DOCSLIB.ORG

Venezuela Under Chavez by Daniel Eugene

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Venezuela Under Chavez by Daniel Eugene Strategies of Development: Venezuela under Chavez by Daniel Eugene Patrick Sturby A Thesis Submitted to Saint Mary’s University, Halifax, Nova Scotia in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Masters of International Development Studies April, 2007, Halifax, Nova Scotia Copyright Daniel Eugene Patrick Sturby. Approved: Dr. John M. Kirk Supervisor Approved: Dr. Anthony H. O’Malley External Approved: Dr. John D. Cameron Reader Date: April 2, 2007 1 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Library and Bibliotheque et Archives Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-29013-2 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-29013-2 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non­ L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives and Archives Canada to reproduce,Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve,sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par telecommunication ou par I'lnternet, preter, telecommunication or on the Internet,distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans loan, distribute and sell theses le monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, worldwide, for commercial or non­ sur support microforme, papier, electronique commercial purposes, in microform,et/ou autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in et des droits moraux qui protege cette these. this thesis. Neither the thesis Ni la these ni des extraits substantiels de nor substantial extracts from it celle-ci ne doivent etre imprimes ou autrement may be printed or otherwise reproduits sans son autorisation. reproduced without the author's permission. In compliance with the Canadian Conformement a la loi canadienne Privacy Act some supporting sur la protection de la vie privee, forms may have been removed quelques formulaires secondaires from this thesis. ont ete enleves de cette these. While these forms may be includedBien que ces formulaires in the document page count, aient inclus dans la pagination, their removal does not represent il n'y aura aucun contenu manquant. any loss of content from the thesis. i * i Canada Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. To my parents for their endless love and support To Professor John Kirk for showing me the way To St. Mary’s University for helping me get there Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table of Contents 1. Abstract Pg. 4 2. Introduction Pg. 5 3. Chapter 1 Pg. 13 4. Chapter 2 Pg. 38 5. Chapter 3 Pg. 63 6. Conclusion Pg. 103 7. Appendices Pg. I l l 8. Bibliography Pg. 115 3 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Abstract Strategies of Development: Venezuela under Chavez By Daniel Eugene Patrick Sturby Abstract: With the 1998 election of Hugo Chavez the Venezuelan people signaled a willingness to change. Over the next 7 years, in exchange for their votes, Chavez gave the populace something that previously had not existed, a chance at a better life. Through the implementation of social programs, the Venezuelan standard of life has risen, but it is not yet ideal. For too long neglected (due to numerous faulty development strategies, including neoliberalism), the country and its people were left in such massive disrepair that it will continue to take time in order to fully heal. Yet, the current progress has shown that it is possible. Looking at Venezuela’s history, various development strategies, and current development programs, this dissertation shows that Chavez has been able to implement his new Bolivarian development philosophy and not only improve the lives of his people, but also enhance the appeal of socialism within the region. April 2, 2007 4 with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Introduction 5 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. He’s destroying the country. Oil He is doing what other governments prices are higher than ever, but there’s haven’t done. He brought in Cuban doctors more poverty and more crime. Then Who come to the door of our houses. He he flies off to other countries and offers brought in neighborhood supermarkets. No them things that he doesn’t offer us. Other president has done this. Long live (Sullivan, 2005, p. 2) Chavez! (Nieto, 2004, p. 4) Quotation from a Venezuelan shopkeeper Quotation from a Venezuelan adult bicycle vendor. One group does not like the country’s current direction, while the other can not imagine it going in any other course. In many ways these polarized views reflect the vested interests, and fears, of the Venezuelan people winning or losing under Hugo Chavez . The ‘haves’ and the ‘have nots’ can be found in all countries. These polar opposites