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T3 Sandhi Rules of Different Prosodic Hierarchies
T3 Sandhi rules of different prosodic hierarchies Abstract This study conducts acoustic analysis on T3 sandhi of two characters across different boundaries of prosodic hierarchies. The experimental data partly support Chen (2000)’s view about sandhi domain that “T3 sandhi takes place obligatorily within MRU”, and “sandhi rule can not apply cross intonation phrase boundary”. Nonetheless, the results do not support his claim that “there are no intermediate sandhi hierarchies between MRU and intonation phrase”. On the contrary, it is found that, although T3 sandhi could occur across all kinds of hierarchical boundaries between MRU and intonation phrase, T3 sandhi rules within a foot (prosodic word), or between foots without pause, or between pauses without intonation (phonology phrase) are very different in terms of acoustic properties. Furthermore, based on the facts that (1) T3 sandhi could occur cross boundary of pauses and (2) phrase-final sandhi could be significantly lengthening, it is argued that T3 sandhi is due to dissimilation of low tones, rather than duration reduction within MRU domain. It is also demonstrated that tone sandhi and prosodic hierarchies may not be equivalently evaluated in Chinese phonology. Prosodic hierarchies are determined by pause and lengthening, not by tone sandhi. Key words: tone sandhi; prosodic hierarchies; boundary; Mandarin Chinese 1 Introduction So-called T3 sandhi in mandarin Chinese has been widely discussed in Chinese Phonology. Mandarin Chinese has four tones: T1 (level 55), T2 (rising 35), T3 (low-rise 214), T4 (falling 51).Generally, when a T3 is followed by another T3, it turns into T2. The rule could be simply stated as: 214->35/ ___214. -
Long-Distance /R/-Dissimilation in American English
Long-Distance /r/-Dissimilation in American English Nancy Hall August 14, 2009 1 Introduction In many varieties of American English, it is possible to drop one /r/ from cer- tain words that contain two /r/s, such as su(r)prise, pa(r)ticular, gove(r)nor, and co(r)ner. This type of /r/-deletion is done by speakers who are basically ‘rhotic’; that is, who generally do not drop /r/ in any other position. It is a type of dissimi- lation, because it avoids the presence of multiple rhotics within a word.1 This paper has two goals. The first is to expand the description of American /r/-dissimilation by bringing together previously published examples of the process with new examples from an elicitation study and from corpora. This data set reveals new generalizations about the phonological environments that favor dissimilation. The second goal is to contribute to the long-running debate over why and how dissimilation happens, and particularly long-distance dissimilation. There is dis- pute over whether long-distance dissimilation is part of the grammar at all, and whether its functional grounding is a matter of articulatory constraints, processing constraints, or perception. Data from American /r/-dissimilation are especially im- portant for this debate, because the process is active, it is not restricted to only a few morphemes, and it occurs in a living language whose phonetics can be studied. Ar- guments in the literature are more often based on ancient diachronic dissimilation processes, or on processes that apply synchronically only in limited morphological contexts (and hence are likely fossilized remnants of once wider patterns). -
Prosody of Tone Sandhi in Vietnamese Reduplications
Prosody of Tone Sandhi in Vietnamese Reduplications Authors Thu Nguyen Linguistics program E.M.S.A.H. University of Queensland St Lucia, QLD 4072, Australia Email: [email protected] John Ingram Linguistics program E.M.S.A.H. University of Queensland St Lucia, QLD 4072, Australia Email: [email protected] Abstract In this paper we take advantage of the segmental control afforded by full and partial Vietnamese reduplications on a constant carrier phrase to obtain acoustic evidence of assymetrical prominence relations (van der Hulst 2005), in support of a hypothesis that Vietnamese reduplications are phonetically right headed and that tone sandhi is a reduction phenomenon occurring on prosodically weak positions (Shih, 2005). Acoustic parameters of syllable duration (onset, nucleus and coda), F0 range, F0 contour, vowel intensity, spectral tilt and vowel formant structure are analyzed to determine: (1) which syllable of the two (base or reduplicant) is more prominent and (2) how the tone sandhi forms differ from their full reduplicated counterparts. Comparisons of full and partial reduplicant syllables in tone sandhi forms provide additional support for this analysis. Key words: tone sandhi, prosody, stress, reduplication, Vietnamese, acoustic analysis ____________________________ We would like to thank our subjects for offering their voices for the analysis, Dr. Nguyen Hong Nguyen for statistical advice and the anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments and suggestions. The Postdoctoral research fellowship granted to the first author by the University of Queensland is acknowledged. Prosody of tone sandhi in Vietnamese reduplications 2 1. Introduction Vietnamese is a contour tone language, which is strongly syllabic in its phonological organization and morphology. -
Burmese Tone?
