Venezuelan Leftist Parties in the Era of Hugo Chávez1 11
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External Appeal, Internal Dominance: How Party Leaders Contribute to Successful Party Building Brandon Van Dyck
LAPS_Spring2018_LAPS_Fall13_copy.qxp 12/12/2017 10:59 AM Page 1 External Appeal, Internal Dominance: How Party Leaders Contribute to Successful Party Building Brandon Van Dyck ABSTRACT Many successful political parties depend for their initial popularity and cohesion, and even for their long-term brand strength, on a leader. Nevertheless, literature on successful party building downplays the role of leaders. Thus, the question, what type of leader is good for party building?, remains undertheorized. This arti - cle presents and provides initial evidence for a leadership-centered theory of suc - cessful party building. It argues that externally appealing, internally dominant lead - ers facilitate party building by lifting new parties to electoral prominence and helping to prevent debilitating schisms. The article provides evidence for this argu - ment through a most similar cases comparison of three new left parties in Latin America: two that took root (Brazil’s Workers’ Party, Mexico’s Party of the Dem - ocratic Revolution), and one that collapsed (Peru’s United Left). Keywords : Political parties, leadership, theory construction, Latin America ver the last century in Latin America, hundreds of parties have formed, but O only a tiny fraction have succeeded, or become institutionalized as major national contenders. Of this tiny fraction, many depended for their early electoral success and cohesion on a leader. In extreme cases, leaders provided the basis for enduring brands (e.g., Peronism, Chavismo ), but even in more institutionalized par - ties (Peru’s APRA and AP; Costa Rica’s PLN; Venezuela’s AD and COPEI; El Sal - vador’s ARENA, Brazil’s PT and PSDB, Mexico’s PRD), leaders proved critical for early success and survival. -
Redalyc.Venezuela in the Gray Zone: from Feckless Pluralism to Dominant
Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Sistema de Información Científica Myers, David J.; McCoy, Jennifer L. Venezuela in the gray zone: From feckless pluralism to dominant power system Politeia, núm. 30, enero-junio, 2003, pp. 41-74 Universidad Central de Venezuela Caracas, Venezuela Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=170033588002 Politeia, ISSN (Printed Version): 0303-9757 [email protected] Universidad Central de Venezuela Venezuela How to cite Complete issue More information about this article Journal's homepage www.redalyc.org Non-Profit Academic Project, developed under the Open Acces Initiative 41 REVISTA POLITEIAVENEZUELA, N° 30. INSTITUTO IN THE DE GRAY ESTUDIOS ZONE: POLÍTICOS FROM, FECKLESSUNIVERSIDAD PLURALISM CENTRAL DE TO VENEZUELA DOMINANT, 2003:41-74 POWER SYSTEM 30 Politeia Venezuela in the gray zone: From feckless pluralism to dominant power system Venezuela en la zona gris: desde el pluralismo ineficaz hacia el sistema de poder dominante David J. Myers / Jennifer L. McCoy Abstract Resumen This paper emphasizes the need to measure the El presente texto resalta la necesidad de medir las varying qualities of democracy. It delineates subtypes diversas cualidades de la democracia. En este senti- of political regimes that occupy a “gray zone” between do, delinea los diferentes tipos de regímenes políti- dictatorship and democracy, and examines the cos que se encuentran en la denominada “zona gris” possibilities for political change in the “gray zone”. entre la dictadura y la democracia. Asimismo exami- The authors address two sets of questions about na las posibilidades de cambio dentro de dicha zona political change: a) What causes a limitedly pluralist gris. -
Strategy, Meta-Strategy and Anti-Capitalist Activism
Socialist Studies: the Journal of the Society for Socialist Studies 6(1) Spring 2010: 11-44 Copyright © 2010 The Author(s) ARTICLE Venezuela under Chávez The Prospects and Limitations of Twenty-First Century Socialism, 1999-2009 JEFFERY R. WEBBER Department of Political Science, University of Regina Abstract This article takes stock of major developments in the political economy of contemporary Venezuela after ten years under Hugo Chávez. It is argued that the Bolivarian process has done a great deal to rejuvenate the international critique of neoliberalism and to bring discussion of socialism back on the agenda of the Left. At the same time, there has been no socialist revolution in Venezuela, and Chavismo is ridden with profound and abiding contradictions. This article considers the historical backdrop of the Bolivarian process, beginning with the end of authoritarianism and the Pact of Punto Fijo and the rise and fall of orthodox neoliberalism at the end of the twentieth-century. The article then describes Chavez’ gradual and partial radicalization between 1999 and 2009 and finally concludes that the global economic crisis poses a unique set of challenges and opportunities for the Bolivarian process in the midst of significantly reduced oil revenues. Jeffery R. Webber is Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Regina, Canada. He is a member of the Historical Materialism editorial board and a participating editor of Latin American Perspectives. His recent work has appeared in Historical Materialism, Third World Quarterly, Latin American Perspectives, and Monthly Review, among other journals and edited volumes. His forthcoming books include: Red October: Left-Indigenous Struggles in Modern Bolivia (Brill, 2010); Rebellion to Reform in Bolivia: Class Struggle, Indigenous Liberation, and the Politics of Evo Morales (Haymarket Books, 2011), and, co-edited with Barry Carr, The Resurgence of Latin American Radicalism: Between Cracks in the Empire and an Izquierda Permitida (forthcoming 2011, Rowman and Littlefield). -