often (but not always) represent two completely different sets of ideals, truths, and concerns. The ‘haves’ usually lose the most from such a significant change in power, whether financially or strategically, while the ‘have nots’ predominantly gain, not always financially but often socially, and spiritually.1 With the ‘have nots’ traditionally (and vastly) outnumbering the ‘haves’ in Latin America, the political inequality surrounding the two is troublesome, as the ‘haves’ (for centuries) have largely controlled the political spectrum.2 Only recently has a significant modem shift begun supplanting this trend, 1 Although there are a number of different social and political classifications, this thesis will be written based on the understanding that all can be categorized under two separate broad views, the ‘haves’ and the ‘have nots’. Since there is not a solid definition for either, the broad categories can be used to identify a number of different groups depending on the circumstances. Although not completely accurate, the constants are that the poor are normally the ‘have nots’ and the rich are the ‘haves’. In the Venezuelan case in particular, the ‘have nots’ are those who cannot afford the cost of living without government subsidies (the poor/very poor), while the haves are everyone else. 2 Just as political inequality exists between the two groups, economic inequality also exists (as will be examined in Chapter 2). With 68.7% percent of the population in 2002 (down from 70.8% in 1997) earning less then the calculated national average, and with 38.8% percent of those earning less then 50% of the average, one can see a distinct level of economic inequality (ECLAC, 2004, p. 14). Using these statistics, one could assume that a maximum of 32.3 percent of the population are “haves” and the rest are not. These numbers would be significantly higher if in 2000 Chavez had not increased the salary of Venezuela’s 1.3 million public sector workers by 20 percent, and began the practice of continuing to increase workers’ salaries by 20-30 percent each subsequent year (Lamrani, 2006, p. 4). 6 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. particularly in Venezuela and Bolivia.3 Once silent, the surfacing of the ‘have nots’ into the political spectrum has created a shift in long-standing political ideologies. By targeting the record number of poor (Venezuela’s Instituto Nacional de Estadistica lists the percentage of households in poverty in 1998 at 49%), President Hugo Chavez is rewriting Venezuelan politics (Wiesbrot, Sep/Oct 2005, p. 52).4 Capitalizing on the public’s disenchantment with past governments, Chavez has formed a government based upon a new theoretical framework of political advancement through the promotion of major development initiatives (in particular poverty alleviation) (Gobiemo Bolivariano de Venezuela, 2006, p. I).5 Under the guise of populism, Chavez created a Bolivarian alternative utilizing pieces of traditional populist ideals, combined with his own contemporary ideas on social transformation.6 Satisfying the majority who elected him (his key supporters, the poor) while earning the enmity of many of the rich, he is taking Venezuela in a radically new direction—a socialist one.7 3 Bolivia is a recent example of this trend as “Bolivia is also one of the poorest countries in South America. Whereas wealthy city elites, who are mostly of Spanish ancestry, have traditionally dominated political and economic life, the majority of Bolivians are low-income subsistence farmers, miners, small traders or artisans” (BBC, p. 1). 4 Between the years of 1998 when Chavez first came into power, and 2002 (when a political coup against him was attempted), the percent of households in poverty in Venezuela had decreased by almost 10 % (From 49.00% in 1998 to 39.10% in 2001). After 2001, the percentage started to climb because of the economic recession caused by the coup and the oil strike (the number of households in poverty finally peaked in 2003 at 54.00%). The government could not continue to support its poverty alleviation programs, as its methods of financing where severely hindered (after the coup poverty rates started to again descend). As a result “it would not be fair to hold the government accountable for the loss of output due to opposition actions aimed at toppling the government. The oil strike of 2002-2003 caused enormous damage; one might also include the military coup and other destabilizing actions. If not for these efforts, economic growth would have almost certainly been substantially higher and well above the average for the region” (Weisbrot, June 2005, p. 2). Since 2003 it is clear that the country has reverted back to its pre-coup development programs as poverty once again has begun to decrease (as will later be seen).
