Challenges of Party- Building in Latin America
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Participatory Democracy and the New Left in Latin America: an Experimental Approach to Democratization
Saint Louis University Public Law Review Volume 35 Number 2 General Issue (Volume XXXV, No. 2) Article 5 2016 Does Democracy Translate Across Borders? Participatory Democracy and the New Left in Latin America: An Experimental Approach to Democratization Elena M. De Costa Carroll University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.slu.edu/plr Recommended Citation De Costa, Elena M. (2016) "Does Democracy Translate Across Borders? Participatory Democracy and the New Left in Latin America: An Experimental Approach to Democratization," Saint Louis University Public Law Review: Vol. 35 : No. 2 , Article 5. Available at: https://scholarship.law.slu.edu/plr/vol35/iss2/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Saint Louis University Public Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarship Commons. For more information, please contact Susie Lee. SAINT LOUIS UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF LAW DOES DEMOCRACY TRANSLATE ACROSS BORDERS? PARTICIPATORY DEMOCRACY AND THE NEW LEFT IN LATIN AMERICA: AN EXPERIMENTAL APPROACH TO DEMOCRATIZATION ELENA M. DE COSTA* I. INTRODUCTION This essay will examine the success of Latin America's New Left political parties and social movements since the mid-1990s to the present. Focusing on notable figures such as Brazil's President Ignacio "Lula" da Silva, Bolivia's President Evo Morales, and Venezuela's President Hugo Chávez, it will examine the policies that broadly define The New Left and their impact on democratic participation, race relations, poverty reduction, and Latin America's relations with the U.S. and the world.1 A number of social movements in the region will be explored, including the developing changes in Cuba with the new Cuban-U.S. -
By U JUN 251997
Shattered Power, Reconstructed Coalitions: An Analysis of Rural Labor Unions in Maranhio, Brazil by Monica F. Pinhanez Bachelor of Laws, Pontifical Catholic University, 1987 Master of Public Administration, Getnlio Vargas Foundation, 1995 SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF URBAN STUDIES AND PLANNING IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER IN CITY PLANNING AT THE MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY JUNE 1997 0 1997 Monica F. Pinhanez. All rights reserved. The author hereby grants to MIT permission to reproduce and to distribute publicly paper and electronic copies of this thesis document in whole or in part. Signature of Author: U epartment of Urban 5thdies and Planning May 22, 1997 Certified by: Judith Tendler Professor of Political Economy Thesis Advisor Accepted by: Mark Schuster Associate Professor of Urban Studies and Planning Chair, Master in City Planning Committee JUN 251997 Shattered Power, Reconstructed Coalitions: An Analysis of Rural Labor Unions in Maranhilo, Brazil by Monica F. Pinhanez Submitted to the Department of Urban Studies and Planning on May 22, 1997 in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of City Planning ABSTRACT During the dictatorship (1964-1985), the authoritarian political system enforced the organization of the labor movement by law in Brazil. The government aimed at keeping control of workers' organization by establishing the monopoly of their representation, centralizing control, and imposing a uniform labor structure. One prevalent argument in the literature is that this corporatist and monopolistic union structure would lead unions to be less democratic and less organized. Contrary to this mainstream thought, I found evidence that in spite of the corporatist and monopolistic regime, rural labor unions differed from each other and represented workers successfully in the state of Maranhio, Brazil, because there has been competition among unions and non-union organizations for the union leadership. -
External Appeal, Internal Dominance: How Party Leaders Contribute to Successful Party Building Brandon Van Dyck
LAPS_Spring2018_LAPS_Fall13_copy.qxp 12/12/2017 10:59 AM Page 1 External Appeal, Internal Dominance: How Party Leaders Contribute to Successful Party Building Brandon Van Dyck ABSTRACT Many successful political parties depend for their initial popularity and cohesion, and even for their long-term brand strength, on a leader. Nevertheless, literature on successful party building downplays the role of leaders. Thus, the question, what type of leader is good for party building?, remains undertheorized. This arti - cle presents and provides initial evidence for a leadership-centered theory of suc - cessful party building. It argues that externally appealing, internally dominant lead - ers facilitate party building by lifting new parties to electoral prominence and helping to prevent debilitating schisms. The article provides evidence for this argu - ment through a most similar cases comparison of three new left parties in Latin