Chapter 5: Early China
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Local Authority in the Han Dynasty: Focus on the Sanlao
Local Authority in the Han Dynasty: Focus on the Sanlao Jiandong CHEN 㱩ڎ暒 School of International Studies Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences University of Technology Sydney Australia A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Technology Sydney Sydney, Australia 2018 Certificate of Original Authorship I certify that the work in this thesis has not previously been submitted for a degree nor has it been submitted as part of requirements for a degree except as fully acknowledged within the text. I also certify that the thesis has been written by me. Any help that I have received in my research work and the preparation of the thesis itself has been acknowledged. In addition, I certify that all information sources and literature used are indicated in the thesis. This thesis is the result of a research candidature conducted with another University as part of a collaborative Doctoral degree. Production Note: Signature of Student: Signature removed prior to publication. Date: 30/10/2018 ii Acknowledgements The completion of the thesis would not have been possible without the help and support of many people. Firstly, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my supervisor, Associate Professor Jingqing Yang for his continuous support during my PhD study. Many thanks for providing me with the opportunity to study at the University of Technology Sydney. His patience, motivation and immense knowledge guided me throughout the time of my research. I cannot imagine having a better supervisor and mentor for my PhD study. Besides my supervisor, I would like to thank the rest of my thesis committee: Associate Professor Chongyi Feng and Associate Professor Shirley Chan, for their insightful comments and encouragement; and also for their challenging questions which incited me to widen my research and view things from various perspectives. -
7070 the E-Pang Palace
7070 The E-pang Palace E-pang Palace was built in Qin dynasty by Emperor Qin Shihuang in Xianyang, Shanxi Province. It was the largest palace ever built by human. It was so large and so magnificent that after many years of construction, it still was not completed. Building the great wall, E-pang Palace and Qin Shihuang’s tomb cost so much labor and human lives that people rose to fight against Qin Shihuang’s regime. Xiang Yu and Liu Bang were two rebel leaders at that time. Liu Bang captured Xianyang — the capital of Qin. Xiang Yu was very angry about this, and he commanded his army to march to Xianyang. Xiang Yu was the bravest and the strongest warrior at that time, and his army was much more than Liu Bang’s. So Liu Bang was frighten and retreated from Xianyang, leaving all treasures in the grand E-pang Palace untouched. When Xiang Yu took Xianyang, he burned E-pang Palce. The fire lasted for more than three months, renouncing the end of Qin dynasty. Several years later, Liu Bang defeated Xiangyu and became the first emperor of Han dynasty. He went back to E-pang Palace but saw only some pillars left. Zhang Liang and Xiao He were Liu Bang’s two most important ministers, so Liu Bang wanted to give them some awards. Liu Bang told them: “You guys can make two rectangular fences in E-pang Palace, then the land inside the fences will belongs to you. But the corners of the rectangles must be the pillars left on the ground, and two fences can’t cross or touch each other.” To simplify the problem, E-pang Palace can be consider as a plane, and pillars can be considered as points on the plane. -
The Dakou Generation
Popular Music and Youth in Urban China: The Dakou Generation Jeroen de Kloet ABSTRACT The import of illegal, cut CDs from the West (dakou CDs) in the mid-1990s marked the revitalization of Chinese rock culture. This article analyses the rise of dakou culture in the context of the interrelated processes of globalization and marketization of Chinese culture. Contrary to accounts that proclaim the crisis or death of Chinese rock, this article describes the re-emergence of rock since the mid-1990s. It presents an overview on three different scenes, part of the dakou culture among Chinese youth. The fashionable bands are inspired by a cosmopolitan aspiration, the underground bands signify the return of the political and the urban folk singers express a nostalgic longing. All three scenes attest to the current diversity of popular music cultures in China, and are interpreted as sonic tactics employed by Chinese youth to carve out their own space amidst an increasingly commercialized and globalized society. The scene was rather familiar to me: the punk boys sitting outside the bar “Nameless highland” (Wuming gaodi) in Beijing, drinking Nanjing beer from the shop nearby to save money. It was a warm summer evening, 19 June 2004. Today’s concert included four bands, all contracted by the local “indie” label Modern Sky.1 Apart from the Chinese audience, a few foreigners – students, researchers, journalists and, though less so, expats – watched the performance. The scene reminded me of my earlier research trips, when the audience also consisted generally of a mixture of young, hip and predominantly male Beijing youths and curious foreign- ers.2 The vocalist of the band Half Man Half Fish (Renyu), a band that labels its style as “new industrial metal” (xin gongye jinshu), raised his arm, screamed, in English, “I am a Nazi!” and then, to confirm his outcry, pointed at himself. -