Chapter 8 Neo-Constitutionalism in Twenty-First Century Venezuela
1 Chapter 8 1 Neo-Constitutionalism in Twenty-first Century Venezuela: Participatory Democracy, Deconcentrated Decentralization or Centralized Populism? Rickard Lalander ‘I swear before God, before the Fatherland, before my people and before this dying constitution, to carry out the democratic transformations necessary for the Republic to have a new Magna Carta suitable for new times’ (Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías, Presidential Oath, 2 February 1999). This chapter deals with the Venezuelan experience with neo-constitutionalism under President Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías from 1999 onwards. The process of re-writing the constitution (the so-called constituyente) was Chávez’ main electoral banner in 1998: it was his key strategy to change the political system and get rid of the vices of the past. The Bolivarian constitution of 1999 has been referred to as among the most progressive constitutions in the world (Wilpert 2007). In Latin America, constitutional reforms in the Andean countries since the 1990s have been considered among the most radical because of the introduction of mechanisms to enhance popular participation at the local level and to narrow the gap between state and civil society. Venezuela and other Andean countries have also pioneered what has been labelled multicultural constitutionalism, whereby traditionally excluded ethnic groups of the population are constitutionally recognized. 1 Preliminary book chapter draft for the volume New Constitutionalism in Latin America: Promises and Practices, edited by Detlef Nolte and Almut Schilling-Vacaflor, Ashgate Publishing Limited, Farnham, Surrey. 1 2 The neo-constitutionalist process has challenged existing perceptions of democracy. Latin America’s political systems are deeply rooted in the liberal representative democratic tradition; by contrast, neo-constitutionalist actors have promoted a radical participatory form of democracy, at times directly inspired by the ideas of Jean-Jacques Rousseau about the collective will (Peeler 2009: 211-213, Ellner 2010). -
General Country of Origin Information Report Venezuela 2020
General Country of Origin Information Report Venezuela 2020 Date June 2020 Page 1 of 112 General Country of Origin Information Report Venezuela 2020 | Publication details City The Hague Assembled by Country of Origin Information Reports Section (DAF/AB) Page 2 of 112 General Country of Origin Information Report Venezuela 2020 | Table of Contents Publication details ............................................................................................2 Table of Contents ............................................................................................3 Introduction ....................................................................................................5 1 Political and security situation .................................................................... 6 1.1 Political development and society ......................................................................6 1.1.1 The Maduro government ..................................................................................6 1.1.2 The current (political) balance of power ..............................................................8 1.2 The security situation .......................................................................................9 1.2.1 The security situation, focusing on certain areas in particular ................................9 1.3 Freedom of movement ................................................................................... 12 1.3.1 Travel restrictions ......................................................................................... -
New Latin American Left : Utopia Reborn
Barrett 00 Prelims.qxd 31/07/2008 14:41 Page i THE NEW LATIN AMERICAN LEFT Barrett 00 Prelims.qxd 31/07/2008 14:41 Page ii Transnational Institute Founded in 1974, the Transnational Institute (TNI) is an international network of activist-scholars committed to critical analyses of the global problems of today and tomorrow, with a view to providing intellectual support to those movements concerned to steer the world in a democratic, equitable and environmentally sustainable direction. In the spirit of public scholarship, and aligned to no political party, TNI seeks to create and promote international co-operation in analysing and finding possible solu- tions to such global problems as militarism and conflict, poverty and marginalisation, social injustice and environmental degradation. Email: [email protected] Website: www.tni.org Telephone + 31 20 662 66 08 Fax + 31 20 675 71 76 De Wittenstraat 25 1052 AK Amsterdam The Netherlands Barrett 00 Prelims.qxd 31/07/2008 14:41 Page iii The New Latin American Left Utopia Reborn Edited by Patrick Barrett, Daniel Chavez and César Rodríguez-Garavito Barrett 00 Prelims.qxd 31/07/2008 14:41 Page iv First published 2008 by Pluto Press 345 Archway Road, London N6 5AA www.plutobooks.com Copyright © Patrick Barrett, Daniel Chavez and César Rodríguez-Garavito 2008 The right of the individual contributors to be identified as the authors of this work has been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 978 0 7453 2639 9 Hardback ISBN 978 0 7453 2677 1 Paperback Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data applied for This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully managed and sustained forest sources. -
