Redalyc.Venezuela in the Gray Zone: from Feckless Pluralism to Dominant
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Explaining Chavismo
Explaining Chavismo: The Unexpected Alliance of Radical Leftists and the Military in Venezuela under Hugo Chávez by Javier Corrales Associate Professor of Political Science Amherst College Amherst, MA 01002 [email protected] March 2010 1 Knowing that Venezuela experienced a profound case of growth collapse in the 1980s and 1990s is perhaps enough to understand why Venezuela experienced regime change late in the 1990s. Most political scientists agree with Przeworski et al. (2000) that severe economic crises jeopardize not just the incumbents, but often the very continuity of democratic politics in non-rich countries. However, knowledge of Venezuela’s growth collapse is not sufficient to understand why political change went in the direction of chavismo. By chavismo I mean the political regime established by Hugo Chávez Frías after 1999. Scholars who study Venezuelan politics disagree about the best label to describe the Hugo Chávez administration (1999-present): personalistic, popular, populist, pro-poor, revolutionary, participatory, socialist, Castroite, fascist, competitive authoritarian, soft- authoritarian, third-world oriented, hybrid, statist, polarizing, oil-addicted, ceasaristic, counter-hegemonic, a sort of Latin American Milošević, even political ―carnivour.‖ But there is nonetheless agreement that, at the very least, chavismo consists of a political alliance of radical-leftist civilians and the military (Ellner 2001:9). Chávez has received most political advice from, and staffed his government with, individuals who have an extreme-leftist past, a military background, or both. The Chávez movement is, if nothing else, a marriage of radicals and officers. And while there is no agreement on how undemocratic the regime has become, there is virtual agreement that chavismo is far from liberal democracy. -
External Appeal, Internal Dominance: How Party Leaders Contribute to Successful Party Building Brandon Van Dyck
LAPS_Spring2018_LAPS_Fall13_copy.qxp 12/12/2017 10:59 AM Page 1 External Appeal, Internal Dominance: How Party Leaders Contribute to Successful Party Building Brandon Van Dyck ABSTRACT Many successful political parties depend for their initial popularity and cohesion, and even for their long-term brand strength, on a leader. Nevertheless, literature on successful party building downplays the role of leaders. Thus, the question, what type of leader is good for party building?, remains undertheorized. This arti - cle presents and provides initial evidence for a leadership-centered theory of suc - cessful party building. It argues that externally appealing, internally dominant lead - ers facilitate party building by lifting new parties to electoral prominence and helping to prevent debilitating schisms. The article provides evidence for this argu - ment through a most similar cases comparison of three new left parties in Latin America: two that took root (Brazil’s Workers’ Party, Mexico’s Party of the Dem - ocratic Revolution), and one that collapsed (Peru’s United Left). Keywords : Political parties, leadership, theory construction, Latin America ver the last century in Latin America, hundreds of parties have formed, but O only a tiny fraction have succeeded, or become institutionalized as major national contenders. Of this tiny fraction, many depended for their early electoral success and cohesion on a leader. In extreme cases, leaders provided the basis for enduring brands (e.g., Peronism, Chavismo ), but even in more institutionalized par - ties (Peru’s APRA and AP; Costa Rica’s PLN; Venezuela’s AD and COPEI; El Sal - vador’s ARENA, Brazil’s PT and PSDB, Mexico’s PRD), leaders proved critical for early success and survival. -
The Transformational Potential of Higher Education Inclusion
n the fi eld of higher education research, one of the most fascinating observations is the consistent and permanent expansion of higher education systems worldwide since theI end of the Second World War. Undoubtedly, the predominant approach to address Jesús Humberto Pineda Olivieri these developments has been through quantitative analysis, as well as international comparisons. The following work examines the particularities of the Venezuelan context with the aim of identifying specifi c features of this worldwide phenomenon in this South The Transformational Potential American case. Through a combination of qualitative methods, the author proposes a of Higher Education Inclusion biographical approach for the study of higher education inclusion processes, which takes into account the perspectives and experiences of those who have been targeted by an ambitious higher education expansion process. The most distinctive feature of this work Biographical Trajectories of Students would be its methodological contribution to the fi eld of higher education research. One from Disadvantaged Environments could also argue that the ethnographic account of the Bolivarian Missions of education in Venezuela in Chavez’s Venezuela is both original and unprecedented. Furthermore, the writing approach bridges the interests of both academics, practitioners of the fi eld and members of the general public. Jesús Humberto Pineda Olivieri The Transformational Potential of Higher Education Inclusion ISBN: 978-3-86395-310-2 Universitätsverlag Göttingen Universitätsverlag -
