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Russian Federation State Actors of Protection
European Asylum Support Office EASO Country of Origin Information Report Russian Federation State Actors of Protection March 2017 SUPPORT IS OUR MISSION European Asylum Support Office EASO Country of Origin Information Report Russian Federation State Actors of Protection March 2017 Europe Direct is a service to help you find answers to your questions about the European Union. Free phone number (*): 00 800 6 7 8 9 10 11 (*) Certain mobile telephone operators do not allow access to 00800 numbers or these calls may be billed. More information on the European Union is available on the Internet (http://europa.eu). Print ISBN 978-92-9494-372-9 doi: 10.2847/502403 BZ-04-17-273-EN-C PDF ISBN 978-92-9494-373-6 doi: 10.2847/265043 BZ-04-17-273-EN-C © European Asylum Support Office 2017 Cover photo credit: JessAerons – Istockphoto.com Neither EASO nor any person acting on its behalf may be held responsible for the use which may be made of the information contained herein. EASO Country of Origin Report: Russian Federation – State Actors of Protection — 3 Acknowledgments EASO would like to acknowledge the following national COI units and asylum and migration departments as the co-authors of this report: Belgium, Cedoca (Center for Documentation and Research), Office of the Commissioner General for Refugees and Stateless Persons Poland, Country of Origin Information Unit, Department for Refugee Procedures, Office for Foreigners Sweden, Lifos, Centre for Country of Origin Information and Analysis, Swedish Migration Agency Norway, Landinfo, Country of -
Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam As a Tool of the Kremlin?
Notes de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Visions 99 Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam as a Tool of the Kremlin? Marlène LARUELLE March 2017 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the few French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European and broader international debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. This text is published with the support of DGRIS (Directorate General for International Relations and Strategy) under “Observatoire Russie, Europe orientale et Caucase”. ISBN: 978-2-36567-681-6 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2017 How to quote this document: Marlène Laruelle, “Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam as a Tool of the Kremlin?”, Russie.Nei.Visions, No. 99, Ifri, March 2017. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Ifri-Bruxelles Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 1000—Brussels—BELGIUM Tel.: +32 (0)2 238 51 10—Fax: +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection dedicated to Russia and the other new independent states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). -
Chechnya's Status Within the Russian
SWP Research Paper Uwe Halbach Chechnya’s Status within the Russian Federation Ramzan Kadyrov’s Private State and Vladimir Putin’s Federal “Power Vertical” Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs SWP Research Paper 2 May 2018 In the run-up to the Russian presidential elections on 18 March 2018, the Kremlin further tightened the federal “vertical of power” that Vladimir Putin has developed since 2000. In the North Caucasus, this above all concerns the republic of Dagestan. Moscow intervened with a powerful purge, replacing the entire political leadership. The situation in Chechnya, which has been ruled by Ramzan Kadyrov since 2007, is conspicuously different. From the early 2000s onwards, President Putin conducted a policy of “Chechenisation” there, delegating the fight against the armed revolt to local security forces. Under Putin’s protection, the republic gained a leadership which is now publicly referred to by Russians as the “Chechen Khanate”, among other similar expressions. Kadyrov’s breadth of power encompasses an independ- ent foreign policy, which is primarily orientated towards the Middle East. Kadyrov emphatically professes that his republic is part of Russia and presents himself as “Putin’s foot soldier”. Yet he has also transformed the federal subject of Chechnya into a private state. The ambiguous relationship between this republic and the central power fundamentally rests on the loyalty pact between Putin and Kadyrov. However, criticism of this arrange- ment can now occasionally be heard even in the Russian president’s inner circles. With regard to Putin’s fourth term, the question arises just how long the pact will last. -
May 2001 Vol. 13, No. 3 (D) RUSSIA