Burmese Tone? Peter Jenks I. INTRODUCTION This paper is an investigation of the lexical properties of Burmese tone. It characterizes Burmese tone as resulting from an interaction between laryngeal and proper tonal features. The first, [±CONSTRICTEDGLOTTIS] (+CG]) is phonetically realized as a distinction between creaky and 1 breathy phonation (Matisoff 1968; 1973; La Raw Maran 1971; Halle & Stevens 1971) , while the feature [±HIGH] is phonetically realized as high vs. low tone. These features are not claimed to be independent of one another; on the contrary, their interaction is subject to distinctiveness constraints (Flemming 2006) which both restrict certain combinations of features while favoring others. There is an additional correlation to be noted between vowel length as a phonetic realization of phonation and its correlation with the single contour tone in Burmese, which is only licensed in a long vowel, as predicted by Zhang (2002). Thus, the putatively simple system of Burmese tones results from a complex interaction of features and phonetically motivated constraints. The paper proceeds as follows: In section 2 I present the basics of Burmese tone and present details of their phonetic realization and syntactic distribution that lead to my proposal. Section 3 is the proposal for the lexical properties of Burmese tone, and couches that proposal in terms of constraints on distinctiveness and contours. Section 4 presents data from tone sandhi in Burmese that is crucial for my claim that one of the Burmese suprasegmentals is a contour tone, an original proposal. * This paper is based on research done while enrolled in the Field Methods class at Harvard University in the Spring of 2007. -
A Corpus Study of the 3 Tone Sandhi in Standard Chinese
A Corpus Study of the 3 rd Tone Sandhi in Standard Chinese Yiya Chen 1, Jiahong Yuan 2 1 Department of Linguistics, Radboud University Nijmegen 2 Department of Linguistics, University of Pennsylvania [email protected], [email protected] (Zhang 1988, Shih 1997, M. Chen 2000, Chen 2003, Chen Abstract 2004). Speer et al. (1989) show that listeners are indeed In Standard Chinese, a Low tone (Tone3) is often realized sensitive to a constituent’s phrasal structure in judging the application of the 3 rd tone Sandhi to constituents which could with a rising F0 contour before another Low tone, known as the 3rd tone Sandhi. This study investigates the acoustic be ambiguous between an underlying Rising tone and a characteristics of the 3rd tone Sandhi in Standard Chinese Sandhi Rising tone. Their results suggest the possibility that the higher linguistic boundary it is between two Low tones, using a large telephone conversation speech corpus. Sandhi rd Rising was found to be different from the underlying Rising the less likely the 3 tone sandhi rule is applied. With regard tone (Tone2) in bi-syllabic words in two measures: the to the difference between the underlying Rising tone and the Sandhi Rising tone, Peng (2000) show that the F0 maximum magnitude of the F 0 rising and the time span of the F 0 rising. We also found different effects of word frequency on Sandhi of SR is lower than R. Furthermore, in fast speech, a Sandhi Rising and the underlying Rising tones. Finally, for tri- Rising tone may flatten and show no apparent F0 rise (Kuo, syllabic constituents with Low tone only, constituent Xu, and Yip, to appear). -
Kūnqǔ in Practice: a Case Study
KŪNQǓ IN PRACTICE: A CASE STUDY A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI‘I AT MĀNOA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THEATRE OCTOBER 2019 By Ju-Hua Wei Dissertation Committee: Elizabeth A. Wichmann-Walczak, Chairperson Lurana Donnels O’Malley Kirstin A. Pauka Cathryn H. Clayton Shana J. Brown Keywords: kunqu, kunju, opera, performance, text, music, creation, practice, Wei Liangfu © 2019, Ju-Hua Wei ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to express my gratitude to the individuals who helped me in completion of my dissertation and on my journey of exploring the world of theatre and music: Shén Fúqìng 沈福庆 (1933-2013), for being a thoughtful teacher and a father figure. He taught me the spirit of jīngjù and demonstrated the ultimate fine art of jīngjù music and singing. He was an inspiration to all of us who learned from him. And to his spouse, Zhāng Qìnglán 张庆兰, for her motherly love during my jīngjù research in Nánjīng 南京. Sūn Jiàn’ān 孙建安, for being a great mentor to me, bringing me along on all occasions, introducing me to the production team which initiated the project for my dissertation, attending the kūnqǔ performances in which he was involved, meeting his kūnqǔ expert friends, listening to his music lessons, and more; anything which he thought might benefit my understanding of all aspects of kūnqǔ. I am grateful for all his support and his profound knowledge of kūnqǔ music composition. Wichmann-Walczak, Elizabeth, for her years of endeavor producing jīngjù productions in the US. -
