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Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela: Nicolas Maduro’S Cabinet Chair: Peter Derrah
Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela: Nicolas Maduro’s Cabinet Chair: Peter Derrah 1 Table of Contents 3. Letter from Chair 4. Members of Committee 5. Committee Background A.Solving the Economic Crisis B.Solving the Presidential Crisis 2 Dear LYMUN delegates, Hi, my name is Peter Derrah and I am a senior at Lyons Township High School. I have done MUN for all my four years of high school, and I was a vice chair at the previous LYMUN conference. LYMUN is a well run conference and I hope that you all will have a good experience here. In this committee you all will be representing high level political figures in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, as you deal with an incomprehensible level of inflation and general economic collapse, as well as internal political disputes with opposition candidates, the National Assembly, and massive protests and general civil unrest. This should be a very interesting committee, as these ongoing issues are very serious, urgent, and have shaped geopolitics recently. I know a lot of these issues are extremely complex and so I suggest that you do enough research to have at least a basic understanding of them and solutions which could solve them. For this reason I highly suggest you read the background. It is important to remember the individual background for your figure (though this may be difficult for lower level politicians) as well as the political ideology of the ruling coalition and the power dynamics of Venezuela’s current government. I hope that you all will put in good effort into preparation, write position papers, actively speak and participate in moderated and unmoderated caucus, and come up with creative and informed solutions to these pressing issues. -
Explaining Chavismo
Explaining Chavismo: The Unexpected Alliance of Radical Leftists and the Military in Venezuela under Hugo Chávez by Javier Corrales Associate Professor of Political Science Amherst College Amherst, MA 01002 [email protected] March 2010 1 Knowing that Venezuela experienced a profound case of growth collapse in the 1980s and 1990s is perhaps enough to understand why Venezuela experienced regime change late in the 1990s. Most political scientists agree with Przeworski et al. (2000) that severe economic crises jeopardize not just the incumbents, but often the very continuity of democratic politics in non-rich countries. However, knowledge of Venezuela’s growth collapse is not sufficient to understand why political change went in the direction of chavismo. By chavismo I mean the political regime established by Hugo Chávez Frías after 1999. Scholars who study Venezuelan politics disagree about the best label to describe the Hugo Chávez administration (1999-present): personalistic, popular, populist, pro-poor, revolutionary, participatory, socialist, Castroite, fascist, competitive authoritarian, soft- authoritarian, third-world oriented, hybrid, statist, polarizing, oil-addicted, ceasaristic, counter-hegemonic, a sort of Latin American Milošević, even political ―carnivour.‖ But there is nonetheless agreement that, at the very least, chavismo consists of a political alliance of radical-leftist civilians and the military (Ellner 2001:9). Chávez has received most political advice from, and staffed his government with, individuals who have an extreme-leftist past, a military background, or both. The Chávez movement is, if nothing else, a marriage of radicals and officers. And while there is no agreement on how undemocratic the regime has become, there is virtual agreement that chavismo is far from liberal democracy. -
Redalyc.Venezuela in the Gray Zone: from Feckless Pluralism to Dominant
Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Sistema de Información Científica Myers, David J.; McCoy, Jennifer L. Venezuela in the gray zone: From feckless pluralism to dominant power system Politeia, núm. 30, enero-junio, 2003, pp. 41-74 Universidad Central de Venezuela Caracas, Venezuela Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=170033588002 Politeia, ISSN (Printed Version): 0303-9757 [email protected] Universidad Central de Venezuela Venezuela How to cite Complete issue More information about this article Journal's homepage www.redalyc.org Non-Profit Academic Project, developed under the Open Acces Initiative 41 REVISTA POLITEIAVENEZUELA, N° 30. INSTITUTO IN THE DE GRAY ESTUDIOS ZONE: POLÍTICOS FROM, FECKLESSUNIVERSIDAD PLURALISM CENTRAL DE TO VENEZUELA DOMINANT, 2003:41-74 POWER SYSTEM 30 Politeia Venezuela in the gray zone: From feckless pluralism to dominant power system Venezuela en la zona gris: desde el pluralismo ineficaz hacia el sistema de poder dominante David J. Myers / Jennifer L. McCoy Abstract Resumen This paper emphasizes the need to measure the El presente texto resalta la necesidad de medir las varying qualities of democracy. It delineates subtypes diversas cualidades de la democracia. En este senti- of political regimes that occupy a “gray zone” between do, delinea los diferentes tipos de regímenes políti- dictatorship and democracy, and examines the cos que se encuentran en la denominada “zona gris” possibilities for political change in the “gray zone”. entre la dictadura y la democracia. Asimismo exami- The authors address two sets of questions about na las posibilidades de cambio dentro de dicha zona political change: a) What causes a limitedly pluralist gris. -