Strategy, Meta-Strategy and Anti-Capitalist Activism
Socialist Studies: the Journal of the Society for Socialist Studies 6(1) Spring 2010: 11-44 Copyright © 2010 The Author(s) ARTICLE Venezuela under Chávez The Prospects and Limitations of Twenty-First Century Socialism, 1999-2009 JEFFERY R. WEBBER Department of Political Science, University of Regina Abstract This article takes stock of major developments in the political economy of contemporary Venezuela after ten years under Hugo Chávez. It is argued that the Bolivarian process has done a great deal to rejuvenate the international critique of neoliberalism and to bring discussion of socialism back on the agenda of the Left. At the same time, there has been no socialist revolution in Venezuela, and Chavismo is ridden with profound and abiding contradictions. This article considers the historical backdrop of the Bolivarian process, beginning with the end of authoritarianism and the Pact of Punto Fijo and the rise and fall of orthodox neoliberalism at the end of the twentieth-century. The article then describes Chavez’ gradual and partial radicalization between 1999 and 2009 and finally concludes that the global economic crisis poses a unique set of challenges and opportunities for the Bolivarian process in the midst of significantly reduced oil revenues. Jeffery R. Webber is Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Regina, Canada. He is a member of the Historical Materialism editorial board and a participating editor of Latin American Perspectives. His recent work has appeared in Historical Materialism, Third World Quarterly, Latin American Perspectives, and Monthly Review, among other journals and edited volumes. His forthcoming books include: Red October: Left-Indigenous Struggles in Modern Bolivia (Brill, 2010); Rebellion to Reform in Bolivia: Class Struggle, Indigenous Liberation, and the Politics of Evo Morales (Haymarket Books, 2011), and, co-edited with Barry Carr, The Resurgence of Latin American Radicalism: Between Cracks in the Empire and an Izquierda Permitida (forthcoming 2011, Rowman and Littlefield). -
From Chávez to Maduro: Continuity and Change in Venezuelan Foreign Policy Romero, Carlos A.; Mijares, Víctor M
www.ssoar.info From Chávez to Maduro: Continuity and Change in Venezuelan Foreign Policy Romero, Carlos A.; Mijares, Víctor M. Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Romero, C. A., & Mijares, V. M. (2016). From Chávez to Maduro: Continuity and Change in Venezuelan Foreign Policy. Contexto internacional, 38(1), 165-201. https://doi.org/10.1590/S0102-8529.2016380100005 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC Lizenz (Namensnennung- This document is made available under a CC BY-NC Licence Nicht-kommerziell) zur Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu (Attribution-NonCommercial). For more Information see: den CC-Lizenzen finden Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.de Diese Version ist zitierbar unter / This version is citable under: https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-56129-5 From Chávez to Maduro: Continuity and Change in Venezuelan Foreign Policy* Carlos A. Romero(1) and Víctor M. Mijares(2)** Abstract This article addresses the transition from the presidency of Hugo Chávez to that of Nicolás Maduro, in the light of the effects of the dynamics in domestic politics and the changing international order on the formulation of Venezuela’s foreign policy. We start from a central question: how does Maduro’s government, amid -
Anti-Politics and Social Polarisation in Venezuela 1998-2004
1 Working Paper no.76 THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF ANTI- POLITICS AND SOCIAL POLARISATION IN VENEZUELA, 1998-2004 Jonathan DiJohn Crisis States Research Centre December 2005 Copyright © Jonathan DiJohn, 2005 Although every effort is made to ensure the accuracy and reliability of material published in this Working Paper, the Crisis States Research Centre and LSE accept no responsibility for the veracity of claims or accuracy of information provided by contributors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior permission in writing of the publisher nor be issued to the public or circulated in any form other than that in which it is published. Requests for permission to reproduce this Working Paper, of any part thereof, should be sent to: The Editor, Crisis States Research Centre, DESTIN, LSE, Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE. Crisis States Research Centre The Political Economy of Anti-Politics and Social Polarisation in Venezuela 1998-2004 Jonathan DiJohn Crisis States Research Centre In the past twenty years, there has been a sharp decline in party politics and the rise of what can best be described as a new form of populist politics. Nowhere has this trend been more evident than in Latin America in the 1990s, particularly in the Andean region.1 One common theme in this trend is the rise of leaders who denounce politics by attacking political parties as the source of corruption, social exclusion and poor economic management of the -
Cuba and Alba's Grannacional Projects at the Intersection of Business