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela: Nicolas Maduro’S Cabinet Chair: Peter Derrah
    Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela: Nicolas Maduro’s Cabinet Chair: Peter Derrah 1 Table of Contents 3. Letter from Chair 4. Members of Committee 5. Committee Background A.Solving the Economic Crisis B.Solving the Presidential Crisis 2 Dear LYMUN delegates, Hi, my name is Peter Derrah and I am a senior at Lyons Township High School. I have done MUN for all my four years of high school, and I was a vice chair at the previous LYMUN conference. LYMUN is a well run conference and I hope that you all will have a good experience here. In this committee you all will be representing high level political figures in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, as you deal with an incomprehensible level of inflation and general economic collapse, as well as internal political disputes with opposition candidates, the National Assembly, and massive protests and general civil unrest. This should be a very interesting committee, as these ongoing issues are very serious, urgent, and have shaped geopolitics recently. I know a lot of these issues are extremely complex and so I suggest that you do enough research to have at least a basic understanding of them and solutions which could solve them. For this reason I highly suggest you read the background. It is important to remember the ​ ​ individual background for your figure (though this may be difficult for lower level politicians) as well as the political ideology of the ruling coalition and the power dynamics of Venezuela’s current government. I hope that you all will put in good effort into preparation, write position papers, actively speak and participate in moderated and unmoderated caucus, and come up with creative and informed solutions to these pressing issues.
    [Show full text]
  • Misión Madres Del Barrio: a Bolivarian Social Program Recognizing Housework and Creating a Caring Economy in Venezuela
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by KU ScholarWorks MISIÓN MADRES DEL BARRIO: A BOLIVARIAN SOCIAL PROGRAM RECOGNIZING HOUSEWORK AND CREATING A CARING ECONOMY IN VENEZUELA BY Cory Fischer-Hoffman Submitted to the graduate degree program in Latin American Studies and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master’s of Arts. Committee members Elizabeth Anne Kuznesof, Phd. ____________________ Chairperson Tamara Falicov, Phd. ____________________ Mehrangiz Najafizadeh, Phd. ____________________ Date defended: May 8, 2008 The Thesis Committee for Cory Fischer-Hoffman certifies that this is the approved Version of the following thesis: MISIÓN MADRES DEL BARRIO: A BOLIVARIAN SOCIAL PROGRAM RECOGNIZING HOUSEWORK AND CREATING A CARING ECONOMY IN VENEZUELA Elizabeth Anne Kuznesof, Phd. ________________________________ Chairperson Date approved:_______________________ ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis is a product of years of activism in the welfare rights, Latin American solidarity, and global justice movements. Thank you to all of those who I have worked and struggled with. I would especially like to acknowledge Monica Peabody, community organizer with Parents Organizing for Welfare and Economic Rights (formerly WROC) and all of the welfare mamas who demand that their caring work be truly valued. Gracias to my compas, Greg, Wiley, Simón, Kaya, Tessa and Caro who keep me grounded and connected to movements for justice, and struggle along side me. Thanks to my thesis committee for helping me navigate through the bureaucracy of academia while asking thoughtful questions and providing valuable guidance. I am especially grateful to the feedback and editing support that my dear friends offered just at the moment when I needed it.
    [Show full text]
  • Alba and Free Trade in the Americas
    CUBA AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF ALTERNATIVE GLOBAL TRADE SYSTEMS: ALBA AND FREE TRADE IN THE AMERICAS LARRY CATÁ BACKER* & AUGUSTO MOLINA** ABSTRACT The ALBA (Alternativa Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América) (Bolivarian Alternative for The People of Our America), the command economy alternative to the free trade model of globalization, is one of the greatest and least understood contributions of Cuba to the current conversation about globalization and economic harmonization. Originally conceived as a means for forging a unified front against the United States by Cuba and Venezuela, the organization now includes Nicaragua, Honduras, Dominica, and Bolivia. ALBA is grounded in the notion that globalization cannot be left to the private sector but must be overseen by the state in order to maximize the welfare of its citizens. The purpose of this Article is to carefully examine ALBA as both a system of free trade and as a nexus point for legal and political resistance to economic globalization and legal internationalism sponsored by developed states. The Article starts with an examination of ALBA’s ideology and institutionalization. It then examines ALBA as both a trade organization and as a political vehicle for confronting the power of developed states in the trade context within which it operates. ALBA remains * W. Richard and Mary Eshelman Faculty Scholar and Professor of Law, Dickinson Law School; Affiliate Professor, School of International Affairs, Pennsylvania State University, University Park, Pennsylvania; and Director, Coalition for Peace & Ethics, Washington, D.C. The author may be contacted at [email protected]. An earlier version of this article was presented at the Conference, The Measure of a Revolution: Cuba 1959-2009, held May 7–9, 2009 at Queen’s University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada.