Anti-Politics and Social Polarisation in Venezuela 1998-2004
1 Working Paper no.76 THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF ANTI- POLITICS AND SOCIAL POLARISATION IN VENEZUELA, 1998-2004 Jonathan DiJohn Crisis States Research Centre December 2005 Copyright © Jonathan DiJohn, 2005 Although every effort is made to ensure the accuracy and reliability of material published in this Working Paper, the Crisis States Research Centre and LSE accept no responsibility for the veracity of claims or accuracy of information provided by contributors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior permission in writing of the publisher nor be issued to the public or circulated in any form other than that in which it is published. Requests for permission to reproduce this Working Paper, of any part thereof, should be sent to: The Editor, Crisis States Research Centre, DESTIN, LSE, Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE. Crisis States Research Centre The Political Economy of Anti-Politics and Social Polarisation in Venezuela 1998-2004 Jonathan DiJohn Crisis States Research Centre In the past twenty years, there has been a sharp decline in party politics and the rise of what can best be described as a new form of populist politics. Nowhere has this trend been more evident than in Latin America in the 1990s, particularly in the Andean region.1 One common theme in this trend is the rise of leaders who denounce politics by attacking political parties as the source of corruption, social exclusion and poor economic management of the -
Partisanship During the Collapse Venezuela's Party System
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Political Science Publications and Other Works Political Science February 2007 Partisanship During the Collapse Venezuela's Party System Jana Morgan University of Tennessee, Knoxville, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_polipubs Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Morgan, Jana, "Partisanship During the Collapse Venezuela's Party System" (2007). Political Science Publications and Other Works. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_polipubs/13 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Political Science at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science Publications and Other Works by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Partisanship during the C ollapse of V enezuela’ S Part y S y stem * Jana Morgan University of Tennessee Received: 9-29-2004; Revise and Resubmit 12-20-2004; Revised Received 12-20-2005; Final Acceptance 4-03-2006 Abstract: Political parties are crucial for democratic politics; thus, the growing incidence of party and party system failure raises questions about the health of representative democracy the world over. This article examines the collapse of the Venezuelan party system, arguably one of the most institutionalized party systems in Latin America, by examining the individual-level basis behind the exodus of partisans from the traditional parties. Multinomial logit analysis of partisan identification in 1998, the pivotal moment of the system’s complete col- lapse, indicates that people left the old system and began to support new parties because the traditional parties failed to incorporate and give voice to important ideas and interests in society while viable alternatives emerged to fill this void in representation. -
VENEZUELA Date of Elections: December 1, 1968 Characteristics
VENEZUELA Date of Elections: December 1, 1968 Characteristics of Parliament The National Congress of Venezuela is composed of two Houses: — the Chamber of Deputies, currently comprising 214 members elected for 5 years. This figure varies from legislature to legislature according to fluctuations in the population and to the number of "additional seats" (currently 16) allocated on a nation-wide basis so as to ensure a more accurate representation of political forces. — the Senate, composed of 42 members — 2 for each of the 20 states plus the federal district — and a variable number of sen ators holding "additional seats" (10 at present). To these senators elected for 5-year terms are added a number of life senators (3 at present), participating in their capacity as former Presidents of the Republic. On December 1, the electorate went to the polls to renew both Houses and elect a new Head of State. Electoral System All Venezuelan citizens of both sexes who are at least 18 years old and not subject to civil interdiction or political disqualification are entitled to vote, with the exception of those on active military service. All citizens between the ages of 21 and 65 who fulfil these conditions are bound by law to register on the electoral rolls and participate in the poll. Except in certain specified cases, failure to comply is punishable by a fine. 91 2 Venezuela All Venezuelan-born voters are eligible for election to the Cham ber of Deputies provided they are at least 21 years old and to the Senate if they are over 30 years old. -
Venezuela: the Life and Times of the Party System
