VENEZUELA Date of Elections: December 1, 1968 Characteristics
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Explaining Chavismo
Explaining Chavismo: The Unexpected Alliance of Radical Leftists and the Military in Venezuela under Hugo Chávez by Javier Corrales Associate Professor of Political Science Amherst College Amherst, MA 01002 [email protected] March 2010 1 Knowing that Venezuela experienced a profound case of growth collapse in the 1980s and 1990s is perhaps enough to understand why Venezuela experienced regime change late in the 1990s. Most political scientists agree with Przeworski et al. (2000) that severe economic crises jeopardize not just the incumbents, but often the very continuity of democratic politics in non-rich countries. However, knowledge of Venezuela’s growth collapse is not sufficient to understand why political change went in the direction of chavismo. By chavismo I mean the political regime established by Hugo Chávez Frías after 1999. Scholars who study Venezuelan politics disagree about the best label to describe the Hugo Chávez administration (1999-present): personalistic, popular, populist, pro-poor, revolutionary, participatory, socialist, Castroite, fascist, competitive authoritarian, soft- authoritarian, third-world oriented, hybrid, statist, polarizing, oil-addicted, ceasaristic, counter-hegemonic, a sort of Latin American Milošević, even political ―carnivour.‖ But there is nonetheless agreement that, at the very least, chavismo consists of a political alliance of radical-leftist civilians and the military (Ellner 2001:9). Chávez has received most political advice from, and staffed his government with, individuals who have an extreme-leftist past, a military background, or both. The Chávez movement is, if nothing else, a marriage of radicals and officers. And while there is no agreement on how undemocratic the regime has become, there is virtual agreement that chavismo is far from liberal democracy. -
Congressional Record—Senate S8015
January 1, 2021 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE S8015 Whereas, in February 2019, the Department (B) guarantee unfettered humanitarian ac- (C) support credible efforts to address the of State announced that it would withhold cess and assistance to the Northwest and root causes of the conflict and to achieve some security assistance to Cameroon, in- Southwest regions; sustainable peace and reconciliation, pos- cluding equipment and training, citing cred- (C) exercise restraint and ensure that po- sibly involving an independent mediator, and ible allegations of human rights violations litical protests are peaceful; and efforts to aid the economic recovery of and by state security forces and a lack of inves- (D) establish a credible process for an in- fight coronavirus in the Northwest and tigation, accountability, and transparency clusive dialogue that includes all relevant Southwest regions; by the Government of Cameroon in response; stakeholders, including from civil society, to (D) support humanitarian and development Whereas, on December 26, 2019, the United achieve a sustainable political solution that programming, including to meet immediate States terminated the designation of Cam- respects the rights and freedoms of all of the needs, advance nonviolent conflict resolu- eroon as a beneficiary under the African people of Cameroon; tion and reconciliation, promote economic Growth and Opportunity Act (19 U.S.C. 3701 (3) affirms that the United States Govern- recovery and development, support primary et seq.) because ‘‘the Government of -
Is a British Senate Any Closer Now? Or Will the House of Lords Still Go on and On?
democraticaudit.com http://www.democraticaudit.com/?p=12931 Is a British Senate any closer now? Or will the House of Lords still go on and on? By Democratic Audit UK Labour enters the 2015 election pledged to make creating a British Senate a key part of a new Constitutional Convention. The SNP surge in Scotland gives much greater urgency to the idea, since a new upper House could be one of the most important components for re-binding together a fully federal UK. Richard Reid and Patrick Dunleavy read the runes on a century-old area of constitutional controversy, which just might get resolved soon. Credit: JH Images.co.uk, CC BY NC SA 2.0 In November last year Ed Miliband announced his preference for the establishment of a Senate in the UK, to replace the (still) wholly unelected House of Lords. Miliband’s proposal was for a completely new House based on the regions, to address the disproportionate overrepresentation of London-based peers in the House of Lords (BBC, 2014). Since then little further detail has emerged to flesh out this announcement, and the Labour manifesto is rather gnomic about it as well, saying only: ‘Labour is committed to replacing the House of Lords with an elected Senate of the Nations and Regions, to represent every part of the United Kingdom, and to improve the democratic legitimacy of the second chamber. It is also time to consider how English MPs can have a greater role in the scrutiny of legislation that only affects England. This includes the option put forward by Sir William McKay, of a committee stage made up of English-only MPs. -