    [Show full text]
  • Les Temps Modernes SOMMAIRE N°697
    Les Temps Modernes SOMMAIRE N°697 VENEZUELA 1998-2018 LE PAYS DES FRACTURES Avant-propos 3 PAULA VÁSQUEZ LEZAMA Introduction 4 PAULA CADENAS Le Venezuela, ce navire à la dérive... 11 MARGARITA LÓPEZ MAYA L’échec du chavisme 34 EDGARDO GARCÍA LARRALDE, PEDRO NIKKEN, EDGARDO LANDER La crise vénézuélienne : diagnostics et perspectives (entretiens) 62 ALEJANDRO MARTÍNEZ UBIEDA Le Parlement harcelé 91 LUIS GÓMEZ CALCAÑO Exister, est-ce résister ? « Société civile » et protestation 112 HÉCTOR TORRES Les sociétés malades produisent leurs propres anticorps 129 PAULA VÁSQUEZ LEZAMA La faim et le politique. Chavisme et pénurie alimentaire 134 RAFAEL SÁNCHEZ Les yeux de Chávez. Populisme et post-vérité 151 CANTAURA LA CRUZ Morts violentes, incertitudes et pénuries dans les terres d’Aragua 166 G01736_Les_temps_modernes_BAT.indb 1 29/01/2018 17:20:39 2 LES TEMPS MODERNES EMILIANO TERÁN MANTOVANI Une géographie des conflits écologiques 177 JOSÉ MANUEL PUENTE Histoire d’un désastre économique et social 197 FRÉDÉRIQUE LANGUE « Lève-toi, Simón, ce n’est pas l’heure de mourir ». La réinvention du Libérateur et l’histoire officielle au Venezuela 210 ANGELINA JAFFÉ CARBONELL De l’usage politique des commissions de vérité sous le chavisme 231 ANA TERESA TORRES Blessures symboliques : six moments de la Révolution bolivarienne 235 GISELA KOZAK-ROVERO Mémoires d’une universitaire rangée : les fantômes de Castro 243 ANNEXE 253 CHRONIQUES ARNAUD DESPLECHIN Les Quatre Sœurs de Claude Lanzmann. Lumière, Edison 268 MICHELINE B. SERVIN Quel théâtre et pourquoi ? 275 G01736_Les_temps_modernes_BAT.indb 2 29/01/2018 17:20:39 AVANT-PROPOS Le temps des revues n’est pas celui de l’actualité à chaud, elles ne sont « sur » ce qu’il est convenu d’appeler « l’événement » que rare- ment et par un hasard propice ; leur format, les contraintes de leur fabrication et de leur diffusion les obligent au recul.
    [Show full text]
  • Venezuela Region: Latin America and the Caribbean Income Group: Upper Middle Income Source for Region and Income Groupings: World Bank 2018
    Venezuela Region: Latin America and the Caribbean Income Group: Upper Middle Income Source for region and income groupings: World Bank 2018 National Education Profile 2018 Update OVERVIEW , and the official primary school entrance age is 6. The system is structured so that the primary school cycle lasts 6 years, lower secondary lasts 3 years, and upper secondary lasts 2 years. Venezuela has a total of 5,676,000 pupils enrolled in primary and secondary education. Of these pupils, about 3,285,000 (58%) are enrolled in primary education. FIG 1. EDUCATION SYSTEM FIG 2. NUMBER OF PUPILS BY SCHOOL LEVEL FIG 3. EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT, YOUTH (IN 1000S) AGES 15-24 School Entrance Age: Primary school - Age 6 Upper Secondary 857 Duration and Official Ages for School Cycle: Primary : 6 years - Ages 6 - 11 no data Lower secondary : 3 years - Ages 12 - 14 Upper secondary : 2 years - Ages 15 - 16 Lower Primary Secondary 3,285 1,534 Academic Calendar: #VALUE! #VALUE! Data source: UNESCO Institute for Statistics Data Source: UNESCO Institute for Statistics 2017 SCHOOL PARTICIPATION AND EFFICIENCY The percentage of out of school children in a country shows what proportion of children are not currently participating in the education system and who are, therefore, missing out on the benefits of school. In Venezuela, 6% of children of official primary school ages are out of school as shown in Figure 4, which also considers the proportion of children out of school by different characteristics wherever data is available. For example, Figure 4 shows that approximately 4% of boys of primary school age are out of school compared to 7% of girls of the same age.
