lot of support from native people. (Sun

Bear)

Robert J. Wallis suggests that the criticism of neoshamanism tends to fall into a methodological trap because it often compares neoshamanism with traditional shamanism while these two may or may not be comparable. Critics then pose the question whether neoshamanism is authentic or valid. In some literature, indigenous shamans are perceived

“culturally distant and Other, and therefore “authentic”; neoshamans are invented, deluded and specious” (Wallis 31). This led him to another question being “when does a new religious path or set of paths become traditional and authentic?” Anthropologists suggest that there is no such thing as “static” tradition, but then they discriminate

27 neoshamans because they are not apparently a part of a tradition and appear to be spiritual consumers. As Harner puts it, neoshamans become valid when countless people practise the techniques and get results for themselves and others (Wallis). In a recent brochure, the Foundation for Shamanic Studies declared:

In these times of chaos, crisis and hope, shamanism is a reservoir of wisdom that

is as relevant to our survival today as it was to our forebears hundreds of

generations ago. For Western practitioners who are inspired by ancient traditions,

shamanic practice can offer healing the planet needs. (Phillips)

Steve Summers saw it playing an “unbelievably huge and important” role (Philips).

“Because shamanic energy like ours, and like native peoples put out is basically going to be holding the world together” Steve elaborated. However, he says it will take a certain time before contemporary shamanism is accepted. Summers predicts a build-up in world religions “that signals the end of the time of dogma, pointing to terrorism and as the extreme results of this age.” This age is unsustainable he says, “the

Truth about spirituality has been suppressed so long” (Philips).

Shamanic consciousness naturally belongs in the modern world and will play an important role in bringing indigenous and modern cultures together in the search for common resolutions to planetary problems. Shamanic practices and explorations based on collaboration with spirits are a model for the multifaceted collaboration necessary among human beings to bring back peace and harmony on the planet, with nature and among ourselves. Anyone can be a shaman, or at least everyone is a healer according to neoshamans, and possesses the abilities needed to cure ourselves with the help of no one but ourselves. That is what the world could realize. There may be a lot for people to learn from traditional cultures which could bring more understanding to the world.

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4 Conclusion

In recent years, there has been ongoing disputes between shamanism and neoshamanism. Many peoples` position to neoshamanism is that it is a misuse of Native

American traditional religions and therefore they reject to accept this newly developed set of beliefs. This paper looks further into the issue providing, on one hand, the critique of neoshamanism and New Age with some examples of Native American shamanism being misappropriated. Shamans and some scholars reject neoshamanic approach towards money. For instance, The Southwestern American Indian Movement (AIM) Leadership

Conference claimed that they were sending their warning to those who would continue with these practices (Harner). Shamans defend their approach using a declaration which is protecting traditional ceremonies as part of the cultural and intellectual property of

Native peoples, which states that “Indigenous peoples have the right to maintain, control, protect and develop their cultural heritage, traditional knowledge and traditional cultural expressions” (Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples).

However, neoshamans oppose these accusations with a statement claimed by

Wallis that not all neoshamanic practitioners should be perceive as generic. Moreover, it is believed by many neoshamans that every single entity on this planet is a healer himself, so there is no violation of any rules whatsoever because anyone has a right to be their own shaman and everyone possesses the ability to cure themselves. It might not be considered relevant to accuse neoshamans of any misappropriation since according to the right to religious freedom anyone has the right to any religion including Native

American religion. Furthermore, not all neoshamans are soul-less profit-seekers. The practitioners of neoshamanism stress that they shamanise for other people, not just for themselves and Conton makes it clear that the Western shamanism is the inevitable resurgence or re-integration of something deeply rooted in human need and nature.

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All the evidence presented in this paper indicate that, from most part, neoshamanism is chance for the world to become more spiritually mature and also a chance for people to better understand themselves and become more united with the nature. Certainly, there are some neoshamanic practitioners who misuse the traditional shamanism for their own personal credit, but not everyone should be viewed the same because there are also many neoshamans who really want to help their customers. In addition, having the right to any religion, there is not much that could be done against the use of some Native American beliefs and ceremonies being used by non-Native. People should try to excess the topic from both sides and search for all the necessary information before adopting an unfavourable approach towards neoshamanism.

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Summary

The aim of this Bachelor’s thesis is to analyse the criticism of neoshamanism and to evaluate whether the criticism is relevant or not based on claims from the Native

American point of view as well as from the perspective of anthropologists and neoshamans themselves.

The thesis is composed of five chapters. The first chapter consists of two subchapters explaining the basic terms used in the paper and describing the terms shamanism and neoshamanism.

The next chapter then discusses the impact of a famous work by Carlos Castaneda on his followers along with the critique of the work because of many discrepancies which might be found there.

The following two chapters form the main part of the thesis. They look further into the issue of neoshamanic criticism from Native Americans and some scholars as well as the defence of neoshamanism by anthropologists and some neoshamans as well.

Conclusions are drawn in the last chapter of the thesis. The main purpose of this paper is to show that, despite the judgement and critique, neoshamanism might not only be viewed as a misappropriation and misuse of traditional American beliefs, and that not every neoshaman is thinking only about his own profit but that they actually want to help people with their wellbeing. It is also a way for common people to educate themselves a bit on the spiritual level and together try to form a better place to live in.

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Resumé

Cílem této práce je analyzovat kritiku neošamanismu a na základě výroků různých domorodých Američanů, ale také antropologů a neošamanů samotných, zhodnotit, zda je tato kritika relevantní či nikoliv.

Práce se skládá z pěti kapitol. První kapitola je rozdělena do dvou podkapitol, které vysvětlují základní pojmy použité v této bakalářské práci jako například

šamanismus a neošamanismus.

Další kapitola se zabývá vlivem známého díla Carlose Castanedy na jeho přívržence a kritikou jeho práce a zkoumá mnohé nesrovnalosti, které kniha obsahuje.

Následující dvě kapitoly tvoří hlavní jádro této teze. Nahlíží na otázku kritiky neošamanismu ze strany domorodých Američanů a některých akademiků a také zkoumá obhajobu neošamanismu antropology a některými neošamany.

V poslední kapitole se nachází závěr. Hlavním cílem této práce je ukázat, že ikdyž je neošamanismus často vnímám jako zneužití tradičních domorodých amerických kultur a mnoho šamanů myslí hlavně na svůj zisk, někteří neošamané se opravdu snaží být lidem nápomocní. Neošamanismus je pro obyčejné lidi také jeden ze způsobů jak se dostat na vyšší spirituální úroveň a tím se pokusit zlepšit svět.

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