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Syndicalism and Anarcho-Syndicalism in Germany: an Introduc- Tion
Syndicalism and Anarcho-Syndicalism in Germany: An Introduc- tion By Helge Döhring Published in 2004 Topics: IWA, Germany, SPD, history, World War I, unemployed workers, FAUD, FVdG Foreword The following text comprises an introduction to the development of German syndicalism from its beginnings in 1890 until the end of its organized form in the early 1960s. The emphasis of this introduction, however, centers on the period before and leading up to 1933, when the National Socialists under Adolf Hitler ascended to power. Syndicalism, and more specifically anarcho-syndicalism, are movements that have been largely forgotten. This albeit superficial outline should, at its conclusion, show that this movement was not always so obscure and unknown. This piece aims not to comprehensively examine all the varied aspects of German anarcho-syndicalism, but rather to pique the curiosity and interest of its readers. 1. What Does “Workers’ Movement” Mean? The first thing that one learns in studying the history of the workers’ movement, in Germany and elsewhere, is that the workers were organized primarily into the so-called “Workers’ Parties.” In Germany these took the form of the SPD [Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands, Social Democratic Party of Germany] and the KPD [Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands, Communist Party of Germany]. Upon further examination a number of other parties fall into view, for example Rosa Luxemburg’s Independent Social Democratic Party (USPD), or the CP’s other incarnations, the KAPD [Kommunistische Arbeiter-Partei Deutschlands, Communist Workers’ Party of Germany] and the SAPD [Sozialistische Arbeiterpartei Deutschlands, Socialist Workers’ Party of Germany]. And naturally the definition of the term “workers’ movement” places these political parties firmly in the foreground. -
Anarchism's Appeal to German Workers, 1878
The centers of anarchist activity in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries included Italy, Spain, France, and the United States. The German anarchist movement was small, even in comparison to other nations that were not major anarchist centers. Contemporaries and scholars had until recently mostly agreed on the cause: anarchism was simply unable to compete with German Social Democracy, whose explosive growth beginning in the 1870s reflected the organization and self-awareness of an advanced industrial proletariat. For Social Democrats and many scholars, even those of a non-Marxist stripe, this situation represented the inevitable triumph of mature, class-conscious socialism over the undisciplined and utopian impulses of prepolitical workers.1 Once socialism had developed into a mass movement, only the detritus of the lumpenproletariat, petit bourgeois reactionaries, and decadent elites embraced anarchism. In the late 1960s and 1970s German anarchism finally began to receive a modicum of scholarly attention.2 The small body of scholarship produced since has shown that a German anarchist movement (really, movements) did in fact exist throughout the era of the German Empire (1871- 1918) among the handful of anarchists committed to "propaganda of the deed" active in the 1880s, within a circle of cultural and intellectual anarchists in the following decade, and in the form of anarcho-syndicalism after the turn of the century. Several German anarchist leaders, intellectuals, and artists also received scholarly attention as individual thinkers.3 This scholarship did much to illuminate the social and intellectual history of German anarchism, but did not significantly alter the conventional understanding of German anarchism as an atavistic expression of protest destined to be eclipsed by Social Democracy. -
The United States and German Demilitarization, 1942- 1947
FROM ENMITY TOWARDS ALLIANCE: THE UNITED STATES AND GERMAN DEMILITARIZATION, 1942- 1947 Oliver Haller B.A., Wilfrid Laurier University, 199 1 M.A. Thesis Submitted to the Department of History in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Master of Arts Degree Wilfrid MerUniversity 1996 @ Oliver Haller 1996 National Library Bibliothèque nationale du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Seivices seMces bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Ottawa ON KIA ON4 canada Canada YovrW voarrréfefmce Our Ne NonerrlHhena, The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, districbute or sell reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microforni, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/fïh, de reproduction sur papier ou sur fomat électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts from it Ni la thése ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorkation. Table of Contents Abstract ............................................... iii Introduction........................................... I Notes: Introduction .................................... 13 Chapter One: The Versailles Precedent and Initial Arnerican Perceptions of Civil-Military Government...... 18 Notes: Chapter One ..................................... 40 Chapter Two: The Formulation of an Amencan Civil-Military Direcive and the Ascendendcy of Demilitarimion through Deindustrialization....... -
