Figure 8.1a - Election results in the Czech Republic, 1990-2017 90%

Ano: 29.6% ODS: 11.3% 80% CivicForum: 49.5% SPD: 10.6% KDU: 8.4% KDU-ČSL: 5.8% Top09: 5.3% 70% ODS-KDS: 29.7% ODS: 29.6% Ano: 18.6% KDU-ČSL: 6.3% KDU-ČSL: 8.1% SPR-RSČ: 6% SPR-RSČ: 8% ODS: 20.2% Top09: 11.3% ODA: 6.4% ODS: 7.7% ODS:27.7% Top09: 16.7% 60% ČSSD:30.2% ČSSD: 32.3% Usvit: 6.9% KDU-ČSL: 9% VV:10.8% KSČM:18.5% KSČM:12.8% KDU-ČSL: 6.8% US-DEU: 8.6% SZ: 6.3% 50%

ČSSD: 32.3% ODS: 35.3% ČSSD: 20.4% KSČM: 11% ODS: 24.5% KDU-ČSL:7.2% ČSSD: 22% KSČM: 14.9% 40% KDU-ČSL, US-DEU:14% KSČM: 11.2% LevyBlok: 14% ČSSD: 26.4% ČSSD:6.5% KSČM: 10.3% LSU: 6.5% 30%

Left-wing parties Pirati: 10.8% KSČ: 13.2% KSČM: 7.8% 20% Right-wing parties ČSSD: 7.7%

10%

0% 1990 1992 1996 1998 2002 2006 2010 2013 2017

Source: authors' computations using official election results (see wpid.world). Note: labels show parties that received more than 5% of total votes. Figure 8.1b - Election results in Hungary, 1990-2018

80% Fidesz: 49.3% Fidesz: 52.7% Jobbik: 19.1% Jobbik: 16.7% Other: 5.3% Other: 2.2% Fidesz: 44.9% 70% MDF: 24.7% Jobbik: 20.2% FKgP: 11.7% Fi-MPSZ: 9% KDNP: 6.5% Fi-MPSz: 29.5% Other: 7.9% MSZP: 33% FKgP: 13.1% 60% SZDSZ: 19.7% MIEP: 5.5% Other: 3.2% Other: 7.4% MSZP: 42% SZDSZ: 5.6% MSZP: 43.2% Other: 2.2% SZDSZ: 6.5% 50%

Fi-MPSZ: 41.1% Fi/KDNP: 42.0% Other: 8.3% MDF: 5% MSZP: 32.9% Other: 2.2% 40% SZDSZ: 7.6% MDF: 11.7% Other: 4% MSZP: 25.6% SZDSZ: 21.4% FKgP: 8.8% LMP: 5.3% MSZP: 10.9% Fi-MPSZ: 7.0% Other: 0.6% Other: 7.3% KDNP: 7.0% MSZP: 11.9% Other: 6.9% LMP: 7.1% 30% DK: 5.4% Other: 0.7%

MSZP: 19.3% Left-wing parties LMP: 7.5% 20% Right-wing parties

10% 1990 1994 1998 2002 2006 2010 2014 2018

Source: authors' computations using official election results (see wpid.world). Note: list votes are reported. After 2006 votes for Fidesz include votes for KDNP. Figure 8.1c - Election results in Poland, 1991-2019

100% PiS: 37.6% Left-wing parties PO: 24.1% K'15: 8.8% 90% .N: 7.6% PO: 39.2% Right-wing parties UPR: 4.8% PiS: 29.9% RP: 10.0% 80% PO: 41.5% PiS: 43.6% PiS: 27.0% PO: 27.4% KWN: 6.8%

70% SLD: 41.0% PO: 24.1% SRP: 10.2% PiS: 27.0% UD: 12.3% PSL: 9.0% LPR: 8.0% WAK: 8.7% SLD: 20.4% AWS: 33.8% 60% POC: 8.7% PSL: 8.7% UW: 13.4% KPN: 7.5% UP: 7.3% ROP: 5.6% KLD: 7.5% NSZZ "S": 4.9% 50% PPPP: 3.3%

40% SLD: 27.1% UD: 10.6% PO: 12.7% BBWR: 7.3% PSL: 7.3% UP: 4.7% PiS: 9.5% 30% KKW "O": 6.4% LPR: 7.9% SRP: 11.4% SLD: 12.0% KPN: 5.8% KKW AKWSP: 5.6% SLD: 11.3% PSL: 8.7% POC: 4.4% PSL: 7.0% PSL-PL: 5.5% KLD: 4.0% SP: 3.9% 20% NSZZ "S": 5.1% UPR: 3.2% SLD: 13.2% SLD: 12.6% PSL:7.0% PSL: 8.4% SLD: 7.6% PSL: 8.6% SLD: 8.2% 10% PSL: 5.1% Razem: 3.6%