The Phonetics-Phonology Interface in Romance Languages José Ignacio Hualde, Ioana Chitoran
Surface sound and underlying structure : The phonetics-phonology interface in Romance languages José Ignacio Hualde, Ioana Chitoran To cite this version: José Ignacio Hualde, Ioana Chitoran. Surface sound and underlying structure : The phonetics- phonology interface in Romance languages. S. Fischer and C. Gabriel. Manual of grammatical interfaces in Romance, 10, Mouton de Gruyter, pp.23-40, 2016, Manuals of Romance Linguistics, 978-3-11-031186-0. hal-01226122 HAL Id: hal-01226122 https://hal-univ-paris.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01226122 Submitted on 24 Dec 2016 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Manual of Grammatical Interfaces in Romance MRL 10 Brought to you by | Université de Paris Mathematiques-Recherche Authenticated | [email protected] Download Date | 11/1/16 3:56 PM Manuals of Romance Linguistics Manuels de linguistique romane Manuali di linguistica romanza Manuales de lingüística románica Edited by Günter Holtus and Fernando Sánchez Miret Volume 10 Brought to you by | Université de Paris Mathematiques-Recherche Authenticated | [email protected] Download Date | 11/1/16 3:56 PM Manual of Grammatical Interfaces in Romance Edited by Susann Fischer and Christoph Gabriel Brought to you by | Université de Paris Mathematiques-Recherche Authenticated | [email protected] Download Date | 11/1/16 3:56 PM ISBN 978-3-11-031178-5 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-031186-0 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-039483-2 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress. -
Clara Wing-Chung Ho FUSHI
Clara Wing-chung Ho FUSHI: THE SECOND SEX AND THE THIRD SEX IN TRADITIONAL CHINA* A Double Meaning of Fushi If we borrow the Western concept to describe women as the second sex in Chinese history,1 then eunuchs could certainly be understood as the third sex.2 The third sex was an artificial one. It was the first sex, male, aiming to ensure the chastity of the second sex, who created a third sex. In imperial families, castration of male attendants made it possible to prevent palace * The author gratefully acknowledges Professor Kwai-cheung Lo, who read the first draft of this article and offered many valuable comments. An earlier version of this article was presented at the workshop “The Future of Chinese Gender Studies in Europe, Asia and the United States” held in Luxembourg, June 24-26, 2005. The author also acknowledges all the constructive comments and suggestions given by the workshop participants, Professors Harriet Zurndorfer and Angela Ki Che Leung in particular. The author is also grateful to Professor Paolo Santan- gelo and Dr. Donatella Guida for their editorial assistance. The shortcomings of the final ver- sion are, of course, the author’s own. 1 Simone de Beauvior’s (1908-1986) Le Deuxième Sexe (The Second Sex) was first published in French in 1949. Employing biological, psychological and historical analysis, it explains how the men-women relation was compared to the master-slave relation. The book was soon trans- lated into many languages and became a major and well-known reference on gender studies in the second half of the 20th century. -
The Poetic Theory and Practice of Huang Tingjian