Redalyc.Venezuela in the Gray Zone: from Feckless Pluralism to Dominant
Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Sistema de Información Científica Myers, David J.; McCoy, Jennifer L. Venezuela in the gray zone: From feckless pluralism to dominant power system Politeia, núm. 30, enero-junio, 2003, pp. 41-74 Universidad Central de Venezuela Caracas, Venezuela Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=170033588002 Politeia, ISSN (Printed Version): 0303-9757 [email protected] Universidad Central de Venezuela Venezuela How to cite Complete issue More information about this article Journal's homepage www.redalyc.org Non-Profit Academic Project, developed under the Open Acces Initiative 41 REVISTA POLITEIAVENEZUELA, N° 30. INSTITUTO IN THE DE GRAY ESTUDIOS ZONE: POLÍTICOS FROM, FECKLESSUNIVERSIDAD PLURALISM CENTRAL DE TO VENEZUELA DOMINANT, 2003:41-74 POWER SYSTEM 30 Politeia Venezuela in the gray zone: From feckless pluralism to dominant power system Venezuela en la zona gris: desde el pluralismo ineficaz hacia el sistema de poder dominante David J. Myers / Jennifer L. McCoy Abstract Resumen This paper emphasizes the need to measure the El presente texto resalta la necesidad de medir las varying qualities of democracy. It delineates subtypes diversas cualidades de la democracia. En este senti- of political regimes that occupy a “gray zone” between do, delinea los diferentes tipos de regímenes políti- dictatorship and democracy, and examines the cos que se encuentran en la denominada “zona gris” possibilities for political change in the “gray zone”. entre la dictadura y la democracia. Asimismo exami- The authors address two sets of questions about na las posibilidades de cambio dentro de dicha zona political change: a) What causes a limitedly pluralist gris. -
Anti-Politics and Social Polarisation in Venezuela 1998-2004
1 Working Paper no.76 THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF ANTI- POLITICS AND SOCIAL POLARISATION IN VENEZUELA, 1998-2004 Jonathan DiJohn Crisis States Research Centre December 2005 Copyright © Jonathan DiJohn, 2005 Although every effort is made to ensure the accuracy and reliability of material published in this Working Paper, the Crisis States Research Centre and LSE accept no responsibility for the veracity of claims or accuracy of information provided by contributors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior permission in writing of the publisher nor be issued to the public or circulated in any form other than that in which it is published. Requests for permission to reproduce this Working Paper, of any part thereof, should be sent to: The Editor, Crisis States Research Centre, DESTIN, LSE, Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE. Crisis States Research Centre The Political Economy of Anti-Politics and Social Polarisation in Venezuela 1998-2004 Jonathan DiJohn Crisis States Research Centre In the past twenty years, there has been a sharp decline in party politics and the rise of what can best be described as a new form of populist politics. Nowhere has this trend been more evident than in Latin America in the 1990s, particularly in the Andean region.1 One common theme in this trend is the rise of leaders who denounce politics by attacking political parties as the source of corruption, social exclusion and poor economic management of the -
Federalism, Bicameralism, and Institutional Change: General Trends and One Case-Study*
brazilianpoliticalsciencereview ARTICLE Federalism, Bicameralism, and Institutional Change: General Trends and One Case-study* Marta Arretche University of São Paulo (USP), Brazil The article distinguishes federal states from bicameralism and mechanisms of territorial representation in order to examine the association of each with institutional change in 32 countries by using constitutional amendments as a proxy. It reveals that bicameralism tends to be a better predictor of constitutional stability than federalism. All of the bicameral cases that are associated with high rates of constitutional amendment are also federal states, including Brazil, India, Austria, and Malaysia. In order to explore the mechanisms explaining this unexpected outcome, the article also examines the voting behavior of Brazilian senators constitutional amendments proposals (CAPs). It shows that the Brazilian Senate is a partisan Chamber. The article concludes that regional influence over institutional change can be substantially reduced, even under symmetrical bicameralism in which the Senate acts as a second veto arena, when party discipline prevails over the cohesion of regional representation. Keywords: Federalism; Bicameralism; Senate; Institutional change; Brazil. well-established proposition in the institutional literature argues that federal Astates tend to take a slow reform path. Among other typical federal institutions, the second legislative body (the Senate) common to federal systems (Lijphart 1999; Stepan * The Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa no Estado -
Partisanship During the Collapse Venezuela's Party System