GLOBALIZATION AND THE SOCIALIST MULTINATIONAL: CUBA AND ALBA’S GRANNACIONAL PROJECTS AT THE INTERSECTION OF BUSINESS AND HUMAN RIGHTS Larry Catá Backer The Cuban Embargo has had a tremendous effect on forts. Most of these have used the United States, and the way in which Cuba is understood in the global le- its socio-political, economic, cultural and ideological gal order. The understanding has vitally affected the values as the great foil against which to battle. Over way in which Cuba is situated for study both within the course of the last half century, these efforts have and outside the Island. This “Embargo mentality” had mixed results. But they have had one singular has spawned an ideology of presumptive separation success—they have propelled Cuba to a level of in- that, colored either from the political “left” or fluence on the world stage far beyond what its size, “right,” presumes isolation as the equilibrium point military and economic power might have suggested. for any sort of Cuban engagement. Indeed, this “Em- Like the United States, Cuba has managed to use in- bargo mentality” has suggested that isolation and ternationalism, and especially strategically deployed lack of sustained engagement is the starting point for engagements in inter-governmental ventures, to le- any study of Cuba. Yet it is important to remember verage its influence and the strength of its attempted that the Embargo has affected only the character of interventions in each of these fields. (e.g., Huish & Cuba’s engagement rather than the possibility of that Kirk 2007). For this reason, if for no other, any great engagement as a sustained matter of policy and ac- effort by Cuba to influence behavior is worth careful tion. -
Partisanship During the Collapse Venezuela's Party System
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Political Science Publications and Other Works Political Science February 2007 Partisanship During the Collapse Venezuela's Party System Jana Morgan University of Tennessee, Knoxville, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_polipubs Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Morgan, Jana, "Partisanship During the Collapse Venezuela's Party System" (2007). Political Science Publications and Other Works. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_polipubs/13 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Political Science at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science Publications and Other Works by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Partisanship during the C ollapse of V enezuela’ S Part y S y stem * Jana Morgan University of Tennessee Received: 9-29-2004; Revise and Resubmit 12-20-2004; Revised Received 12-20-2005; Final Acceptance 4-03-2006 Abstract: Political parties are crucial for democratic politics; thus, the growing incidence of party and party system failure raises questions about the health of representative democracy the world over. This article examines the collapse of the Venezuelan party system, arguably one of the most institutionalized party systems in Latin America, by examining the individual-level basis behind the exodus of partisans from the traditional parties. Multinomial logit analysis of partisan identification in 1998, the pivotal moment of the system’s complete col- lapse, indicates that people left the old system and began to support new parties because the traditional parties failed to incorporate and give voice to important ideas and interests in society while viable alternatives emerged to fill this void in representation. -
On a Condition Or a Mission?: Examining the Political Histories of Anti-Poverty Policies in Brazil, Venezuela and Colombia Diego A
Macalester College DigitalCommons@Macalester College Latin American Studies Honors Projects Latin American Studies 2012 On a Condition or a Mission?: Examining the Political Histories of Anti-Poverty Policies in Brazil, Venezuela and Colombia Diego A. Melo [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/lashonors Part of the Comparative Politics Commons, Latin American Studies Commons, Other Legal Studies Commons, and the Social Policy Commons Recommended Citation Melo, Diego A., "On a Condition or a Mission?: Examining the Political Histories of Anti-Poverty Policies in Brazil, Venezuela and Colombia" (2012). Latin American Studies Honors Projects. Paper 6. http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/lashonors/6 This Honors Project is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin American Studies at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in Latin American Studies Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. On a Condition or a Mission?: Examining the Political Histories of Anti-Poverty Policies in Brazil, Venezuela and Colombia by Diego Melo Honors Independent Advisor: Paul Dosh Department of Latin American Studies Macalester College 2011-2012 ABSTRACT Political culture, fiscal constraints and institutional incentives have shaped the making and implementation of Conditional Cash Transfers (CCT) in Latin America. However, why have CCTs consolidated in Brazil, been secondary in Colombia and remained absent in Venezuela? Brazilian authoritarian legacy and neoliberal rationality combined with strong federalism during economic downturn and provided room for experimentation in social policy, eventually leading to the incorporation and future universalization of CCTs (Bolsa Família). -
VENEZUELA Date of Elections: December 1, 1968 Characteristics
