Venezuela's Hugo Chavez Rebecca Davis Parkland College
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Venezuela: Without Liberals, There Is No Liberalism · Econ Journal Watch
Discuss this article at Journaltalk: http://journaltalk.net/articles/5894 ECON JOURNAL WATCH 12(3) September 2015: 375–399 Venezuela: Without Liberals, There Is No Liberalism Hugo J. Faria1 and Leonor Filardo2 LINK TO ABSTRACT Montesquieu’s view [is] that a republic (that is to say, what we would call democracy) rests upon the virtue of its citizens. Where the elementary public virtues are lacking, democracy can only lead to chaos which will end in dictatorship. —Stanislav Andreski, Parasitism and Subversion: The Case of Latin America (1969, 279) This report uncovers that there is not much liberal discourse or activity in Venezuela, nor has there been much in the country’s past. The moral and political culture of Venezuela is exceptionally unfavorable to liberalism. This article high- lights the dire consequences stemming from the absence of public virtues and the attendant paucity of pro-growth economic institutions. Some descriptions offered here are impressionistic, so it is especially ap- propriate to inform the reader that we, the present authors, are both Venezuelan and for many years have agonized over Venezuelan affairs to the extent of writing several books attempting to convince our political and entrepreneurial leaders to implement fundamental reforms to economic institutions. We believe in the protection of our God-given natural rights, which include freedom of speech and the cornerstones of economic freedom: personal choice, voluntary exchange, freedom to enter and compete in markets, and security of the person and of well- 1. University of Miami, Coral Gables, FL 33124; Instituto de Estudios Superiores de Administración, Caracas, Venezuela. The authors kindly thank Jane S. -
Redalyc.Venezuela in the Gray Zone: from Feckless Pluralism to Dominant
Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Sistema de Información Científica Myers, David J.; McCoy, Jennifer L. Venezuela in the gray zone: From feckless pluralism to dominant power system Politeia, núm. 30, enero-junio, 2003, pp. 41-74 Universidad Central de Venezuela Caracas, Venezuela Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=170033588002 Politeia, ISSN (Printed Version): 0303-9757 [email protected] Universidad Central de Venezuela Venezuela How to cite Complete issue More information about this article Journal's homepage www.redalyc.org Non-Profit Academic Project, developed under the Open Acces Initiative 41 REVISTA POLITEIAVENEZUELA, N° 30. INSTITUTO IN THE DE GRAY ESTUDIOS ZONE: POLÍTICOS FROM, FECKLESSUNIVERSIDAD PLURALISM CENTRAL DE TO VENEZUELA DOMINANT, 2003:41-74 POWER SYSTEM 30 Politeia Venezuela in the gray zone: From feckless pluralism to dominant power system Venezuela en la zona gris: desde el pluralismo ineficaz hacia el sistema de poder dominante David J. Myers / Jennifer L. McCoy Abstract Resumen This paper emphasizes the need to measure the El presente texto resalta la necesidad de medir las varying qualities of democracy. It delineates subtypes diversas cualidades de la democracia. En este senti- of political regimes that occupy a “gray zone” between do, delinea los diferentes tipos de regímenes políti- dictatorship and democracy, and examines the cos que se encuentran en la denominada “zona gris” possibilities for political change in the “gray zone”. entre la dictadura y la democracia. Asimismo exami- The authors address two sets of questions about na las posibilidades de cambio dentro de dicha zona political change: a) What causes a limitedly pluralist gris. -
Pedro A. Palma
PEDRO A. PALMA CURRICULUM VITAE Academia Nacional de Ciencias Económicas Ecoanalítica Palacio de las Academias Centro Comercial Mata de Coco Ave. Universidad Oficina 56, Piso 5 Bolsa a San Francisco Ave. Blandín, Chacao CARACAS, VENEZUELA CARACAS, VENEZUELA Phone: (58-212) 482-7842 Phone: (58-212) 266-9080 Fax: (58-212) 482-9330 Fax: (58-212) 266-5119 Mobile: (58-414) 708-8090 e-mail: [email protected] Web page: pedroapalma.com (under development) SCHOLASTIC BACKGROUND Ph.D. in Economics, University of Pennsylvania M.A. in Economics, University of Pennsylvania M.B.A., University of Pennsylvania, The Wharton School B.S. in Economics, (Cum Laude), Universidad Católica Andrés Bello, Caracas ACADEMIC BACKGROUND Professor Emeritus, Institute of Advanced Studies in Administration –IESA-, a graduate business school based in Caracas (Since September 2015) Professor of Economics, Institute of Advanced Studies in Administration –IESA (1982-2015) Assistant and Associate Professor at IESA (1974-1982) Visiting Professor, University Andrés Bello, Economics Graduate Program (1974 & 1977) Assistant Professor, University Andrés Bello, School of Economics (1967-1969) Instructor of Economic Theory, University Andrés Bello, School of Economics (1964-1967) NON-ACADEMIC PROFESSIONAL BACKGROUND National Academy of Economic Sciences Founding Fellow (1984-present) President (2009-2011) Palma & Associates, financial and investment consultants, President (1997-2006) Booz - Allen & Hamilton Inc., Vice President (Partner) (1991-1997) MetroEconómica, -