The Later Han Empire (25-220CE) & Its Northwestern Frontier
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2012 Dynamics of Disintegration: The Later Han Empire (25-220CE) & Its Northwestern Frontier Wai Kit Wicky Tse University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Asian History Commons, Asian Studies Commons, and the Military History Commons Recommended Citation Tse, Wai Kit Wicky, "Dynamics of Disintegration: The Later Han Empire (25-220CE) & Its Northwestern Frontier" (2012). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 589. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/589 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/589 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Dynamics of Disintegration: The Later Han Empire (25-220CE) & Its Northwestern Frontier Abstract As a frontier region of the Qin-Han (221BCE-220CE) empire, the northwest was a new territory to the Chinese realm. Until the Later Han (25-220CE) times, some portions of the northwestern region had only been part of imperial soil for one hundred years. Its coalescence into the Chinese empire was a product of long-term expansion and conquest, which arguably defined the egionr 's military nature. Furthermore, in the harsh natural environment of the region, only tough people could survive, and unsurprisingly, the region fostered vigorous warriors. Mixed culture and multi-ethnicity featured prominently in this highly militarized frontier society, which contrasted sharply with the imperial center that promoted unified cultural values and stood in the way of a greater degree of transregional integration. As this project shows, it was the northwesterners who went through a process of political peripheralization during the Later Han times played a harbinger role of the disintegration of the empire and eventually led to the breakdown of the early imperial system in Chinese history. -
On Shiji 22, Table Ten: a Year-By-Year Table of Generals, Chancellors, and Prominent Officials Since the Founding of the Han Dynasty*
《中國文化研究所學報》 Journal of Chinese Studies No. 59 - July 2014 On Shiji 22, Table Ten: A Year-by-Year Table of Generals, Chancellors, and Prominent Officials since the Founding of the Han Dynasty* Shu-hui Wu Mississippi State University 1 Among the ten tables in the Shiji 史 記 Table Ten (“Han xing yilai jiang xiang mingchen nianbiao” 漢興以來將相名臣年表) is most complex to interpret. Scholars from the Han times throughout the imperial period either expressed doubts about its authenticity and authorship because of its unconventional presentation or simply avoided mentioning it. Their negative judgements and confusion over Table Ten may have stemmed from a two-fold challenge: the ambiguities of the Table itself, given that entries in the Table extend well beyond the lifetime of Sima Qian 司馬遷 (145–c. 99 B.C.) himself; and the suspicions and criticisms, justified or not, raised by detractors of the Shiji. Modern Chinese scholars have contributed analyses and discussions of Table Ten from various perspectives, but so far none of them have connected its physical layout and authorial purpose to its Han administrative back- ground. In Western scholarship to the present there has been little discussion and no translation of the Table itself. It is therefore important for us to investigate Table Ten from the perspectives of authorship, physicality, and the Han bureaucratic system in order to bridge the two-thousand-year chasm between its authors and readers. * I am very much indebted to the three anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments. 1 Sima Qian, Shiji (Hereafter SJ) (1959; reprint, Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2010). -
Wang, Prefinal3.Indd
creators of an emperor aihe wang Creators of an Emperor: The Political Group behind the Founding of the Han Empire he enthronement of Liu Bang Ꮵ߶ initiated China’s first lasting em- T pire, the Han ዧ (206 bc–220 ad), and created a model of emperor- ship for over two millennia of subsequent dynasties. Han emperorship was a mode of Chinese authoritarianism different from the extremism of the Qin, and Liu Bang’s shadow can be recognized in many later monarchs, from Zhu Yuanzhang to Mao Zedong.1 The founding of the Han was achieved by a large group of people, addressed at the time -who sup ”,פ and in subsequent history as “Meritorious Officials ported Liu Bang in the civil war and enthroned him as the emperor. This group was, in essence, responsible for founding the Han dynasty and instituting its particular model of emperorship. To understand the formation of the Han dynasty, and more importantly, of the political culture that breeded authoritarianism, we need to understand the na- ture of this political group and its members’ divergent interests in pro- moting emperorship. Rather than focusing on the position of the group in the institu- tions of the empire, I study the participants’ own understandings and interpretations of the process of creating an emperor. My focus is not so much on the facts of events, as much as on how events were under- stood and interpreted by the participants and subsequent writers of the time. In other words, I want to bring to the analytical foreground the multitude of thoughts and words that motivated the actions and con- structed the events involved in creating an emperor, since it is through both words and deeds that we can allocate responsibility among those who created monarchy.2 To do so, I investigate three specific ques- This article was completed with the support of a research grant from the University of Hong Kong. -