VENEZUELA: THE LIFE AND TIMES OF THE PARTY SYSTEM Miriam Kornblith and Daniel H. Levine Working Paper #197 - June 1993 Miriam Kornblith is a researcher at the Instituto de Estudios Políticos and Professor at the Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Políticas of the Universidad Central de Venezuela. She is a past Visiting Fellow at the Center for Latin American Studies, Stanford University (1988-1991), and is a Visiting Researcher at the Instituto de Estudios Superiores de Administración (IESA) in Caracas. She is currently working on a project on constitutional reform and democratic consolidation in Latin America. Daniel H. Levine is Professor of Political Science at the University of Michigan, and is a past Fellow of the Kellogg Institute. In 1992 and 1993 he has been a Visiting Professor at IESA (Instituto de Estudios Superiores de Administración) in Caracas, Venezuela. His most recent books are Popular Voices in Latin American Catholicism (Princeton University Press, 1992) and Constructing Culture and Power in Latin America (University of Michigan Press, 1993). ABSTRACT Political parties have been at the center of modern Venezuelan democracy from the beginning. Strong, highly disciplined, and nationally organized parties have dominated political organization and action in the modern period. Parties have penetrated and controlled organized social life and effectively monopolized resources and channels of political action. Beginning in the 1980s, the political parties and the party system as a whole have experienced mounting criticism and challenge. In a time of growing economic, social, and political crisis, efforts have nonetheless been made to loosen national control and open new channels for citizen participation with the aim of ‘democratizing Venezuelan democracy.’ The ability of the parties to implement these reforms, and to reform themselves in the process, is central to the survival of effective democracy in Venezuela. -
Canada on Guard: Assessing the Immigration Security Threat of Iran, Venezuela and Cuba – 2
CANADA ON GUARD: Assessing the Immigration Security Threat of Iran, Venezuela and Cuba Victoria L. Henderson, Joseph M. Humire and Fernando D. Menéndez This policy report delves into an emerging threat to North American KEY POINTS: immigration security building on a ! Iran is collaborating with theme discussed on Parliament Hill in Venezuela and Cuba to exploit Ottawa on October 2012 and at the the seams in the Canadian immigration system. Albany Club, Toronto on November 2013 as part of the Center for a Secure ! From 2009 to 2011, Latin America was the largest prior Free Society’s (SFS) annual Future of embarkation region for North America Forum. improperly documented Iranians migrating to Canada who seek The SFS report highlights attempts to refugee status. violate Canada’s immigration system, ! Venezuelan authorities examines Venezuela’s role as a provided at least 173 passports, visas and other documentation “bridge” for Iranian covert access to to Islamist extremists seeking Canada, reviews the use of cultural to slip unnoticed into North exchange and other soft power America. strategies to win support for state ! Soft power solidarity networks sponsors of terrorism, and presents in Canada serve as a “Trojan preliminary policy recommendations for Horse” for Iran and ALBA to establish cover for spies, strengthening Canada’s immigration saboteurs and other nefarious and national security system. actors. This report, in its entirety, can be found at www.securefreesociety.org !"#$%&'()% SFS POLICY REPORT No. 1 – JUNE 2014 +,#&(+)$ +"$ -
2020 Atlas Shrugged Winning Essay
2020 ATLAS SHRUGGED WINNING ESSAY FIRST PLACE Nathaniel Shippee, Chicago, IL — University of Illinois at Chicago, Chicago, Illinois Atlas Shrugged tells the story of what happens to a society when its most productive members go missing. Where today can a similar situation be found? Select a well-known situation that has made international headlines. Explain what you understand to be both the cause and the effect of the situation. In what ways are the circumstances similar to the story of Atlas Shrugged? In what ways are they different? Over the course of the twentieth century, Venezuela experienced explosive economic growth compared to other South American nations. Substantial petroleum reserves discovered in 1922 attracted extensive foreign investment in the fledgling Venezuelan oil industry. By 1935, the rapid growth of that industry resulted in the highest per capita income in South America and a correspondingly high material standard of living. Up until the end of the twentieth century, large numbers of immigrants, originating both in other South American countries and in Europe, flocked to Venezuela, testifying to the country’s prosperity and material security. Today, the opposite is true. Over the past two decades, millions of Venezuelans have been plunged into poverty. The nation’s financial system has been devastated by hyperinflation, shortages of food and other basic necessities are chronic, and violent crime occurs more frequently than anywhere else in the world. As a result of these ever-worsening conditions, between four and six million people have left Venezuela in the past five years, or as much as 20% of the population. -
Venezuela » Rafael Caldera Rodríguez