The Transformational Potential of Higher Education Inclusion
n the fi eld of higher education research, one of the most fascinating observations is the consistent and permanent expansion of higher education systems worldwide since theI end of the Second World War. Undoubtedly, the predominant approach to address Jesús Humberto Pineda Olivieri these developments has been through quantitative analysis, as well as international comparisons. The following work examines the particularities of the Venezuelan context with the aim of identifying specifi c features of this worldwide phenomenon in this South The Transformational Potential American case. Through a combination of qualitative methods, the author proposes a of Higher Education Inclusion biographical approach for the study of higher education inclusion processes, which takes into account the perspectives and experiences of those who have been targeted by an ambitious higher education expansion process. The most distinctive feature of this work Biographical Trajectories of Students would be its methodological contribution to the fi eld of higher education research. One from Disadvantaged Environments could also argue that the ethnographic account of the Bolivarian Missions of education in Venezuela in Chavez’s Venezuela is both original and unprecedented. Furthermore, the writing approach bridges the interests of both academics, practitioners of the fi eld and members of the general public. Jesús Humberto Pineda Olivieri The Transformational Potential of Higher Education Inclusion ISBN: 978-3-86395-310-2 Universitätsverlag Göttingen Universitätsverlag -
From Chávez to Maduro: Continuity and Change in Venezuelan Foreign Policy Romero, Carlos A.; Mijares, Víctor M
www.ssoar.info From Chávez to Maduro: Continuity and Change in Venezuelan Foreign Policy Romero, Carlos A.; Mijares, Víctor M. Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Romero, C. A., & Mijares, V. M. (2016). From Chávez to Maduro: Continuity and Change in Venezuelan Foreign Policy. Contexto internacional, 38(1), 165-201. https://doi.org/10.1590/S0102-8529.2016380100005 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC Lizenz (Namensnennung- This document is made available under a CC BY-NC Licence Nicht-kommerziell) zur Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu (Attribution-NonCommercial). For more Information see: den CC-Lizenzen finden Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.de Diese Version ist zitierbar unter / This version is citable under: https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-56129-5 From Chávez to Maduro: Continuity and Change in Venezuelan Foreign Policy* Carlos A. Romero(1) and Víctor M. Mijares(2)** Abstract This article addresses the transition from the presidency of Hugo Chávez to that of Nicolás Maduro, in the light of the effects of the dynamics in domestic politics and the changing international order on the formulation of Venezuela’s foreign policy. We start from a central question: how does Maduro’s government, amid -
Anti-Politics and Social Polarisation in Venezuela 1998-2004
1 Working Paper no.76 THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF ANTI- POLITICS AND SOCIAL POLARISATION IN VENEZUELA, 1998-2004 Jonathan DiJohn Crisis States Research Centre December 2005 Copyright © Jonathan DiJohn, 2005 Although every effort is made to ensure the accuracy and reliability of material published in this Working Paper, the Crisis States Research Centre and LSE accept no responsibility for the veracity of claims or accuracy of information provided by contributors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior permission in writing of the publisher nor be issued to the public or circulated in any form other than that in which it is published. Requests for permission to reproduce this Working Paper, of any part thereof, should be sent to: The Editor, Crisis States Research Centre, DESTIN, LSE, Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE. Crisis States Research Centre The Political Economy of Anti-Politics and Social Polarisation in Venezuela 1998-2004 Jonathan DiJohn Crisis States Research Centre In the past twenty years, there has been a sharp decline in party politics and the rise of what can best be described as a new form of populist politics. Nowhere has this trend been more evident than in Latin America in the 1990s, particularly in the Andean region.1 One common theme in this trend is the rise of leaders who denounce politics by attacking political parties as the source of corruption, social exclusion and poor economic management of the -
Redalyc.PRESIDENTES DE VENEZUELA (1811-2012)