VENEZUELA Date of Elections: December 1, 1968 Characteristics of Parliament The National Congress of Venezuela is composed of two Houses: — the Chamber of Deputies, currently comprising 214 members elected for 5 years. This figure varies from legislature to legislature according to fluctuations in the population and to the number of "additional seats" (currently 16) allocated on a nation-wide basis so as to ensure a more accurate representation of political forces. — the Senate, composed of 42 members — 2 for each of the 20 states plus the federal district — and a variable number of sen ators holding "additional seats" (10 at present). To these senators elected for 5-year terms are added a number of life senators (3 at present), participating in their capacity as former Presidents of the Republic. On December 1, the electorate went to the polls to renew both Houses and elect a new Head of State. Electoral System All Venezuelan citizens of both sexes who are at least 18 years old and not subject to civil interdiction or political disqualification are entitled to vote, with the exception of those on active military service. All citizens between the ages of 21 and 65 who fulfil these conditions are bound by law to register on the electoral rolls and participate in the poll. Except in certain specified cases, failure to comply is punishable by a fine. 91 2 Venezuela All Venezuelan-born voters are eligible for election to the Cham ber of Deputies provided they are at least 21 years old and to the Senate if they are over 30 years old. -
Venezuela: the Life and Times of the Party System
VENEZUELA: THE LIFE AND TIMES OF THE PARTY SYSTEM Miriam Kornblith and Daniel H. Levine Working Paper #197 - June 1993 Miriam Kornblith is a researcher at the Instituto de Estudios Políticos and Professor at the Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Políticas of the Universidad Central de Venezuela. She is a past Visiting Fellow at the Center for Latin American Studies, Stanford University (1988-1991), and is a Visiting Researcher at the Instituto de Estudios Superiores de Administración (IESA) in Caracas. She is currently working on a project on constitutional reform and democratic consolidation in Latin America. Daniel H. Levine is Professor of Political Science at the University of Michigan, and is a past Fellow of the Kellogg Institute. In 1992 and 1993 he has been a Visiting Professor at IESA (Instituto de Estudios Superiores de Administración) in Caracas, Venezuela. His most recent books are Popular Voices in Latin American Catholicism (Princeton University Press, 1992) and Constructing Culture and Power in Latin America (University of Michigan Press, 1993). ABSTRACT Political parties have been at the center of modern Venezuelan democracy from the beginning. Strong, highly disciplined, and nationally organized parties have dominated political organization and action in the modern period. Parties have penetrated and controlled organized social life and effectively monopolized resources and channels of political action. Beginning in the 1980s, the political parties and the party system as a whole have experienced mounting criticism and challenge. In a time of growing economic, social, and political crisis, efforts have nonetheless been made to loosen national control and open new channels for citizen participation with the aim of ‘democratizing Venezuelan democracy.’ The ability of the parties to implement these reforms, and to reform themselves in the process, is central to the survival of effective democracy in Venezuela. -
Venezuelan Leftist Parties in the Era of Hugo Chávez1 11
STOCKHOLM REVIEW OF LATIN AMERICAN STUDIES Issue No. 3, December 2008 11 Venezuelan Leftist Parties in the Era of Hugo Chávez1 Rickard Lalander Rickard Lalander PhD. in Latin Abstract: In this article the roots, development and the current American Studies (University situation of the political movement around Venezuelan President of Helsinki). Research fellow Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías (Chavismo) are analyzed through his- and lecturer at the Institute of Latin American Studies, Stock- torical reconsiderations regarding the main Leftist political parties holm University, and associate of the country. Many scholars have tended to neglect important research fellow at the Ibero- historical connections between, for instance, Chavismo and Vene- American Center, University of zuelan historical Leftist parties. Conflict and change in and around Helsinki. Chavismo principally from the early 1990’s onwards are factors to be explored in a context of Venezuelan democracy and leftist political actors, both those associated with Chávez and those ac- tors of the present and recent political opposition. Likewise, the personalistic character of Chavismo and its possible implications for the party system and individual parties are considered. Keywords: Venezuela – Hugo Chávez – Chavismo – Political party system – Leftist parties Rickard Lalander Dr. en Estu- Resumen: En este artículo se analizan las raíces, así como el de- dios Latinoamericanos de la sarrollo y la situación actual del movimiento político alrededor Universidad de Helsinki. Investi- del Presidente venezolano Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías (Chavismo) gador asociado del Instituto de Estudios Latinoamericanos de la a través de consideraciones históricas sobre los partidos polí- Universidad de Estocolmo y del ticos izquierdistas del país. Muchos académicos han ignorado Centro Iberoamericano de la la importancia de conexiones históricas entre, por ejemplo, el Universidad de Helsinki.