    [Show full text]
  • The Transformational Potential of Higher Education Inclusion
    n the fi eld of higher education research, one of the most fascinating observations is the consistent and permanent expansion of higher education systems worldwide since theI end of the Second World War. Undoubtedly, the predominant approach to address Jesús Humberto Pineda Olivieri these developments has been through quantitative analysis, as well as international comparisons. The following work examines the particularities of the Venezuelan context with the aim of identifying specifi c features of this worldwide phenomenon in this South The Transformational Potential American case. Through a combination of qualitative methods, the author proposes a of Higher Education Inclusion biographical approach for the study of higher education inclusion processes, which takes into account the perspectives and experiences of those who have been targeted by an ambitious higher education expansion process. The most distinctive feature of this work Biographical Trajectories of Students would be its methodological contribution to the fi eld of higher education research. One from Disadvantaged Environments could also argue that the ethnographic account of the Bolivarian Missions of education in Venezuela in Chavez’s Venezuela is both original and unprecedented. Furthermore, the writing approach bridges the interests of both academics, practitioners of the fi eld and members of the general public. Jesús Humberto Pineda Olivieri The Transformational Potential of Higher Education Inclusion ISBN: 978-3-86395-310-2 Universitätsverlag Göttingen Universitätsverlag
    [Show full text]
  • Power and Politics in Venezuelan Higher Education Reform, 1999-2012
    Power and Politics in Venezuelan Higher Education Reform, 1999-2012 by Elliot Johann Storm A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science University of Toronto © Copyright by Elliot Johann Storm 2016 Power and Politics in Venezuelan Higher Education Reform, 1999-2012 Elliot Johann Storm Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science University of Toronto 2016 Abstract This dissertation explains why Venezuelan state and government elites were able to successfully design, adopt, and implement some higher education reforms but not others during the presidencies of Hugo Chávez (1999-2012). Conceptualizing universities as political institutions that occupy a liminal position within the borderlands of state and society, and using an approach that emphasizes the relational and procedural nature of political change, I compare four higher education initiatives advanced by Venezuelan reformers: a series of universalization programs, the 2001 Organic Education Law, the 2009 Organic Education Law, and the 2010 University Education Law. My analysis reveals that the adoption and implementation of these initiatives primarily depended upon how the distribution of institutional autonomy and capacity between the state and the oppositional university sector conditioned the strategic choices of key actors. In the case of universalization reform, actors within the executive branch were enabled by considerable autonomy relative to oppositional forces in the agenda-setting,
    [Show full text]
  • Recent Changes in Venezuelan Higher Education
    international higher education 18 countries and regions tional resources. The conflicts will also thwart the proposals to system in less than a decade. This article analyzes these create a more differentiated, California-like system. Needless changes and establishes the prospect for the future of this sys- to say, charging tuition for high-income students in public uni- tem. The earlier conventional Venezuelan higher education versities will not be raised. This issue is forbidden in the constituted a typical Latin American system. Both the state and Brazilian constitution. No politician in Brazil has dared to pub- the private sector served as key actors among institutions. licly defend this policy, while many do agree in private, because Links existed to Europe and the United States. The middle and of the inevitable backlash from radical students and unions. upper classes held an advantage in terms of access. Standards tended to pass along a continuum with low and high extremes of academic quality, with educational technology oriented toward teaching more than research. In 2002, the new government came into power and prom- ised to respond to popular needs in higher education, and that meant providing access, which was almost closed to the poor Recent Changes in Venezuelan and general public of society. This goal was reached, with access opened no matter what the cost of diminishing academ- Higher Education ic quality. The trade-off on these matters is rather difficult to solve, given the improbability of combining universal access Orlando Albornoz and increased academic quality. The government's first higher educational initiative includ- Orlando Albornoz is a professor at the Universidad Central de Venezuela.