Revista Venezolana de Análisis de Coyuntura ISSN: 1315-3617 [email protected] Universidad Central de Venezuela Venezuela Petit Primera, José Gregorio PRESIDENTES DE VENEZUELA (1811-2012). UN ANÁLISIS ESTADÍSTICO- DESCRIPTIVO Revista Venezolana de Análisis de Coyuntura, vol. XXII, núm. 1, enero-junio, 2016, pp. 47 -56 Universidad Central de Venezuela Caracas, Venezuela Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=36448449003 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto Revista Venezolana de Análisis de Coyuntura, 2016, Vol. XXII, No. 1 (ene-jun), pp. 47-56 recibido: 14-04-2015 / arbitrado: 14-08-2015 PRESIDENTES DE VENEZUELA (1811-2012). UN ANÁLISIS ESTADÍSTICO-DESCRIPTIVO José Gregorio Petit Primera1 IIES, UCV Resumen El objetivo de este trabajo es caracterizar a los presidentes de Venezuela desde 1811 hasta 2012 en cuanto a diferentes variables tanto cuantitativas como cualitativas. Para tal fin, se se- leccionó una muestra de 54 observaciones y se aplicó una metodología utilizando la estadística descriptiva y también como referencia el estudio que hicieran Goemans y otros (2009). El princi- pal hallazgo que se desprende de este estudio es que existen diferencias y similitudes importan- tes en los presidentes que han gobernado a Venezuela en 200 años en cuanto a las siguientes características: edad, duración en el poder, tipo de liderazgo, la manera de cómo entraron y sa- lieron al poder, así como el destino que les tocó vivir a la vuelta de un año de entregar el mando. -
Venezuela Self-Rule INSTITUTIONAL DEPTH and POLICY SCOPE Venezuela's Intermediate Governance Consists of Twenty-Three Estados
Venezuela Self-rule INSTITUTIONAL DEPTH AND POLICY SCOPE Venezuela’s intermediate governance consists of twenty-three estados (states) and the Distrito Capital (Capital District, formerly the Distrito Federal), as well as twelve island groupings which make up the dependencias federales (federal dependencies) with 6500 inhabitants, and until 1998, the territorios federales (federal territories), which were dependencies. The three territorios federales were granted the status of estados: Delta Amacuro in 1991, Amazonas in 1992, and Vargas in 1998.1 Estados are divided into statistical regions, which have no administrative life. New constitutions were passed in 1947, 1953, 1961, and 1999 (and revised in 2009). Two distritos metropolitanos (metropolitan districts)-- the Distrito del Alto Apure and Distrito Metropolitano de Caracas--were created in 2001 and 2000, respectively, and abolished late 2017. Venezuela was established as a federation by its first constitution in 1811 (Hernández-Mendible 1998: 2), but is today the most centralized of the four federal states in Latin America (Escobar Lemmon 2003; Lijphart 1999: 190; Levine 1989: 273; Bland 1997: 38, 2002). Estados gained some authority when the 1947 constitution was revised with the onset of democracy in 1961. A significant increase in regional authority also took place in the late eighties and early nineties (Penfold-Becerra 1999). In contrast, the presidency of Hugo Chávez (1999–2013) was centralizing. Article 3 of the 1947 constitution divides the national territory in estados, the Distrito Federal, and the Territorios Federales and Dependencias Federales. Estados were recognized as autonomous entities (Title VI, Art. 120), vested with compe- tences over local police (Art. 93), own institutional set up (Art. -
On a Condition Or a Mission?: Examining the Political Histories of Anti-Poverty Policies in Brazil, Venezuela and Colombia Diego A
Macalester College DigitalCommons@Macalester College Latin American Studies Honors Projects Latin American Studies 2012 On a Condition or a Mission?: Examining the Political Histories of Anti-Poverty Policies in Brazil, Venezuela and Colombia Diego A. Melo [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/lashonors Part of the Comparative Politics Commons, Latin American Studies Commons, Other Legal Studies Commons, and the Social Policy Commons Recommended Citation Melo, Diego A., "On a Condition or a Mission?: Examining the Political Histories of Anti-Poverty Policies in Brazil, Venezuela and Colombia" (2012). Latin American Studies Honors Projects. Paper 6. http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/lashonors/6 This Honors Project is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin American Studies at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in Latin American Studies Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. On a Condition or a Mission?: Examining the Political Histories of Anti-Poverty Policies in Brazil, Venezuela and Colombia by Diego Melo Honors Independent Advisor: Paul Dosh Department of Latin American Studies Macalester College 2011-2012 ABSTRACT Political culture, fiscal constraints and institutional incentives have shaped the making and implementation of Conditional Cash Transfers (CCT) in Latin America. However, why have CCTs consolidated in Brazil, been secondary in Colombia and remained absent in Venezuela? Brazilian authoritarian legacy and neoliberal rationality combined with strong federalism during economic downturn and provided room for experimentation in social policy, eventually leading to the incorporation and future universalization of CCTs (Bolsa Família). -
A Decade Under Chávez Political Intolerance and Lost Opportunities for Advancing Human Rights in Venezuela