'Localist' Trade Unionism in the German Building Industry, 1868-1893 JOHN
Lokalisten and Sozialdemokraten: ‘localist’ trade unionism in the German building industry, 1868-1893 JOHN GODDARD UCL Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 1 I, John Goddard, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. ...................................................................... 2 ‘Lokalisten and Sozialdemokraten: ‘localist’ trade unionism in the German building industry, 1868-1893’ This study looks at the first part of what for want of a better term could be described as the ‘pre-history’ of German syndicalism, that is, at its earliest roots among building worker supporters of the ‘localist’ conception of trade union organization before 1893. Its aim is not to ‘uncover’ the localist movement’s history for the benefit of English- speaking readers unfamiliar with it but, rather, to seek to find in the earlier history of this movement an explanation as to why a branch of trade unionism which initially defined itself as a tactical response to restrictive state legislation (above all, the Prussian Law of Association of 11th March 1850) continued to exist after the ban which most local laws of association placed on political association was over-written by national legislation which guaranteed the right to such (for men) in December 1899. How did a ‘tactical response’ come to assume a longevity none of its earlier advocates had foreseen? This begs a second question: how significant, then, was the legal framework? It is my belief that the answers to these questions can already be found in the localist building worker movement’s earlier history. -
Karl-Ulrich Gelberg, Die Protokolle Des
Umschlag.qxd 09.03.2004 21:54 Seite 1 QbG Zur Reihe 3 DIE PROTOKOLLE DES VORBEREITENDEN Von den Quellen zur bayerischen Geschichte sind viele zentrale Doku- mente entweder überhaupt noch nicht gedruckt oder nur in veralteten, ERFASSUNGSAUSSCHUSSES IN AYERN schwer zugänglichen, oft unvollständigen und fehlerhaften Ausgaben. V B Diesem Mangel, der sowohl die Forschung als auch die universitäre Lehre betrifft, soll durch die Publikation bedeutsamer Quellenstücke in (8. MÄRZ – 24. JUNI 1946) einer praktikablen, preisgünstigen Form begegnet werden. Angestrebt ist ein verläßlicher Text als Grundlage für wissenschaftliche Arbeiten. Zum Inhalt dieses Bandes Die Bayerische Verfassung vom 8. Dezember 1946 entstand in mehre- ren Phasen. Den Auftakt bildeten die Beratungen des Vorbereitenden Verfassungsausschusses, der unter Vorsitz von Ministerpräsident Wil- helm Hoegner in 15 Sitzungen vom 8. März bis 24. Juni 1946 in der Münchner Staatskanzlei tagte. Im Unterschied zu den Protokollen des Verfassungsausschusses und des Plenums der Bayerischen Verfas- sunggebenden Landesversammlung lagen sie bisher nicht gedruckt vor. Die durch Einleitung, Sachkommentar und Personenregister erschlosse- ne Edition der Protokolle des Vorbereitenden Verfassungsausschusses komplettiert die Quellengrundlage zur bayerischen Verfassungsge- schichte der Nachkriegszeit. In dem neunköpfigen Ausschuß, dem Vertreter von CSU, SPD und KPD angehörten, wurden bereits wesentliche Grundzüge der späteren Ver- fassung festgelegt: so der Verzicht auf ein konstruktives Mißtrauens- votum -
Raphael Friedeberg: Arzt Und Anarchist in Ascona
In: Monte Verita, Berg der Wahrheit. Milano : Electa Ed., 1978. S. 38-53 HANS MANFRED BOCK/ RAPHAEL FRIEDEBERG: ARZT UND ANARCHIST IN FLORIAN TENNSTEDT ASCONA Als eine »der legendär gewordenen Gestalten von Ascona« galt Insbesondere die Forderung Friedebergs, die Krankenkassenbe Raphael Friedeberg seinen Zeitgenossen 1. Dort, in Ascona, wegung dürfe ihr organisatorisches Potential von 8,5 Millionen »lebte zeitweise eine ganze anarchistische Kolonie bei ihm« 2, al Mitgliedern nicht nur auf sozialpolitische Forderungen be les, »was sich Anarchist nennt, schart sich gern um seine sympa schränken, sondern müsse darüber hinaus »für kulturelle und thische Persönlichkeit« 3. Die in diesen Zeugnissen angespro ideelle Zwecke« den arbeitenden Massen dienstbar gemacht wer chene Rolle Friedebergs als Mittelpunkt anarchistischer Diskus den 10, ist ein Hinweis auf sein Vertrauen in die Möglichkeit, mit sion und anarchistischen Besucher-Verkehrs wird durch die er Hilfe der organisatorischen Macht der Arbeiterbewegung das 4 halten gebliebenen Teile seiner Korrespondenz bestätigt • Daß Elend der Lohnabhängigen beseitigen zu können, das sich ihm in Friedeberg während der mehr als drei Jahrzehnte seines zuerst seiner Praxis als Pulmologe am Beispiel der »Proletarier-Krank zeitweiligen, dann ständigen Aufenthaltes in Ascona aber nicht heit«, der Tuberkulose, drastisch dokumentierte. Diese über• nur dem Theoretiker des kommunistischen Anarchismus, Pjotr zeugung wurde jedoch erschüttert durch die taktische Entwick Kropotkin, und dem bedeutendsten -