    [Show full text]
  • Leftist Populism and Sustainable Development in Latin America Carina Kjelstad Seton Hall University
    Seton Hall University eRepository @ Seton Hall Seton Hall University Dissertations and Theses Seton Hall University Dissertations and Theses (ETDs) 5-2006 Leftist Populism and Sustainable Development in Latin America Carina Kjelstad Seton Hall University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.shu.edu/dissertations Part of the Agricultural and Resource Economics Commons, Environmental Policy Commons, Environmental Studies Commons, Latin American Studies Commons, Leadership Studies Commons, and the Policy Design, Analysis, and Evaluation Commons Recommended Citation Kjelstad, Carina, "Leftist Populism and Sustainable Development in Latin America" (2006). Seton Hall University Dissertations and Theses (ETDs). 2385. https://scholarship.shu.edu/dissertations/2385 Leftist Populism and Sustainable Development in Latin America Master's Thesis DIPL6312JA By Carina Kjelstad Advisor: Professor Margarita Balmaceda Second Reader: Professor Maria Gomez-Mera May 2006 APPROVAL OF MASTER'S THESIS DEFENSE tANDIDATE APPROVED BY MENTOR EMEMBER ( � ASSO� OF ACADEMIC AFFAIRS Abstract Sustainable development still remains the best option to secure a viable future. Why are some leaders more prone to implement sustainable development policies than others, and does the leaders' political orientation affect such decision-making? Leaders are often faced with constraints that make them choose policies that do not necessarily lead to sustainability from an ecological point of view. This thesis addresses these issues by examining two case studies that involve an analysis of the sustainable development policies implemented by President Lula in Brazil and President Chavez in Venezuelaand the constraints that have hindered them in doing so. 2 ABSTRACT 2 CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 4 METHODOLOGY 5 REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE 8 Sustainable Development 8 Populism I I POLICY SIGNIFICANCE 13 SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT POLICIES 14 OUTLINE 16 CHAPTER 2.
    [Show full text]
  • Participatory Democracy in Chávez's Bolivarian Revolution
    Who Mobilizes? Participatory Democracy in Chávez’s Bolivarian Revolution Kirk A. Hawkins ABSTRACT This article assesses popular mobilization under the Chávez gov- ernment’s participatory initiatives in Venezuela using data from the AmericasBarometer survey of 2007. This is the first study of the so- called Bolivarian initiatives using nationally representative, individ- ual-level data. The results provide a mixed assessment. Most of the government’s programs invite participation from less active seg- ments of society, such as women, the poor, and the less educated, and participation in some programs is quite high. However, much of this participation clusters within a narrow group of activists, and a disproportionate number of participants are Chávez supporters. This partisan bias probably reflects self-screening by Venezuelans who accept Chávez’s radical populist discourse and leftist ideology, rather than vote buying or other forms of open conditionality. Thus, the Venezuelan case suggests some optimism for proponents of par- ticipatory democracy, but also the need to be more attuned to its practical political limits. uring the past decade, leftist governments with participatory dem- Docratic agendas have come to power in many Latin American coun- tries, implementing institutional reforms at the local and, increasingly, the national level. This trend has generated a scholarly literature assess- ing the nature of participation in these initiatives; that is, whether they embody effective attempts at participatory forms of democracy that mobilize and empower inactive segments of society (Goldfrank 2007; Wampler 2007a). This article advances this discussion by studying popular mobiliza- tion under the government of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, referred to here as the Bolivarian Revolution or Chavismo.