May 2001 Vol. 13, No. 3 (D) RUSSIA/CHECHNYA BURYING THE EVIDENCE: THE BOTCHED INVESTIGATION INTO A MASS GRAVE IN CHECHNYA MAP OF DACHNY VILLAGE ....................................................................................3 INTRODUCTION ..............................................................................................4 Dachny Village .............................................................................................4 The Discovery of the Mass Dumping Ground .....................................................................5 The Recovery and Identification Process .........................................................................6 The Burial of the Unidentified Bodies ...........................................................................7 BACKGROUND ON THE IDENTIFIED BODIES ....................................................................8 Magomed Magomadov, Odes Mitaev, and Said-Rakhman Musaev .....................................................8 Nura Lulueva, Markha Gakaeva, Raisa Gakaeva, and Aset Elbuzdukueva ...............................................9 Rustam Riskhanov, Ramzan Riskhanov, and Tasu Timarov .........................................................10 Islam Tazurkaev ...........................................................................................11 Umatgeri Edilbekov and Magomed Malsagov ....................................................................12 Three Additional Cases Documented By Memorial ................................................................12 -
The Criminal Time Bomb: an Examination of the Effect of the Russian Mafia on the Newly Independent State of the Ormerf Soviet Union
Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies Volume 4 Issue 1 Article 9 Fall 1996 The Criminal Time Bomb: An Examination of the Effect of the Russian Mafia on the Newly Independent State of the ormerF Soviet Union Peter Daniel DiPaola Indiana University School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/ijgls Part of the Criminal Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation DiPaola, Peter Daniel (1996) "The Criminal Time Bomb: An Examination of the Effect of the Russian Mafia on the Newly Independent State of the Former Soviet Union," Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies: Vol. 4 : Iss. 1 , Article 9. Available at: https://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/ijgls/vol4/iss1/9 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Law School Journals at Digital Repository @ Maurer Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies by an authorized editor of Digital Repository @ Maurer Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Criminal Time Bomb: An Examination of the Effect of the Russian Mafiya on the Newly Independent States of the Former Soviet Union PETER DANIEL DIPAOLA" INTRODUCTION In 1989, the Western world celebrated the apparent triumph of democracy and capitalism over communism. Overnight, the "evil empire"' became a potential partner. In fact, some Western thinkers were so overcome that Francis Fukuyama maintained the fall of communism signaled "the end of history."2 Unfortunately, the optimistic predictions of 1989 have not come to pass. The Russian economy has responded slowly to reform.3 Communists and ultranationalists are regaining strength in the Russian government." More ominously, organized crime is threatening to overwhelm Russian politics, economics, and society. -
Russian Public Opinion and the Two Chechen Wars, 1994-1996 and 1999-2002: Formation and Evolution
Russian Public Opinion and the Two Chechen Wars, 1994-1996 and 1999-2002: Formation and Evolution A PhD Thesis By: Jason Clinton Vaughn School of Slavonic and East European Studies University College London Supervisor: Dr. Peter J. S. Duncan Secondary Supervisors: Dr. Andrew Wilson Dr. Vesna Popovski 1 UMI Number: U592450 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U592450 Published by ProQuest LLC 2013. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 I declare that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Jason Clinton Vaughn 2 Acknowledgments: In the production of this thesis, I would firstly like to thank my parents for all of their support over the years. Much appreciation goes to my supervisor, Dr. Peter Duncan for having so much patience in reading through all the drafts of this thesis. Also, I would like to thank Professors Martyn Rady and Trevor Thomas for reading sections (and, on occasion, the entirety) of my drafts and giving their advice over the course of my writing. Thanks to Nadezhda Stoyanova for helping me to translate and sift through so much Russian language material and for always being there with a vote of confidence and support. -
The Use of Russian Airpower in the Second Chechen War