Magisterarbeit
Carl von Ossietzky Universit¨at Oldenburg Magisterstudiengang Politikwissenschaften Wirtschaftswissenschaften MAGISTERARBEIT Title: The main Actors and their Role in the Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela vorgelegt von: Franziska W¨ockel Kurt-Huber-Straße 13 26129 Oldenburg [email protected] Betreuender Gutachter: apl. Prof. Dr. Fernando Mires Zweite Gutachterin: Dr. Lydia Potts Oldenburg, 2. Juli 2008 Table of Contents 1. Introduction 1 2. A brief History of Venezuela 4 2.1. Background Facts about Venezuela . 4 2.2. Discovery and Colonization . 4 2.2.1. The Native Population . 4 2.2.2. Colonization . 5 2.2.3. Spain'sPolicies ............................ 5 2.3. Rebellion ................................... 6 2.4. Wars of Independence . 7 2.4.1. The First Venezuelan Republic . 7 2.4.2. The Second Venezuelan Republic . 7 2.4.3. The Third Republic . 8 2.5. Venezuela's Independence - Dictatorship . 9 2.5.1. P´aez Dictatorship (1830 - 1847) . 9 2.5.2. Turmoil and Unrest (1847 - 1870) . 10 2.5.3. Guzm´an's Dictatorship (1870 - 1888) . 11 2.5.4. Crisis and Turmoil again (1888 - 1908) . 11 2.5.5. The Beginning of the Petroleum Era under G´omez . 11 2.6. Summary ................................... 12 3. Political Developments on the Way to Democracy 14 3.1. Transition to Democracy . 14 3.1.1. The Trienio 1945-1948 . 15 3.1.2. Opposition forms . 15 3.1.3. Marcos P´erez's Dictatorship 1948 - 1958 . 16 3.2. Democracy . 17 3.2.1. President Betancourt 1959 - 1964 and Guerrilla Formation . 17 3.2.2. Leoni's Presidency 1964-1969 . 18 3.2.3. -
A Brief Recent History of Venezuela's Labor Movement Re-Organizing Venezuelan Labor
LabourAgain Publications A Brief Recent History of Venezuela's Labor Movement Re-Organizing Venezuelan Labor 1 Jonah Gindin When Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez was elected in 1998, inaugurating a process of radical political and social changes, it looked as though labor might be left behind. The main labor central, the Confederation of Venezuelan Workers (CTV) was one of his most avid critics, and Chávez in turn lashed out verbally against the CTV on a regular basis. But the image of Chávez vs Labor, repeatedly thrown at the unsuspecting casual observer by the mainstream media, is precisely intended to mislead. The unpleasant truth is that the CTV has not adequately represented Venezuelan workers since the 1970s, if not before. The reality of Chávez vs the CTV, then, does not exclude the active and enthusiastic participation of a large proportion of Venezuelan workers in his Bolívarian revolution (named after Latin American Independence leader Simón Bolívar). In an era of accelerated globalization all over the world, fed by the trail-blazing violence of American empire, Chávez’ loud rejection of the neoliberal model is particularly resonant. And this rejection has proven to be more than mere rhetoric. In direct contradiction to the neoliberal play-book, Venezuela has begun experimenting with an alternative model of development based on an unapologetic prioritization of social welfare. Fundamentally this process is about democracy, but not the way we in the North are used to thinking about it—in Venezuela the term has incorporated social and economic dimensions, as well as political. Popular participation means local planning councils that debate community budgets, but it also means a shift from production for the world market, to production for the Venezuelan people. -
Proquest Dissertations
INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis arxf dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while otfiers may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, ookxed or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleodthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the autftor did rx>t send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unautfxxized copyright material had to be removed, a note will irKficate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9” black and white photographic prints are availat)le for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. Bell & Howell Information and Learning 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Artwr, Ml 48106-1346 USA 800-521-0600 UMT PROBLEMS OF DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION AND CONSOLIDATION IN POST-COMMUNIST BULGARIA DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Rossen V. Vassilev, M.A. The Ohio State University 2000 Dissertation Committee: Professor Richard Gunther, Adviser Approved by Professor Anthony Mughan Professor Goldie Shabad Adviser Department of Political Science UMI Number 9971652 UMI UMI Microform9971652 Copyright 2000 by Bell & Howell Information and Leaming Company. -
DSA's Flawed International Outlook: the Appeal of the Mass Party And