The Evolution of the Story of the Wife of Emperor Wu of Liang in the Baojuan ∗ Texts of the Sixteenth–Nineteenth Centuries
《漢學研究》0254-4466 第 37 卷第 4 期 民國 108 年 12 月(2019.12)頁 159-203 漢學研究中心 Narrative of Salvation: The Evolution of the Story of the Wife of Emperor Wu of Liang in the Baojuan ∗ Texts of the Sixteenth–Nineteenth Centuries Rostislav Berezkin∗∗ Abstract The story of Emperor Wu of the Liang dynasty 梁武帝 (r. 502-549) rescuing his wife Lady Xi 郗氏 from an unfortunate rebirth as a snake was a common subject in popular literature related to Buddhist beliefs in late imperial China. Its history can be dated back to the twelfth century, when it quickly spread throughout the country. It is interpreted as a foundation of monastic Buddhist rites for the salvation of the dead, and it has also appeared as a narrative used in ritual storytelling and drama in several areas of China. Although Lady Xi’s story played a major role in the dissemination of Buddhist ideas and rituals among the common folk, its history and cultural impact still remain understudied. The present paper explores the development of Lady Xi’s story in the particular literary form of baojuan 寶卷 (precious scrolls) with the focus on performance traditions of southern Jiangsu. It compares three different Manuscript received: March 28, 2019; revision completed: May 6, 2019; approved: October 8, 2019. ∗ This research was assisted by a grant provided by the Chinese government foundation for research in social studies: “Survey and research on Chinese precious scrolls preserved abroad” 海外藏中國寶卷整理與研究 (17ZDA266). The author also expresses his gratitude to Paula Roberts for help with language issues. -
UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA Santa Barbara Scribes in Early Imperial
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Santa Barbara Scribes in Early Imperial China A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in History by Tsang Wing Ma Committee in charge: Professor Anthony J. Barbieri-Low, Chair Professor Luke S. Roberts Professor John W. I. Lee September 2017 The dissertation of Tsang Wing Ma is approved. ____________________________________________ Luke S. Roberts ____________________________________________ John W. I. Lee ____________________________________________ Anthony J. Barbieri-Low, Committee Chair July 2017 Scribes in Early Imperial China Copyright © 2017 by Tsang Wing Ma iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to thank Professor Anthony J. Barbieri-Low, my advisor at the University of California, Santa Barbara, for his patience, encouragement, and teaching over the past five years. I also thank my dissertation committees Professors Luke S. Roberts and John W. I. Lee for their comments on my dissertation and their help over the years; Professors Xiaowei Zheng and Xiaobin Ji for their encouragement. In Hong Kong, I thank my former advisor Professor Ming Chiu Lai at The Chinese University of Hong Kong for his continuing support over the past fifteen years; Professor Hung-lam Chu at The Hong Kong Polytechnic University for being a scholar model to me. I am also grateful to Dr. Kwok Fan Chu for his kindness and encouragement. In the United States, at conferences and workshops, I benefited from interacting with scholars in the field of early China. I especially thank Professors Robin D. S. Yates, Enno Giele, and Charles Sanft for their comments on my research. Although pursuing our PhD degree in different universities in the United States, my friends Kwok Leong Tang and Shiuon Chu were always able to provide useful suggestions on various matters. -
Two Generations of Contemporary Chinese Folk Ballad Minyao 1994-2017
Two Generations of Contemporary Chinese Folk Ballad Minyao 1994-2017: Emergence, Mobility, and Marginal Middle Class A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI‘I AT MĀNOA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN MUSIC July 2020 By Yanxiazi Gao Thesis Committee: Byong Won Lee, Chairperson Frederick Lau (advisor) Ricardo D. Trimillos Cathryn Clayton Keywords: Minyao, Folk Ballad, Marginal Middle Class and Mobility, Sonic Township, Chinese Poetry, Nostalgia © Copyright 2020 By Yanxiazi Gao i for my parents ii Acknowledgements This thesis began with the idea to write about minyao music’s association with classical Chinese poetry. Over the course of my research, I have realized that this genre of music not only relates to the past, but also comes from ordinary people who live in the present. Their life experiences, social statuses, and class aspirations are inevitably intertwined with social changes in post-socialist China. There were many problems I struggled with during the research and writing process, but many people supported me along the way. First and foremost, I am truly grateful to my advisor Dr. Frederick Lau. His intellectual insights into Chinese music and his guidance and advice have inspired me to keep moving throughout the entire graduate study. Professor Ricardo Trimillos gave frequent attention to my academic performance. His critiques of conference papers, thesis drafts, and dry runs enabled this thesis to take shape. Professor Barbara Smith offered her generosity and support to my entire duration of study at the University of Hawai'i at Mānoa. -