America: two that took root (Brazil’s Workers’ Party, Mexico’s Party of the Dem - ocratic Revolution), and one that collapsed (Peru’s United Left). Keywords : Political parties, leadership, theory construction, Latin America ver the last century in Latin America, hundreds of parties have formed, but O only a tiny fraction have succeeded, or become institutionalized as major national contenders. Of this tiny fraction, many depended for their early electoral success and cohesion on a leader. In extreme cases, leaders provided the basis for enduring brands (e.g., Peronism, Chavismo ), but even in more institutionalized par - ties (Peru’s APRA and AP; Costa Rica’s PLN; Venezuela’s AD and COPEI; El Sal - vador’s ARENA, Brazil’s PT and PSDB, Mexico’s PRD), leaders proved critical for early success and survival. -
PERU REPUBLIC of Form 18-K Filed 2018-09-28
SECURITIES AND EXCHANGE COMMISSION FORM 18-K Annual report for foreign governments and political subdivisions Filing Date: 2018-09-28 | Period of Report: 2017-12-31 SEC Accession No. 0001193125-18-286865 (HTML Version on secdatabase.com) FILER PERU REPUBLIC OF Mailing Address Business Address MINISTERIO DE ECONOMIA 241 EAST 49TH ST CIK:77694| IRS No.: 000000000 | Fiscal Year End: 1231 Y FINANZA NEW YORK NY 10017 Type: 18-K | Act: 34 | File No.: 001-02512 | Film No.: 181092999 JR JUNIN NO 319 SIC: 8888 Foreign governments LIMA PERU R5 999999999 Copyright © 2018 www.secdatabase.com. All Rights Reserved. Please Consider the Environment Before Printing This Document UNITED STATES SECURITIES AND EXCHANGE COMMISSION Washington, D.C. 20549 FORM 18-K ANNUAL REPORT of Republic of Peru (Name of Registrant) Date at end of last fiscal year: December 31, 2017 SECURITIES REGISTERED* (as of the close of the last fiscal year) CALCULATION OF REGISTRATION FEE Amounts as to Names of which registration exchanges on Title of Issue is effective which registered N/A N/A N/A Names and addresses of persons authorized to receive notices and communications from the Securities and Exchange Commission Ambassador Carlos Pareja Ríos Embassy of Peru 1700 Massachusetts Avenue NW Washington, DC 20036 (Name and address of Authorized Representative of the Registrant in the United States) Copies to: Jaime Mercado Simpson Thacher & Bartlett LLP 425 Lexington Avenue New York, New York 10017 Copyright © 2018 www.secdatabase.com. All Rights Reserved. Please Consider the Environment Before Printing This Document * The Registrant is filing this annual report on a voluntary basis. -
Appendix to “Social Inequalities, Identity
World Inequality Lab – Working Paper N° 2021/11 Social Inequalities, Identity, and the Structure of Political Cleavages in Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru, 1952-2019 Appendix Oscar Barrera Ana Leiva Clara Martínez-Toledano Álvaro Zúñiga-Cordero March 2021 Social Inequalities, Identity, and the Structure of Political Cleavages in Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru, 1952-2019 Oscar Barrera Ana Leiva Clara Martínez-Toledano Álvaro Zúñiga-Cordero† Appendix This document supplements our working paper “Social Inequalities, Identity, and the Structure of Political Cleavages in Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru, 1952-2019”. It contains all appendix tables and figures. † Oscar Barrera (World Inequality Lab): [email protected]; Ana Leiva (University of Oslo, UiO): [email protected]; Clara Martínez-Toledano (Imperial College London, World Inequality Lab): [email protected]; Álvaro Zúñiga-Cordero (Paris School of Economics, World Inequality Lab): [email protected]. We are grateful to Lavih Abraham, Ronald Alfaro- Redondo, María Julia Blanco, Francesco Bogliacino, Nicolás DvosKin, Ignacio Flores, Gustavo García, Amory Gethin, Kyong Mazaro and Thomas PiKetty for their useful advice. Figure AA1 - Vote for Peronists by income decile in Argentina 100% 90% D1 D2 D3 D4 D5 D6 D7 D8 D9 D10 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% 1995-99 2007-11 2015-19 Source: authors' computations using Argentinian post-electoral and political attitudes surveys. Note: the figure shows the share of votes received by the Peronist party by income decile. Figure AA2 - Vote for Peronists by income group in Argentina 90% 80% Bottom 50% Middle 40% Top 10% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% 1995-99 2007-11 2015-19 Source: authors' computations using Argentinian post-electoral and political attitudes surveys. -
Redalyc.Venezuela in the Gray Zone: from Feckless Pluralism to Dominant
Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Sistema de Información Científica Myers, David J.; McCoy, Jennifer L. Venezuela in the gray zone: From feckless pluralism to dominant power system Politeia, núm. 30, enero-junio, 2003, pp. 41-74 Universidad Central de Venezuela Caracas, Venezuela Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=170033588002 Politeia, ISSN (Printed Version): 0303-9757 [email protected] Universidad Central de Venezuela Venezuela How to cite Complete issue More information about this article Journal's homepage www.redalyc.org Non-Profit Academic Project, developed under the Open Acces Initiative 41 REVISTA POLITEIAVENEZUELA, N° 30. INSTITUTO IN THE DE GRAY ESTUDIOS ZONE: POLÍTICOS FROM, FECKLESSUNIVERSIDAD PLURALISM CENTRAL DE TO VENEZUELA DOMINANT, 2003:41-74 POWER SYSTEM 30 Politeia Venezuela in the gray zone: From feckless pluralism to dominant power system Venezuela en la zona gris: desde el pluralismo ineficaz hacia el sistema de poder dominante David J. Myers / Jennifer L. McCoy Abstract Resumen This paper emphasizes the need to measure the El presente texto resalta la necesidad de medir las varying qualities of democracy. It delineates subtypes diversas cualidades de la democracia. En este senti- of political regimes that occupy a “gray zone” between do, delinea los diferentes tipos de regímenes políti- dictatorship and democracy, and examines the cos que se encuentran en la denominada “zona gris” possibilities for political change in the “gray zone”. entre la dictadura y la democracia. Asimismo exami- The authors address two sets of questions about na las posibilidades de cambio dentro de dicha zona political change: a) What causes a limitedly pluralist gris. -
Sistem Pemilu Eksekutif
Sistem Pemilu Sistem Pemilu Eksekutif Jumat, 22 Mei 2020, Pukul 13.30-15.00 WIB Didik Supriyanto, Penasihat Perludem Heroik Mutaqin Pratama, Peneliti Perludem Kelas Virtual Perludem Sistem Pemerintahan Sistem Sistem Campuran Parlementer Presidensial Pemilihan Kepala Negara Sumber: http://aceproject.org/epic-en/ Tipologi Sistem Pemilu Presiden Sistem Pemilu Presiden Tidak Langsung Langsung Majority Run- Run-off with a Dipilih Electoral Pluralitas Off reduced Parlemen College 50%+1 threshold di argentina calon dinyatakan terpilih meriah 40% dengan eg. Amerika Serikat ketika calon berhasil jarak 10% dri calon kedua atau di nicaragua calon terpilih 35% menempatkan 50% wakil-wakilnya, maka akan dan jarak 5% dari peraih suara terbanyak kedua menjadi calon terpilih Varian Sistem Pemilu Eskekutif First Past the Post Two round system Preferential system Electoral system Electoral majority/plurality Distribution of vote requirement Sistem Pemilu Presiden di Dunia Not Countries Continent FPTP TRS STV applicable No data Other researched 7 35 0 10 0 3 Africa 55 (12.7%) (63.6%) (0.0%) (18.2%) (0.0%) (5.5%) 6 14 0 25 0 0 Americas 45 (13.3%) (31.1%) (0.0%) (55.6%) (0.0%) (0.0%) 5 16 0 26 0 1 Asia 48 (10.4%) (33.3%) (0.0%) (54.2%) (0.0%) (2.1%) 2 21 1 27 0 0 Europe 51 (3.9%) (41.2%) (2.0%) (52.9%) (0.0%) (0.0%) 1 1 0 16 0 0 Oceania 18 (5.6%) (5.6%) (0.0%) (88.9%) (0.0%) (0.0%) Total 21 87 1 104 0 4 217 https://www.idea.int/data-tools/question-view/130359 Varian Formula Hitung di Sistem Pluralitas/Mayoritas Pluralitas atau mayoritas sederhana (simple majority) *A sebagai pemenang pemilu berapapun persentase suaranya, karena A>B>C>D>E persentase suaranya terbesar. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
“Bringing Militancy to Management”: an Approach to the Relationship
“Bringing Militancy to Management”: An Approach to the Relationship between Activism 67 “Bringing Militancy to Management”: An Approach to the Relationship between Activism and Government Employment during the Cristina Fernández de Kirchner Administration in Argentina Melina Vázquez* Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas (CONICET); Instituto de Investigaciones Gino Germani; Universidad de Buenos Aires, Argentina Abstract This article explores the relationship between employment in public administration and militant commitment, which is understood as that which the actors themselves define as “militant management.” To this end, an analysis is presented of three groups created within three Argentine ministries that adopted “Kirchnerist” ideology: La graN maKro (The Great Makro), the Juventud de Obras Públicas, and the Corriente de Libertación Nacional. The article explores the conditions of possibility and principal characteristics of this activism as well as the guidelines for admission, continuing membership, and promotion – both within the groups and within government entities – and the way that this type of militancy is articulated with expert, professional and academic capital as well as the capital constituted by the militants themselves. Keywords: Activism, expert knowledge, militant careers, state. * Article received on November 22, 2013; final version approved on March 26, 2014. This article is part of a series of studies that the author is working on as a researcher at CONICET and is part of the project “Activism and the Political Commitment of Youth: A Socio-Historical Study of their Political and Activist Experiences (1969-2011)” sponsored by the National Agency for Scientific and Technological Promotion, Argentine Ministry of Science, Technology and Productive Innovation (2012-2015), of which the author is the director. -
Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy
Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy How do democracies form and what makes them die? Daniel Ziblatt revisits this timely and classic question in a wide-ranging historical narrative that traces the evolution of modern political democracy in Europe from its modest beginnings in 1830s Britain to Adolf Hitler’s 1933 seizure of power in Weimar Germany. Based on rich historical and quantitative evidence, the book offers a major reinterpretation of European history and the question of how stable political democracy is achieved. The barriers to inclusive political rule, Ziblatt finds, were not inevitably overcome by unstoppable tides of socioeconomic change, a simple triumph of a growing middle class, or even by working class collective action. Instead, political democracy’s fate surprisingly hinged on how conservative political parties – the historical defenders of power, wealth, and privilege – recast themselves and coped with the rise of their own radical right. With striking modern parallels, the book has vital implications for today’s new and old democracies under siege. Daniel Ziblatt is Professor of Government at Harvard University where he is also a resident fellow of the Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies. He is also currently Fernand Braudel Senior Fellow at the European University Institute. His first book, Structuring the State: The Formation of Italy and Germany and the Puzzle of Federalism (2006) received several prizes from the American Political Science Association. He has written extensively on the emergence of democracy in European political history, publishing in journals such as American Political Science Review, Journal of Economic History, and World Politics. -
Anatomy of a Regional Conflict: Tarija and Resource Grievances in Morales
Anatomy of a regional conflict: Tarija and resource grievances in Morales’ Bolivia Denise Humphreys Bebbington School of Environment and Development Room 1.54, Humanities Bridgeford Street University of Manchester Oxford Road Manchester, M13 9PL UK [email protected] Tel 44-1457-869813 Anthony Bebbington School of Environment and Development Room 1.54, Humanities Bridgeford Street University of Manchester Oxford Road Manchester, M13 9PL UK [email protected] Tel: 44-161-2750422 Forthcoming in Latin American Perspectives , 2010 Abstract: In 2008, the Department of Tarija became the epicenter of national political struggles over political autonomy for lowland regions at odds with the Morales administration. In September, following a series of regional referenda on autonomy and a national recall election, citizen committees in Tarija mobilized urban-based sectors and organized a general strike to oppose central government. This paper analyzes this mobilization and argues that it is unhelpful to understand the strike as simply an act of political sabotage orchestrated by racist, regional elites. The factors driving protest and interest in autonomy are varied and deeply related to patterns of hydrocarbon extraction in the department that have allowed for the mobilization of grievance and cultivation of resource regionalism at departmental and intra-departmental scales. Theoretically it suggests that alongside class and ethnicity, identities of place and region can be equally important in processes of mobilization, -
Argentina: Peronism Returns María Victoria Murillo, S.J
Argentina: Peronism Returns María Victoria Murillo, S.J. Rodrigo Zarazaga Journal of Democracy, Volume 31, Number 2, April 2020, pp. 125-136 (Article) Published by Johns Hopkins University Press For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/753199 [ Access provided at 9 Apr 2020 16:36 GMT with no institutional affiliation ] ARGENTINA: PERONISM RETURNS María Victoria Murillo and Rodrigo Zarazaga, S.J. María Victoria Murillo is professor of political science and interna- tional and public affairs and director of the Institute of Latin American Studies at Columbia University. Rodrigo Zarazaga, S.J., is director of the Center for Research and Social Action (CIAS) and researcher at the National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) in Buenos Aires. The headline news, the main takeaway, from Argentina’s 2019 gen- eral election is encouraging for democracy despite the dire economic situation. Mauricio Macri, a president not associated with the country’s powerful Peronist movement, became the first such chief executive to complete his mandate, whereas two non-Peronists before him had failed to do so.1 Macri would not repeat his term, however. He lost the 27 October 2019 election and then oversaw a peaceful handover of power to his Peronist rival, Alberto Fernández, who won by 48 to 40 percent and whose vice-president is former two-term president Cristina Fernán- dez de Kirchner (no relation). Strikingly, even the economic hard times gripping the country—they are the worst in two decades, and they sank Macri at the polls—could not ruffle the orderliness of the transition. Peaceful changes of administration tend to be taken for granted in democracies, but they are in fact major achievements anywhere.