Witness to History
WITNESS TO HISTORY A book by Michael Walsh This book will not break your heart, it will crush your heart in sorrow and compassion for all mankind. This one book, ABOVE ALL OTHERS I've read, puts together information using statements from historical figures in a way that, I believe, will erase doubts from any doubting Thomas that one of the biggest lies -- or mass of massive lies -- we've ever been told involve WWII, German National Socialism; its Chancellor, Adolf Hitler; and in fact WHO made that war happen. As I was reading this book to the listeners of our Sweet Liberty radio broadcast, we discovered the REAL hot-button. I received a phone call from WWCR questioning my 'motives' for presenting this information. THAT was a first, and reinforced my desire to share the information with as many as will listen/read/hear/see through the biggest lie. I continued to read until finally it became nearly impossible for listeners to hear the broadcast on a once-crystal clear frequency; on two occasions we were actually knocked off the air-waves. When the subject matter changed, the reception cleared up. From this I've realized that the lie must be maintained at all costs; we MUST hate Adolf Hitler with all the venom a serpent can muster or the perpetrators of the lie begin frothing at the mouth. Although the material presented on the broadcast is always controversial, and although the quality of our short-wave reception seems to be manipulated depending upon the topic at hand, this one subject is taboo, period. -
In the Steps of Rosa Luxemburg Historical Materialism Book Series
In the Steps of Rosa Luxemburg Historical Materialism Book Series Editorial Board Sébastien Budgen, Paris Steve Edwards, London Marcel van der Linden, Amsterdam Peter Thomas, London VOLUME 31 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.nl/hm. In the Steps of Rosa Luxemburg Selected Writings of Paul Levi Edited and introduced by David Fernbach LEIDEN • BOSTON 2011 This book is printed on acid-free paper. Translations of ‘The Munich Experience: An Opposing View’ and ‘The Lessons of the Hungarian Revolution’ are taken from International Communism in the Era of Lenin by Helmut Gruber, copyright © 1972 by Helmut Gruber: used by permission of Doubleday, a division of Random House, Inc. All other translations are by David Fernbach, copyright © 2011 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data In the steps of Rosa Luxemburg : selected writings of Paul Levi / edited and introduced by David Fernbach. p. cm. — (Historical materialism book series ; v. 31) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-19607-0 (hardback : alk. paper) 1. Levi, Paul, 1883–1930. 2. Luxemburg, Rosa, 1871–1919. 3. Communists—Germany. 4. Communism— Germany—History—20th century. I. Fernbach, David. II. Title. III. Series. HX274.7.L48I5 2011 335.4092—dc22 2011012271 ISSN 1570-1522 ISBN 978 90 04 19607 0 Copyright 2011 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Global Oriental, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. -
1904: Raphael Friedeberg - Die Anarchisten-Kolonie Ascona
1904: Raphael Friedeberg - Die Anarchisten-Kolonie Ascona «Lag der organisatorische Mittelpunkt des deutschen Arbeiter-Anarchismus in Berlin, so gab es sozusagen einen gehei¬ men Treffpunkt der (anarchistischen) In¬ telligenz in Ascona am Lago Maggiore», diese Unterscheidung trifft Ulrich Linse in seiner Dissertation «Organisierter An¬ archismus im deutschen Kaiserreich» (Berlin 1969). Und die Ascona-Dossiers im Bundesarchiv zu Bern und dem Kan¬ tonalen Archiv in Bellinzona sind die Be¬ lege für die Massierung syndikalistischer und individueller Anarchisten in Ascona. Dr. Raphael Friedeberg machte mit sei¬ ner Kur bei den «Pflanzenfressern» den Anfang, und durch ihn kamen in der Blüte ihrer Boheme-Zeit Erich Mühsam, Johannes Nohl, aber auch der Grazer Psychiater Otto Gross, der Zürcher An¬ archist Ernst Frick, Dr. Fritz Brupbacher, der Schriftsteller Leonhard Frank, um nur die wichtigsten zu nennen. Mühsam widmete Ascona eine Broschüre glei¬ chen Namens (Locamo 1905), in der er zuerst mit der vegetarischen Kolonie ab¬ rechnete («ethische Wegelagerer mit ih¬ ren spiritistischen, theosophischen, ok¬ kultistischen und potenziert vegetari¬ schen Sparren»), um dann seine Vision darzulegen: «Daher wünsche ich in tief¬ ster Seele, Ascona möchte einmal ein Zufluchtsort werden für entlassene und entwichene Strafgefangene, für ver¬ folgte Heimatlose, für alle diejenigen, die als Opfer der bestehenden Zustände ge¬ hetzt, gemartert, steuerlos treiben und die doch die Sehnsucht noch nicht einge- büsst haben, unter Menschen, die sie als Mitmenschen -