Conflict Studies Research Centre B59 The Use Of Russian Airpower In The Second Chechen War Marcel de Haas Contents Introduction 3 Figure 1: Levels of Strategy in the Conflicts in Dagestan & Chechnya (1999-) 3 The Use Of Russian Airpower In Dagestan (August-September 1999) 4 Background & Course Of The Conflict 4 Russian Grand Strategy: Actors & Objectives 4 Russian Military Strategy: Command & Control Structure 5 Russian Operational Level: Organisation Of Airpower 5 Russian Tactical Level: Application Of Airpower 6 Failures 7 Successes 7 Chechen Insurgents: Strategy & Operations 7 Subconclusions 8 Russia 8 The Chechen Insurgents 9 The Second Chechen Conflict (October 1999-Present) 9 Background 9 Course Of The Second Chechen Conflict 9 Russian Grand Strategy: Actors & Objectives 11 Russian Military Strategy: Command & Control Structure 11 Russian Operational Level: Organisation Of Airpower 12 Russian Tactical Level: Application Of Airpower 13 Tasks & Lessons Learned 14 Failures, Problems & Losses 14 Successes 15 Chechen Strategy & Operations 15 Subconclusions 16 Russia 16 Chechen 19 Comparison Of the Use Of Airpower In Both Chechen Conflicts (1994-1996 & 1999-date) 19 Structural Problems 19 Improvements 19 1 The Use Of Russian Airpower In The Second Chechen War Conflict Studies Research Centre ISBN 1-904423-18-3 January 2003 B59 Marcel de Haas Characteristics 20 Russia 20 Chechen 21 Dominants Characteristics 21 Conclusions 22 2 B59 The Use Of Russian Airpower In The Second Chechen War The Use Of Russian Airpower In The Second Chechen War Marcel de Haas Introduction This paper describes part of the second Chechen conflict, which started in autumn 1999. The purpose of this document is not to provide a comprehensive study of this conflict. -
A Theory of State Success and Failure in Insurgent Conflicts
BEYOND A CONTEST OF WILLS: A THEORY OF STATE SUCCESS AND FAILURE IN INSURGENT CONFLICTS DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University BY Christopher David Moore, M.A. ***** The Ohio State University 2008 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Donald A. Sylvan, Advisor Professor Richard K. Herrmann, Advisor Professor John Mueller _______________________________ Professor Alexander Thompson Adviser Political Science Graduate Program ABSTRACT Within a large and growing literature on insurgencies, scholars have engaged in fierce debate about the determinants of conflict outcomes. Having noted that material capability is a poor predictor of conflict outcomes, intense disagreement has arisen over why this is the case. Some argue that insurgencies are defeated through military and police means of punishment and prosecution. This is referred to as the combat model. Others argue that insurgencies are ultimately defeated through political means, and I refer to this as the social model. Why each of these two processes is thought to be more effective is rarely well explained or specified by their proponents. Because each of these model yields different and competing expectations for the outcomes of insurgent conflicts, I evaluate their relative merits in this study. To evaluate these two competing schools of thought in the security studies literature, I present a conditional theory of insurgent outcomes that predicts when the combat and social models will be relevant. In order to do this, I approach insurgencies using scholarship from the study of terrorism, deriving three archetypical motivational logics of insurgency action: strategic, organizational, and extremist. -
A View from Chechnya : an Assessment of Russian
Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis. Permission is given for a copy to be downloaded by an individual for the purpose of research and private study only. The thesis may not be reproduced elsewhere without the permission of the Author. A View from Chechnya: An Assessment of Russian Counterinsurgency During the two Chechen Wars and Future Implications A thesis presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts in Defence and Strategic Studies at Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand. Sean Renaud 2010 Abstract Following the 11 September 2001 attacks, the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and the myriad of smaller engagements taking place around the world in conjunction with the global war on terrorism, military academia has increasingly focused study on historical counter-insurgencies. The study of historical counter-insurgency has been very beneficial to the conduct of contemporary counter-insurgency operations. Although lessons can be learned from historical study, any conclusions tend to be subjective and are time, space and country specific. Notwithstanding this, historical case studies of counter-insurgency operations reveal a number of consistent themes. These themes include: the recommended approaches towards the conduct of information, security, hearts and minds, and reconstruction operations, the use of allied indigenous forces, the importance of unity of effort between the various counter-insurgent forces, the correct use of air power, the manipulation of the media, the proper training of counter-insurgent forces, logistics operations, and the importance of morale during counter-insurgencies. In the last two decades Russia has fought two counter-insurgency conflicts in Chechnya. -