    [Show full text]
  • I Kebijakan-Kebijakan Pemerintahan Hugo Chavez Di
    KEBIJAKAN-KEBIJAKAN PEMERINTAHAN HUGO CHAVEZ DI VENEZUELA (1999-2011) SKRIPSI Diajukan kepada Fakultas Ilmu Sosial Universitas Negeri Yogyakarta untuk Memenuhi Sebagian Persyaratan Guna Memperoleh Gelar Sarjana Pendidikan Oleh: AFEB ANDRIANTO 08406241039 PROGRAM STUDI PENDIDIKAN SEJARAH JURUSAN PENDIDIKAN SEJARAH FAKULTAS ILMU SOSIAL UNIVERSITAS NEGERI YOGYAKARTA 2012 i MOTTO Pikirkanlah Nasib Rakyat (Pesan Soekarno) Orang biasa layak mendapat kehormatan yang lebih daripada seorang penjahat yang mengenakan mahkota. (Thomas Paine) Kita mesti mengalahkan imperialisme untuk menyelamatkan diri kita, dan tidak hanya diri kita sendiri, tetapi juga menyelamatkan dunia. (Hugo Chavez) Saya bukanlah Presiden, saya adalah Pelayan Rakyat! (Mahmoud Ahmadinejad) v PERSEMBAHAN Dengan tidak mengurangi rasa syukurku kepada Allah SWT yang telah memberiku karunia yang tak terhingga, skripsi ini kupersembahkan untuk. Kedua orang tuaku. Ibu Nunung Hazanah dan Bapak Poniran. Atas limpahan doa, keikhlasan, semangat, kerja keras, pengorbanan, dukungan baik moril maupun materiil, dan segalanya yang telah diberikan. Almamater tercinta Universitas Negeri Yogyakarta Fakultas Ilmu Sosial Kubingkiskan skripsi ini untuk. Adikku, Taufiq Marta Kurniawan yang selalu mendukung dan mendoakan serta menyayangiku, terimakasih. Keluarga Besar di Magelang, Purworejo, Semarang, Bandung, dan Pontianak terimakasih banyak atas segala bantuan yang telah diberikan. Annisa Fajarani yang selalu membantu, memberikan semangat, dukungan serta doa selama ini, terimakasih banyak atas
    [Show full text]
  • Good Practices in the Redesign of Spaces for University Education in the Venezuelan Context of the Sucre Mission
    http://ijhe.sciedupress.com International Journal of Higher Education Vol. 9, No. 9; 2020 Good Practices in the Redesign of Spaces for University Education in the Venezuelan Context of the Sucre Mission Ronald M. Hernandez1, Liset Veitia Mederos2, Fidel Jesus Cabrera de la Rosa3, Aleida Suarez Ramirez2, Isabel Menacho Vargas4, Henry Alarcon Diaz5, Nancy Cuenca Robles4 & Victor Pulido Capurro6 1 Universidad Católica los Ángeles de Chimbote, Perú 2 Universidad Central Marta Abreu de las Villas, Cuba 3 Universidad de Holguín, Cuba 4 Universidad César Vallejo, Perú 5 Universidad Nacional de Educación Enrique Guzmán y Valle, Perú 6 Universidad Privada San Juan Bautista, Perú Correspondence: Ronald M. Hernandez, Universidad Católica los Ángeles de Chimbote, Perú. Received: August 20, 2020 Accepted: October 15, 2020 Online Published: November 2, 2020 doi:10.5430/ijhe.v9n9p51 URL: https://doi.org/10.5430/ijhe.v9n9p51 Abstract The objective of this article is to present the good practices in the conception of the redesign of spaces for university education in the Venezuelan context of the Sucre Mission, taking into consideration the historical context in which it takes place. The training of professionals is considered a priority for the development of nations, being desertion or abandonment a latent phenomenon that emerges as a result of dysfunctional economic scenarios or the emergence of exceptional situations. The use of the internet and mobile technology make it possible to mitigate such a situation in a challenge to maintain a quality university education; all of which demands relevant, timely and viable organizational processes. Keywords: university education, Sucre Mission, UNESCO, distance education 1.
    [Show full text]