A Decade Under Chávez Political Intolerance and Lost Opportunities for Advancing Human Rights in Venezuela Copyright © 2008 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-371-4 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA Tel: +1 212 290 4700, Fax: +1 212 736 1300 [email protected] Poststraße 4-5 10178 Berlin, Germany Tel: +49 30 2593 06-10, Fax: +49 30 2593 0629 [email protected] Avenue des Gaulois, 7 1040 Brussels, Belgium Tel: + 32 (2) 732 2009, Fax: + 32 (2) 732 0471 [email protected] 64-66 Rue de Lausanne 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Tel: +41 22 738 0481, Fax: +41 22 738 1791 [email protected] 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +44 20 7713 1995, Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] 27 Rue de Lisbonne 75008 Paris, France Tel: +33 (1)43 59 55 35, Fax: +33 (1) 43 59 55 22 [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500 Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +1 202 612 4321, Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org September 2008 1-56432-371-4 A Decade Under Chávez Political Intolerance and Lost Opportunities for Advancing Human Rights in Venezuela I. Executive Summary .................................................................................................... 1 Political Discrimination ............................................................................................2 The Courts ...............................................................................................................3 -
La Paz Ramónica. Notas De Un Gobierno De Transición
La Paz Ramónica Edgar C. Otálvora A manera de razón para un libro Por y para Olga Elena Todo Presidente, al menos dentro de la práctica venezolana posterior al 23 de enero del año 58, y en general dentro de cualquier sistema político de base electoral y con los partidos como unidad esencial organizativa, llega al gobierno contando con por lo menos seis elementos que le sirven de impulso inicial para la acción gubernamental y como casi seguro sustento durante la gestión. Un partido político o una coalición de varios; un equipo de campaña electoral; un equipo de técnicos asesores encargados de la elaboración del programa de gobierno, es decir, de la oferta electoral; un grupo de amigos solidarios y dispuestos a cooperar con el amigo candidato-presidente; y una fracción parlamentaria afín. Todos estos grupos humanos son canteras a la mano del electo para entre ellos seleccionar a sus colaboradores. Un sexto elemento no menos importante: tiempo, unas pocas semanas o unos meses, tiempo que es útil para formar gobierno, preparar el despegue, las primeras acciones, el efecto publicitario de los primeros días de cada gobierno, decantar los equipos de trabajo, decidir quienes de esos compañeros de partido, asesores técnicos, o amigos irán a sentarse en la mesa del salón del Consejo de Ministros. Ramón J. Velásquez llegó al gobierno Sin ninguno de los elementos que arriba se enunciaron, quizás sólo con una importante lista de leales amigos, pero sólo eso, lo cual no basta para armar gobierno y gobernar. El día 5 de junio de 1993, RJV jura ante el Congreso Nacional, reunido en Sesión Conjunta, para asumir la Presidencia de la República de Venezuela, en las condiciones más excepcionales posibles. -
Venezuela: the Life and Times of the Party System
VENEZUELA: THE LIFE AND TIMES OF THE PARTY SYSTEM Miriam Kornblith and Daniel H. Levine Working Paper #197 - June 1993 Miriam Kornblith is a researcher at the Instituto de Estudios Políticos and Professor at the Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Políticas of the Universidad Central de Venezuela. She is a past Visiting Fellow at the Center for Latin American Studies, Stanford University (1988-1991), and is a Visiting Researcher at the Instituto de Estudios Superiores de Administración (IESA) in Caracas. She is currently working on a project on constitutional reform and democratic consolidation in Latin America. Daniel H. Levine is Professor of Political Science at the University of Michigan, and is a past Fellow of the Kellogg Institute. In 1992 and 1993 he has been a Visiting Professor at IESA (Instituto de Estudios Superiores de Administración) in Caracas, Venezuela. His most recent books are Popular Voices in Latin American Catholicism (Princeton University Press, 1992) and Constructing Culture and Power in Latin America (University of Michigan Press, 1993). ABSTRACT Political parties have been at the center of modern Venezuelan democracy from the beginning. Strong, highly disciplined, and nationally organized parties have dominated political organization and action in the modern period. Parties have penetrated and controlled organized social life and effectively monopolized resources and channels of political action. Beginning in the 1980s, the political parties and the party system as a whole have experienced mounting criticism and challenge. In a time of growing economic, social, and political crisis, efforts have nonetheless been made to loosen national control and open new channels for citizen participation with the aim of ‘democratizing Venezuelan democracy.’ The ability of the parties to implement these reforms, and to reform themselves in the process, is central to the survival of effective democracy in Venezuela.