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Political Science Publications and Other Works Political Science February 2007 Partisanship During the Collapse Venezuela's Party System Jana Morgan University of Tennessee, Knoxville, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_polipubs Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Morgan, Jana, "Partisanship During the Collapse Venezuela's Party System" (2007). Political Science Publications and Other Works. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_polipubs/13 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Political Science at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science Publications and Other Works by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Partisanship during the C ollapse of V enezuela’ S Part y S y stem * Jana Morgan University of Tennessee Received: 9-29-2004; Revise and Resubmit 12-20-2004; Revised Received 12-20-2005; Final Acceptance 4-03-2006 Abstract: Political parties are crucial for democratic politics; thus, the growing incidence of party and party system failure raises questions about the health of representative democracy the world over. This article examines the collapse of the Venezuelan party system, arguably one of the most institutionalized party systems in Latin America, by examining the individual-level basis behind the exodus of partisans from the traditional parties. Multinomial logit analysis of partisan identification in 1998, the pivotal moment of the system’s complete col- lapse, indicates that people left the old system and began to support new parties because the traditional parties failed to incorporate and give voice to important ideas and interests in society while viable alternatives emerged to fill this void in representation. -
Unicameralism and the Indiana Constitutional Convention of 1850 Val Nolan, Jr.*
DOCUMENT UNICAMERALISM AND THE INDIANA CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF 1850 VAL NOLAN, JR.* Bicameralism as a principle of legislative structure was given "casual, un- questioning acceptance" in the state constitutions adopted in the nineteenth century, states Willard Hurst in his recent study of main trends in the insti- tutional development of American law.1 Occasioning only mild and sporadic interest in the states in the post-Revolutionary period,2 problems of legislative * A.B. 1941, Indiana University; J.D. 1949; Assistant Professor of Law, Indiana Uni- versity School of Law. 1. HURST, THE GROWTH OF AMERICAN LAW, THE LAW MAKERS 88 (1950). "O 1ur two-chambered legislatures . were adopted mainly by default." Id. at 140. During this same period and by 1840 many city councils, unicameral in colonial days, became bicameral, the result of easy analogy to state governmental forms. The trend was reversed, and since 1900 most cities have come to use one chamber. MACDONALD, AmER- ICAN CITY GOVERNMENT AND ADMINISTRATION 49, 58, 169 (4th ed. 1946); MUNRO, MUNICIPAL GOVERN-MENT AND ADMINISTRATION C. XVIII (1930). 2. "[T]he [American] political theory of a second chamber was first formulated in the constitutional convention held in Philadelphia in 1787 and more systematically developed later in the Federalist." Carroll, The Background of Unicameralisnl and Bicameralism, in UNICAMERAL LEGISLATURES, THE ELEVENTH ANNUAL DEBATE HAND- BOOK, 1937-38, 42 (Aly ed. 1938). The legislature of the confederation was unicameral. ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION, V. Early American proponents of a bicameral legislature founded their arguments on theoretical grounds. Some, like John Adams, advocated a second state legislative house to represent property and wealth. -
Congressional Record-Senate. 251
1895. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 251 Warren E. Watson, to be postmaster at Mancelona, in the county ment of appropriation and expenditures, was referred to the Com of Antrim and State of Michigan. mittee on Interstate Commerce, and ordered to be printed. _ Adolph F. Greenbaum, to be postmaster at Waverly, in the ENROLLED BILLS SIGNED. county of Pike and State of Ohio. A message from the House of Representatives, by Mr. W. J. Edgar L. Cory, to be postmaster at Degraff, in the county of BROWNING, its Chief Clerk, announced that the Speaker of the Logan and State of Ohio. House had signed the following em·olled bill and joint resolution; Charles Edgar Brown, to be postmaster at Cincinnati, in the and they were thereupon signed by the Vice-President: county of Hamilton and State of Ohio. A bill (H. R. 803) to amend section 2601 of the Revised Statutes D. Lane Conover, to be postmaster at Atlantic Highlands, in relative to ports of entry; and the county of Monmouth and State of New.Jers~y. A joint resolution (H. Res. 26) to paytheofficers and employees Patrick Burns, to be postmaster at Raritan, m the county of of the Senate and House of Representatives their respective sal Somerset and State of New Jersey. aries for the month of December, 1895, on the 20th day of said John C. Hutchins, to be postmaster at Cleveland, in the county month. of Cuyahoga and State of Ohio. PETITIONS AND MEMORIALS. Joseph E. Haynes, to be postm.aster at Newark, in the county of Mr. -
Venezuela: the Life and Times of the Party System
