INTERSPEECH 2011 Electroglottograph and Acoustic Cues for Phonation Contrasts in Taiwan Min Falling Tones Ho-hsien Pan1, Mao-Hsu Chen1, Shao-Ren Lyu1 1 Department of Foreign Languages and Literatures, National Chiao Tung University, Hsinchu Taiwan
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[email protected] including closed (contact) quotients obtained using a hybrid Abstract method (CQ_H) and Peak Increase in Contac (PIC), This study explored the effective articulatory and acoustic distinguished modal, breathy, and creaky phonations in parameters for distinguishing Taiwan Min falling unchecked Hmong and distinguished tense and lax phonations in Yi [6, 8]. tones 53 and 31 and checked tones 5 and 3. Data were Acoustic parameters including spectral tilts which measure the collected from Zhangzhou, Quanzhou, and mixed accents in amplitude differences between the first harmonic (H1) and the northern, central, and southern Taiwan. Results showed that strongest harmonic in the first formant (A1), second formant EGG parameters, Contact Quotients (CQ) and Peak Increase (A2) and third formant (A3), i.e. H1*-H2* (corrected), H1*- in Contact (PIC) were not effective in distinguishing checked A1* (corrected), H1*-A2* (corrected), H1*-A3*, and Cepstral from unchecked tones across speakers. In contrast, f0 contour Peak Prominence (CPP) distinguished phonation contrasts in and Cepstral Peak Prominence (CPP) consistently Hmong and Yi [6, 8]. distinguished checked tones from unchecked tones across A previous fiberoptic study of Taiwan Min checked speakers. The f0 onset was highest for tone 53, followed in syllables with final unreleased stops [p t, k, ǚ] produced with order by tone 3, 5 and 31.