» Biografías Líderes Políticos » América del Sur » Venezuela » Rafael Caldera Rodríguez Rafael Caldera Rodríguez Venezuela Acttualliizaciión:: 24 enerro 2019 Presidente de la República (1969-1974, 1994-1999) Raffaell Anttoniio Calldera Rodrííguez Mandatto:: 2 ffebrrerro 1994 -- 2 ffebrrerro 1999 Naciimiientto:: San Felliipe,, Esttado Yarracuy,, 24 enerro 1916 Deffunciión:: Carracas,, 24 diiciiembrre 2009 Parttiido pollííttiico:: Converrgenciia Naciionall ((CN));; antterriiorrmentte,, dell Parrttiido Sociiall Crriisttiiano ((COPEII)) Proffesiión:: Perriiodiistta,, sociióllogo y prroffesorr de uniiverrsiidad Editado por: Roberto Ortiz de Zárate Presentación El modelo de alternancia bipartidista en democracia que, desde el Pacto de Punto Fijo de 1958, caracterizó las últimas cuatro décadas del siglo XX en Venezuela tuvo como artífice principal a Rafael Caldera (1916-2009), fundador del Partido Social Cristiano (COPEI), pionero de esta ideología en América Latina y dos veces presidente de la República. En su primer mandato, entre 1969 y 1974, Caldera, haciendo gala de dinamismo, redefinió en favor del Estado la política petrolera y reinsertó a las insurgencias armadas de izquierda al juego político civil. Años después, su ruptura con el COPEI y la creación de su propia formación de tendencia conservadora, Convergencia, le permitieron regresar al poder en 1994, justo para enfrentar una aguda crisis financiera, heredada del Gobierno adeco de Carlos Andrés Pérez, que intentó atajar con medidas intervencionistas, primero, y con fórmulas liberales, después. En 1999 un decrépito Caldera, autor además de una copiosa obra intelectual, dejó paso en el Palacio de Miraflores al impetuoso Hugo Chávez, el ex teniente coronel golpista al que había liberado de la prisión pese a su proyecto de liquidar el modelo político vigente, a todas luces amortizado, trayendo las banderas de la revolución bolivariana y el neosocialismo. -
FINAL DRAFT State and Power After Neoliberalism in Bolivarian
UC Santa Cruz UC Santa Cruz Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title State and Power after Neoliberalism in Bolivarian Venezuela Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/86g3m849 Author Kingsbury, Donald V. Publication Date 2012 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SANTA CRUZ STATE AND POWER AFTER NEOLIBERALISM IN BOLIVARIAN VENEZUELA A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in POLITICS with emphases in LATIN AMERICAN AND LATINO STUDIES and HISTORY OF CONSCIOUSNESS by Donald V. Kingsbury June 2012 The Dissertation of Donald V. Kingsbury is approved: ____________________________________ Professor Megan Thomas, Chair ____________________________________ Professor Juan Poblete ____________________________________ Professor Gopal Balakrishnan ____________________________________ Professor Michael Urban _________________________ Tyrus Miller Vice Provost and Dean of Graduate Studies Copyright © by Donald V. Kingsbury 2012 TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Figures iv Abstract v Acknowledgments vi I. Introduction 1 II. Between Multitude and Pueblo 53 III. The Problem with Populism 120 IV. The Power of the Many 169 V. The Discursive Production of a ‘Revolution’ 219 VI. ‘…after Neoliberalism?’ 277 VII. Conclusion 342 VIII. Bibliography 362 ! """! LIST OF FIGURES Figure 0.1 Seven Presidential elections and four referenda during the Bolivarian Revolution, 1998-2010. 18 Figure 1.1 "Every 11th has its 13th: The Pueblo is still on the street, but today it’s on the road to socialism!" 102 Figure 3.1 “Here comes the People’s Capitalism” 201 Figure 4.1: Advertisement of ‘Mi Negra’ Program 221 Figure 4.2 ¡Rumbo al Socialismo Bolivariano! 261 Figure 4.3. -
Polity IV Country Report 2010: Venezuela
Polity IV Country Report 2010: Venezuela Score: 2009 2010 Change Polity: -3 -3 0 Democ: 1 1 0 Autoc: 4 4 0 Durable: 1 Tentative: Yes SCODE VEN CCODE 101 Date of Report 1 June 2011 Polity IV Component Variables XRREG XRCOMP XROPEN XCONST PARREG PARCOMP 2 1 4 3 3 3 Date of Most Recent Polity Transition (3 or more point change) End Date 17 December 2006 Begin Date 16 February 2009 Polity Fragmentation: No Constitution 1999 President Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías (PSUV); initially directly elected in Executive(s) February 1999; reelected under new constitution, July 2000; most recently reelected, 3 December 2006, 62.9% Unicameral: National Assembly (165 seats, 3 reserved for indigenous peoples; Legislature directly elected; most recent elections, 26 September 2010) United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) and allies: 98 Other parties: 67 Judiciary Supreme Tribunal of Justice Narrative Description:1 Executive Recruitment: Designation (3) For over 30 years, starting in 1958, Venezuelan politics was defined by the peaceful rotation of power between the two establishment parties, the Christian Democratic Party (COPEI) and the Democratic Action party (AD). However, in late 1980s Venezuela was plagued by depressed oil revenues, a failing economy, and increasing popular dissatisfaction and political turmoil. There were two unsuccessful military coup attempts in 1992 (one led on 4 February 1992, by the current president, Hugo Chàvez) followed by the resignation in March 1993 of President Carlos Andrés Pérez after his impeachment for embezzlement (the legislature elected Senator Ramon Velásquez to serve out Pérez’s term). Rafael Caldera Rodríguez, who had led the movement to force Pérez’s resignation, formed a National Convergence coalition and won the December 1993 presidential election, becoming the first president not elected from either the COPEI or AD 1 The research described in this report was sponsored by the Political Instability Task Force (PITF).