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179 Dieter Nelles/ Hartmut Rübner links: Dieter Nelles/ Hartmut Rübner rechts: Anarchosyndikalisten in Deutschland in der Avantgarde einer egalitären Bewegung ersten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts Anarchosyndikalisten in Deutschland in der ersten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts Abstract The historic impact of anarcho-syndicalism as an autonomous current within the Ger- man workers’ movement lasted approximately 40 years. On a national scale, the Free Workers’ Union of Germany (FAUD), as the most influential organisation of this kind, appears as a marginalised association on the periphery of the labour movement. Only during the years 1919 to 1922/23 the FAUD asserted itself temporarily as an influential factor at shop floor levels in some regions of Germany. Once reaching a membership of more than 120,000 in the first years of the Weimar Republic, its membership substan- tially declined to only 4,307 in 1932, compared to 3.5 million Social Democrats in the All- gemeiner Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund. However, a more differentiated picture emerges locally. Anarcho-syndicalists frequently played an important role in the fight against the rise of the Nazi Party as well as in the inter-group culture and the self-help initiatives of the labour movement. Thereby, inter-generational social cohesion was gained not nec- essarily by acting as a trade union primarily committed to class conflict, but through diverse cultural engagements. In this respect, the formative influence of anarcho-syn- dicalist culture in everyday life functioned as an integrative agency of socialisation. The quasi-familial group structure at the base included all generations and therefore ensured continuity. In general, the organisation integrated children and attracted young people from socialist family backgrounds. -
This Article Is a Close Reading of Representative Examples of Sickness Metaphors in Political Discourse in Interwar Germany
76 “VACCINATE WITH CRISIS SERUM“– METAPHORS OF SICKNESS IN THE POLITICAL DISCOURSE OF WEIMAR GERMANY KNUT LANGEWAND UNIVERSITY OF WARWICK This article is a close reading of representative examples of sickness metaphors in political discourse in interwar Germany. After relating the issue to the theoretical assumptions of the history of concepts and discourse analysis with regard to the term “crisis”, it shows that even though the authors had different political views, they shared imageries of illness in order to engage with the contemporary crisis of German politics and society. n the recent occasion of a state visit in the course of the current Euro-zone debates, the German Chancellor was assured by her Italian counterpart that his country was no O longer “a possible source of infection” for Europe (Washington Post, “Italy’s Monti”). Whereas the characterization of current economic affairs as “critical” seems to be ubiquitous and unquestioned, it seems odd that a medical metaphor has obviously been chosen to function as an interpretative approach to this crisis. Contemporaries of interwar Germany with its manifold economic, social and political problems culminating in the “total crisis” of 1930- 1933 (Peukert 247) have framed their views on these overlapping crises in similar forms. But what purpose did metaphors of sickness serve within the Weimar discourse of crisis? Can they be connected to certain political currents? And why did (and do) authors resort to these metaphors in the context of “crisis”? 1. CRISIS AND SICKNESS The ubiquity of the term “crisis” in political discourse, its past and present use and the impression that there is a core substance to it which needs no further explanation (however vague its use) serves to illustrate the importance of how critical the engagement with such a central FOCUS ON GERMAN STUDIES 19 77 concept is. -
Political Parties, 4
Kitchener 2001 Batoche Books 52 Eby Street South Kitchener, Ontario N2G 3L1 Canada email: [email protected] Table of Contents Author's Preface. .................................................................................................... 5 Chapter 1. Democratic Aristocracy and Aristocratic Democracy .............. 7 Chapter 2. The Ethical Embellishment of Social Struggles. .................... 13 Part One / Leadership in Democratic Organizations. ........................................... 19 A. Technical and Administrative Causes of Leadership. ..................................... 19 Chapter 1. Introductory — The Need for Organization. .......................... 19 Chapter 2: Mechanical and Technical Impossibility of Direct Government by the Masses. .............................................................................. 20 Chapter 3: The Modern Democratic Party as a Fighting Party, Dominated by Militarist Ideas and Methods. .................................................. 31 B. Psychological Causes of Leadership. .............................................................. 33 Chapter 1. The Establishment of a Customary Right to the Office of Delegate. ...................................................................................... 33 Chapter 2. The Need for Leadership Felt by the Mass. ............................ 35 Chapter 3. The Political Gratitude of the Masses. ................................... 41 Chapter 4. The Cult of Veneration Among the Masses. .......................... 42 Chapter