0% 1991 1993 1997 2001 2005 2007 2011 2015 2019 Source: authors' computations using official election results (see wpid.world). Note: labels show parties that obtained more than 3% of total votes. Figure 8.2a - Vote and income in the Czech Republic, 1990-2017 0,50

0,40 Left-wing parties (ČSSD/KSČM/SZ) Right-wing parties (ODS/Top09) KDU-ČSL Ano2011

0,30

0,20

0,10

0,00

-0,10

-0,20

-0,30 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016 Source: authors' computations using post-electoral surveys (see wpid.world). Note: the figure shows the difference between the share of top 10% earners and the share of bottom 90% earners voting for the main Czech parties or groups of parties, after controlling for age, gender, and education. In 1996, left-wing parties obtained a score that was 16 points lower among top 10% earners than among the bottom 90%; in 2017, their score was 5 points lower. The right includes Civic Forum in 1990 and STAN in 2017. Figure 8.2b - Vote and income in Hungary, 1998-2018 0,40 Fidesz 0,35 Non-Fidesz right (FKGP, KDNP, MDF, MIEP, MDNP (1998)) SZDSZ 0,30 Left-wing parties (MSZP, MPP (1998-2010), Egyutt, DK, PM, MLP (2014)) 0,25 Jobbik

0,20

0,15

0,10

0,05

0,00

-0,05

-0,10

-0,15 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016 2018

Source: authors' computations using post-election surveys for 1998 and 2002, ESS for all other years (see wpid.world). Note: the figure shows the difference between the share of top 10% earners and the share of bottom 90% earners voting for the main Hungarian parties or groups of parties, after controlling for age, gender, and education. In 1998, top 10% earners were less likely to vote Fidesz by 9 percentage points, while they were more likely to do so by 19 percentage points in 2018. No data on income in 2006. Figure 8.2c - Vote and income in Poland, 1991-2015 0,30 PiS PO SLD AWS/NSZZ Solidarnosc UW/UD 0,25

0,20

0,15

0,10

0,05

0,00

-0,05

-0,10

-0,15

-0,20 1991 1993 1995 1997 1999 2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 2013 2015

Source: authors' computations using POLPAN (1991-1997), CSES (2001, 2005), and ESS (2007-2015) (see wpid.world). Note: the figure shows the difference between the share of top 10% earners and the share of bottom 90% earners voting for the main Polish parties or groups of parties, after controlling for age, gender, and education. During the 2007-2015 period, top 10% earners were less likely to vote PiS by between 8 and 12 percentage points, while they were more likely to vote for the Civic Platform by 12 to 19 percentage points. Figure 8.3a - The educational cleavage in the Czech Republic, 1990-2017 0,25 Left-wing parties (ČSSD/KSČM/SZ) 0,20 Right-wing parties (ODS/Top09) KDU-ČSL 0,15 Ano2011 0,10

0,05

0,00

-0,05

-0,10

-0,15

-0,20 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016

Source: authors' computations using post-electoral surveys (see wpid.world). Note: the figure shows the difference between the share of university graduates and the share of non-university graduates voting for the main Czech parties or groups of parties, after controlling for age, gender, and income. In 1996, university graduates were more likely to vote for right-wing parties by 3 percentage points, compared to 11 points in 2017. Figure 8.3b - The educational cleavage in Hungary, 1998-2018 0,20 Fidesz Non-Fidesz right (FKGP, KDNP, MDF, MIEP, MDNP (1998)) 0,15 SZDSZ Left-wing parties (MSZP, MPP (1998-2010), Egyutt, DK, PM, MLP (2014)) 0,10 Jobbik

0,05

0,00

-0,05

-0,10

-0,15 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016 2018

Source: authors' computations using post-election surveys for 1998 and 2002, ESS for all other years (see wpid.world). Note: the figure shows the difference between the share of university graduates and the share of non-university graduates voting for the main Hungarian parties or groups of parties, after controlling for age, gender, and income. In 1998, university graduates were more likely to vote Fidesz by 1 percentage point, while they were less likely to do so by 11 points in 2018. No data on income in 2006. Figure 8.3c - The educational cleavage in Poland, 1991-2015

0,25 PiS PO SLD AWS/NSZZ Solidarnosc UW/UD 0,20

0,15

0,10

0,05

0,00

-0,05

-0,10

-0,15 1991 1993 1995 1997 1999 2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 2013 2015 Source: authors' computations using POLPAN (1991-1997), CSES (2001, 2005), and ESS (2007-2015) (see wpid.world). Note: the figure shows the difference between the share of university graduates and the share of non-university graduates voting for the main Polish parties or groups of parties, after controlling for age, gender, and income. During the 2007-2015 period, university graduates were less likely to vote PiS by 1 to 11 percentage points, while they were more likely to vote for the Civic Platform by 5 to 11 percentage points.