DSA’s Flawed International Outlook: The Appeal of the Mass Party and its Contradictions Hugo Chávez and Lula da Silva The Democratic Socialists of America has decided that as its international policy, it should principally work to establish political ties to leftist parties that are “mass parties of the working class.” These are parties, like the Workers Party (PT) of Brazil with over 1.5 million members or the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) which claims over 7 million members. One can see the attraction: these are parties with not only numbers but also resources, influence, and political power. The discussion among many in the circles of the DSA International Committee and DSA’s National Political Committee suggests that only such so-called “mass parties” matter, while other organizations don’t merit the group’s attention because they are marginal, insignificant, or described as small sects. The entire emphasis of DSA’s international work is on political parties, with little consideration given to workers’ organizations or social movements. There’s something very contradictory in this position that needs to be pointed out. The parties that DSA has focused on weren’t always mass parties. Often, they began as just the kind of plebeian networks or far left grouplets that DSA eschews as irrelevant. At the time of their birth, DSA would have ignored them and would have chosen to work with other parties that had a mass working class following. DSA would thus have missed the most important historic developments of the era. To understand what this means, let’s look back at the history of the Brazilian PT and the Venezuelan PSUV and try to imagine how DSA’s international policy would have worked out in dealing with these parties at their beginnings, that is, had the mass party line been adopted decades ago. -
Print, Publicity, and Popular Radicalism in the 1790S
PRINT, PUBLICITY, AND POPULAR RADICALISM IN THE 1790S Jon Mee explores the popular democratic movement that emerged in the London of the 1790s in response to the French Revolution. Central to the movement’s achievement was the creation of an idea of ‘the people’ brought into being through print and publicity. Radical clubs rose and fell in the face of the hostile attentions of government. They were sustained by a faith in the press as a form of ‘print magic’, but confidence in the liberating potential of the printing press was interwoven with hard-headed deliberations over how best to animate and represent the people. Ideas of disinterested rational debate were thrown into the mix with coruscating satire, rousing songs, and republican toasts. Print personality became a vital interface between readers and text exploited by the cast of radicals returned to history in vivid detail by Print, Publicity, and Popular Radicalism. This title is available as Open Access at 10.1017/ 9781316459935. jon mee is Professor of Eighteenth-Century Studies at the Univer- sity of York and Director of the Centre for Eighteenth-Century Studies. He has published many essays and books on the literature, culture, and politics of the age of revolutions in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. He is also author of The Cambridge Introduction to Charles Dickens (Cambridge, 2010). CAMBRIDGE STUDIES IN ROMANTICISM Founding editor professor marilyn butler, University of Oxford General editor professor james chandler, University of Chicago Editorial Board john barrell, University of York paul hamilton, University of London mary jacobus, University of Cambridge claudia johnson, Princeton University alan liu, University of California, Santa Barbara jerome mcgann, University of Virginia david simpson, University of California, Davis This series aims to foster the best new work in one of the most challenging fields within English literary studies. -
The Third Insurrectionary Moment of the Venezuelan Right by JEFFREY R
The third insurrectionary moment of the Venezuelan Right BY JEFFREY R. WEBBER SUSAN SPRONK | MARCH 3, 2014 "Today the counter-revolutionary Right is reactivating itself," according to long-time Venezuelan revolutionary Roland Denis, "taking advantage of the profound deterioration that this slow revolutionary process is suffering. Its reappearance and interlacing with ‘democratic civil society' is a clear signal to the popular movement that we either convert this moment into a creative and reactivating crisis of the collective revolutionary will, or we bid farewell to this beautiful and traumatic history that we have built over the last 25 years."[1] For seasoned observers of Venezuelan politics, the events of the past week are a disheartening repetition of opposition-led resistance efforts that have yet again sought to undermine political stability in the country. This is not the first time in recent history that the opposition has resorted to "extra-parliamentary" tactics, including violence, to push their political agenda. Nor is it the first time that the mainstream media has provided generous airtime to opposition demonstrations in Caracas, repeating the sob stories of upper class Venezuelans "repressed" by the government because they cannot find toilet paper on the store shelves, or in a more laughable episode, ingredients to bake a cake.[2] As with most situations in which there has been a violent conflict over who controls the reins of the state, it is possible to find fault on both sides. As a February 22 report by the Centre for Economic Policy Research notes, "the political allegiances" of the victims of the violence so far "and their causes of death are varied." Of the eight deaths, two of the responsible assailants might be linked to the government, including a SEBIM agent (the Venezuelan intelligence service) who was not authorized to be at the protest.