A Study of the Standardization of Chinese Writing/ Ying Wang University of Massachusetts Amherst
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014 2008 A study of the standardization of Chinese writing/ Ying Wang University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses Wang, Ying, "A study of the standardization of Chinese writing/" (2008). Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014. 2060. Retrieved from https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/2060 This thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014 by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A STUDY OF THE STANDARDIZATION OF CHINESE WRITING A Thesis Presented by YING WANG Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts Amherst in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS May 2008 Asian Languages and Literatures © Copyright by Ying Wang All Rights Reserved STUDIES OF THE STANDARDIZATION OF CHINESE WRITING A Thesis Presented by YING WANG Approved as to style and content by: hongwei Shen, Chair Donald E. GjertsoH, Member Enhua Zhang, Member hongwei Shen, Director Asian Languages and Literatures Program Department of Languages, Literatures and Cultures Julie Caii s, Chair Departira hguages, Literatures and Cultures ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to earnestly thank my advisor, Professor Zhongwei Shen, for his helpful, patient guidance and support in all the stages of my thesis writing. Thanks are also due to my committee members Professor Donald Gjertson and Professor Enhua Zhang, for their generous help. My friends, Mathew Flannery and Charlotte Mason, have also edited thesis my in various stages, and to them I am truly grateful. -
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Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research, volume 368 3rd International Conference on Art Studies: Science, Experience, Education (ICASSEE 2019) Sima Qian's Revision on the Mode of Strategist in Warring States Fangyu Li College of Humanities & Sciences Hangzhou Normal University Hangzhou, China Abstract—In the process of reading documents on period of emperors Hui, Zhao and Zheng in Qin Dynasty, strategists in the Warring States period, Sima Qian got to intellectuals from the six eastern countries were often know, cognized or opposed the behavior of such strategists in rejected to enter Qin state. When Lv Buwei served as Prime combination with his experience, and finally formed a set of minister of Qin state, he once said, "以秦之强,羞不如(战国四 Sima Qian mode with the style of strategists in Warring States 公子养士),亦招致士,厚遇之,至食客三千。(Meaning: It was in The Records of the Grand Historian by selection and really ashamed that Qin state was so strong but had so fewer revision. intellectuals than that collected by the four feudal princes in the Warring States! Therefore, Lv Buwei began to recruit Keywords—Sima Qian; The Records of the Grand Historian; talents, gave them a generous courtesy, and finally recruited Warring States; strategist three thousand intellectuals accommodated in his mansion 4 I. INTRODUCTION house)". However, Lu Buwei himself was also an alien minister, and his accommodating with intellectuals was just Yao Si said, "A literary work is not an object that is to pursue the trend at that time and could not represent the independent and provides the same viewpoint to every reader Qin ruler's attitude toward intellectuals. -
From Barbarians to the Middle Kingdom: the Rise of the Title “Emperor, Heavenly Qaghan” and Its Significance
From Barbarians to the Middle Kingdom: The Rise of the Title “Emperor, Heavenly Qaghan” and Its Significance Han-je Park* INTRODUCTION The entrance of the Five Barbarians wuhu( 五胡) people into the Central Plain of China is a historical event of great significance in the East, comparable in importance to the migration of Germanic tribes into the Roman Empire. The Five Barbarians became the main actors in the establishment of an array of dynasties throughout the periods of the Sixteen Kingdoms of Five Hu, the Northern Dynasties, and eventually the cosmopolitan empires of the Sui (隋) and the Tang (唐). With the passing of time, they lost their original culture and customs, and many came to lose their ethnonym. This phenomenon is described as their sinicization (hanhua 漢化), although there is also a contrary view that the Han (漢) people in China were barbaricized (huhua 胡化) and thus widened the range of Chinese culture. But, we may ask, do the terms “sinicization” and “barbaricization” adequately convey what really happened? Aside from arguments regarding sinicization or barbaricization, what role did the Five Barbarians actually play in the history of China? Were they indeed a people without a culture, who could therefore not bring anything novel to China itself,1 or were they a civilization with a sophisticated culture of their own? *Seoul National University (Seoul, Korea) Journal of Central Eurasian Studies, Volume 3 (October 2012): 23–68 © 2012 Center for Central Eurasian Studies 24 Han-je Park The Han and Tang empires are often joined together and referred to as the “empires of the Han and the Tang,” implying that these two dynasties have a great deal in common.