Annex E.4.12 Public
ICC-01/15-4-AnxE.4.12 13-10-2015 1/44 EK PT Annex E.4.12 Public ICC-01/15-4-AnxE.4.12 13-10-2015 2/44 EK PT GEORGIA: A VOIDING WAR IN SOUTH OSSETIA 26 November 2004 international crisis group Europe Report N° I 59 Tbilisi/Brussels GEO-OTP-0008-0615 ICC-01/15-4-AnxE.4.12 13-10-2015 3/44 EK PT TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ANO RECOMMENDATIONS i 1. INTRODUCTION 1 II. UNDERLYING CAUSES OF THE CONFLICT 2 A. H1sTORIC/\1, CAust-:s 2 1. Competing narratives of South Ossetia's past.. 2 2. The 1990- 1 992 conflict and its aftermath 3 3. The peace agreement and peace implementation mechanisms 4 B. HUlvl/\N RlGHTS VIOL.I\ TIONS J\ND POPULATION DISPL./\CE:tviEl\T 5 I. Ossetian and Georgian population settlement and displacement.. 5 2. War-time atrocities 7 c. POLITICAL CA USES or rnt CONfLICI 7 D. GEOPOLITICALC AUSES 8 E. POLITICAL-ECONOlvflCC AUSES Of CONfLICT 9 III. UNFREEZI~G THE CONFLICT 11 A. FOCUSING ON THE POLTTTC'\L ECONO\ifTC CAUSES OF CONFLICT I I 1. Attacking greed 1 I 2. Addressing grievance 12 3. The South Ossetian reaction 12 B. THE START OF VIOLENT CONFLICT 14 C. THE UNEASY TRUCE 15 IV. INTER OR INTRA-STATE CONFLICT? 16 A. Gt-:C)R(tl1\N ALLl-:0/\TIONS ON RUSSJ/\'S ROLi·: ] 6 8. Tm: Vn.w FROM RUSSI/\ 17 C. UNITED STATES INVOLVElviENT 18 D. THE OSCE ·19 E. THE EUROPR/\>J UNTOK I 9 F. -
Belarus INDIVIDUALS
CONSOLIDATED LIST OF FINANCIAL SANCTIONS TARGETS IN THE UK Last Updated:12/08/2021 Status: Asset Freeze Targets REGIME: Belarus INDIVIDUALS 1. Name 6: ALIASHKEVICH 1: ALIAKSANDR 2: MIKHAILAVICH 3: n/a 4: n/a 5: n/a. a.k.a: ALESHKEVICH, Alexander, Mikhailovich Position: (1) First Deputy Head of the District Department of Internal Affairs in Moskovski District, Minsk (2) Head of Criminal Police Other Information: (UK Sanctions List Ref):BEL0016 Date designated on UK Sanctions List: 31/12/2020 (UK Statement of Reasons):In Aliaksandr Aliashkevich’s position as First Deputy Head of the District Department of Internal Affairs in Moskovski/Moscow District of the city of Minsk and Head of Criminal Police, he is responsible for the repression and intimidation campaign in that district against peaceful protesters in the wake of the 2020 presidential election, in particular arbitrary arrests, excessive use of force and ill‐treatment, including torture. (Gender):Male Listed on: 05/10/2020 Last Updated: 31/12/2020 Group ID: 13938. 2. Name 6: ASTREIKA 1: ALIAKSANDR 2: VIACHASLAVAVICH 3: n/a 4: n/a 5: n/a. Title: Major-General Of Militia (Police Force) DOB: 22/12/1971. POB: Kapyl, Former USSR Currently Belarus a.k.a: ASTREIKO, Alexander, Viacheslavovich Nationality: Belarusian Position: Head of the Department of Internal Affairs of Brest Oblast Executive Committee Other Information: (UK Sanctions List Ref):BEL0021 Date designated on UK Sanctions List: 31/12/2020 (UK Statement of Reasons):Aloaksandr Astreika is Head of the Department of Internal Affairs of Brest Oblast Executive Committee and Major General of Police. -
Russian Law Enforcement and Internal Security Agencies
September 14, 2020 Russian Law Enforcement and Internal Security Agencies Russia has an extensive internal security system, with of opportunities for enrichment and political advancement. multiple, overlapping, and competitive security agencies Competition frequently leads to arrests and prosecutions, vying for bureaucratic, political, and economic influence. often for real or imagined corruption allegations to undercut Since Vladimir Putin assumed Russia’s leadership, these targeted organizations and senior leadership both agencies have grown in both size and power, and they have institutionally and politically. become integral to the security and stability of the government. If Putin extends his rule beyond 2024, as is Russian Law Enforcement and Internal now legally permissible, these agencies could play a role in Security Agencies and Heads the leadership succession process and affect the ability of a (as of September 2020) transitional regime to quell domestic dissent. For Members of Congress, understanding the numerous internal security Ministry of Interior (MVD): Vladimir Kolokoltsev agencies in Russia could be helpful in assessing the National Guard (Rosgvardiya, FSVNG): Viktor Zolotov prospects of regime stability and dynamics of a transition Special Purpose Mobile Units (OMON) after Putin leaves office. In addition, Russian security Special Rapid Response Detachment (SOBR) agencies and their personnel have been targeted by U.S. sanctions for cyberattacks and human rights abuses. Interior Troops (VV) Kadyrovtsy Overview and