VENEZUELA: THE LIFE AND TIMES OF THE PARTY SYSTEM Miriam Kornblith and Daniel H. Levine Working Paper #197 - June 1993 Miriam Kornblith is a researcher at the Instituto de Estudios Políticos and Professor at the Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Políticas of the Universidad Central de Venezuela. She is a past Visiting Fellow at the Center for Latin American Studies, Stanford University (1988-1991), and is a Visiting Researcher at the Instituto de Estudios Superiores de Administración (IESA) in Caracas. She is currently working on a project on constitutional reform and democratic consolidation in Latin America. Daniel H. Levine is Professor of Political Science at the University of Michigan, and is a past Fellow of the Kellogg Institute. In 1992 and 1993 he has been a Visiting Professor at IESA (Instituto de Estudios Superiores de Administración) in Caracas, Venezuela. His most recent books are Popular Voices in Latin American Catholicism (Princeton University Press, 1992) and Constructing Culture and Power in Latin America (University of Michigan Press, 1993). ABSTRACT Political parties have been at the center of modern Venezuelan democracy from the beginning. Strong, highly disciplined, and nationally organized parties have dominated political organization and action in the modern period. Parties have penetrated and controlled organized social life and effectively monopolized resources and channels of political action. Beginning in the 1980s, the political parties and the party system as a whole have experienced mounting criticism and challenge. In a time of growing economic, social, and political crisis, efforts have nonetheless been made to loosen national control and open new channels for citizen participation with the aim of ‘democratizing Venezuelan democracy.’ The ability of the parties to implement these reforms, and to reform themselves in the process, is central to the survival of effective democracy in Venezuela. -
Senate Resolution No. 104 Senator KAPLAN BY: the Observance Of
Senate Resolution No. 104 BY: Senator KAPLAN COMMEMORATING the observance of Portugal Day in the State of New York, on June 10, 2021 WHEREAS, It is the sense of this Legislative Body, in keeping with its time-honored traditions, to recognize and pay tribute to those events which foster ethnic pride and enhance the profile of cultural diversity which strengthens the fabric of the communities of New York State; and WHEREAS, Attendant to such concern, and in full accord with its long-standing traditions, this Legislative Body is justly proud to commemorate the observance of Portugal Day in the State of New York, on June 10, 2021; and WHEREAS, Every 10th day of June, the Portuguese observes Portugal Day, their national holiday known as Dia de Portugal which celebrates the history and heritage of Portuguese people throughout the world; and WHEREAS, This date also commemorates the death of Luis de Camoes, a significant figure in the history of Portugal; he is best known for his work on Lusiadas, the national epic poem of Portugal which celebrates the nation's successes and rich history; and WHEREAS, Although this holiday is only celebrated officially in the homeland, Portuguese citizens from countries such as India, Brazil, Canada, and other European nations also celebrate Portugal Day; and WHEREAS, The Lusiadas is an epic poem that depicts the achievements of the Portuguese in world explorations during the 16th Century; Portugal played an important role in the discovery of the new world during this century and their accomplishments have definitely -
The Unicameral Legislature
Citizens Research Council of Michigan Council 810 FARWELL BUILDING -- DETROIT 26 204 BAUCH BUILDING -- LANSING 23 Comments Number 706 FORMERLY BUREAU OF GOVERNMENTAL RESEARCH February 18, 1960 THE UNICAMERAL LEGISLATURE By Charles W. Shull, Ph. D. Recurrence of the suggestion of a single-house legislature for Michigan centers attention upon the narrowness of choice in terms of the number of legislative chambers. Where representative assemblies exist today, they are either composed of two houses and are called bicameral, or they possess but a single unit and are known as unicameral. The Congress of the United States has two branches – the Senate and the House of Representatives. All but one of the present state legislatures – that of Nebraska – are bicameral. On the other hand, only a handful of municipal councils or county boards retain the two-chambered pattern. This has not always been the case. The colonial legislatures of Delaware, Georgia, and Pennsylvania were single- chambered or unicameral; Vermont came into the United States of America with a one-house lawmaking assem- bly, having largely formed her Constitution of 1777 upon the basis of that of Pennsylvania. Early city councils in America diversely copied the so-called “federal analogy” of two-chambers rather extensively in the formative days of municipal governmental institutions. The American Revolution of 1776 served as a turning point in our experimentation with state legislative struc- ture. Shortly after the Declaration of Independence, Delaware and Georgia changed from the single-chamber type of British colony days to the alternate bicameral form, leaving Pennsylvania and its imitator Vermont main- taining single-house legislatures.