THE POETIC THEORY AND PRACTICE OF HUANG TINGJIAN BY LIANG DU B.A., HUNAN NORMAL UNIVERSITY, 1982 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i IN THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Asian Studies) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA JULY, 1991 (C) LIANG DU, 1991 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of ^,A-A! S>Tc/P>/gS The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada DE-6 (2/88) ABSTRACT Huang Tingjian ffKpK<1045-1105) is one of the most important poets of the Song Dynasty. He is often associated with his contemporary Su Shi|||^ , just as the Tang Dynasty's most important poets Du Fu and Li Bai ^ are linked. Huang founded the Jiangxi School which exerted 150 years of influence _ i upon the creative theory and practice of succeeding generations of poets. Huang is also one of the most controversial poets in Chinese history. His position in poetic history and the controversy surrounding him, make it worthwhile to analyze his poetic theory and practice. -
The Domain of Liaison: Theories and Data*
The domain of liaison: theories and data* GEERT BOOIJ and DAAN DE JONG Abstract In this paper it is argued that current theories of the domain of liaison are inadequate. It is shown thai 'domain' is a variable intralinguistic constraint on the (variable) rule of liaison. The variable nature of liaison is also apparent from the fact that its rate of application covaries with extralinguis- tic factors such as style and social class. These results also show that rules of sentence phonology should be based on reliable corpora of spoken language. 1. Introduction Liaison can be seen as the phenomenon of latent word-final consonants surfacing phonetically before a vowel-initial word. For instance, in petit ami [p(9)titami] 'little friend' the final / of petit is realized phonetically, whereas it does not surface in petit garςon [p(3)tigars5] 4small boy', because the following word begins with a consonant. These latent consonants also surface in inflectional and derivational morphology, as petite [p(s)tit] 'small', fern, sg., and petitesse [ptites] 'smallness' illustrate. A survey of alternative views of liaison is presented in Klausenburger (1984). The liaison consonant is usually (but not always, see Encreve 1983) tautosyllabic with the next word, the first fragment of the second word, as is illustrated by the syllabification of petit ami: (ρίί)σ(ΐ3)σ(ηιί)á where σ = syllable. That is, liaison usually implies enchamement.1 In this paper, we will focus on one particular problem in the analysis of liaison, its domain of application. It is well known that liaison only applies within certain environments. -
Shanghainese Vowel Merger Reversal Full Title
0 Short title: Shanghainese vowel merger reversal Full title: On the cognitive basis of contact-induced sound change: Vowel merger reversal in Shanghainese Names, affiliations, and email addresses of authors: Yao Yao The Hong Kong Polytechnic University [email protected] Charles B. Chang Boston University [email protected] Address for correspondence: Yao Yao The Hong Kong Polytechnic University Department of Chinese and Bilingual Studies Hung Hom, Kowloon, Hong Kong 1 Short title: Shanghainese vowel merger reversal Full title: On the cognitive basis of contact-induced sound change: Vowel merger reversal in Shanghainese 2 Abstract This study investigated the source and status of a recent sound change in Shanghainese (Wu, Sinitic) that has been attributed to language contact with Mandarin. The change involves two vowels, /e/ and /ɛ/, reported to be merged three decades ago but produced distinctly in contemporary Shanghainese. Results of two production experiments showed that speaker age, language mode (monolingual Shanghainese vs. bilingual Shanghainese-Mandarin), and crosslinguistic phonological similarity all influenced the production of these vowels. These findings provide evidence for language contact as a linguistic means of merger reversal and are consistent with the view that contact phenomena originate from cross-language interaction within the bilingual mind.* Keywords: merger reversal, language contact, bilingual processing, phonological similarity, crosslinguistic influence, Shanghainese, Mandarin. * This research was supported by -
Parte I €“ Dilema éTico Y Virtud
Virtud y consecuencia en la literatura histórica y filosófica pre-Han y Han: el dilema ético en la filosofía y sociedad china César Guarde Paz ADVERTIMENT. La consulta d’aquesta tesi queda condicionada a l’acceptació de les següents condicions d'ús: La difusió d’aquesta tesi per mitjà del servei TDX (www.tdx.cat) ha estat autoritzada pels titulars dels drets de propietat intel·lectual únicament per a usos privats emmarcats en activitats d’investigació i docència. No s’autoritza la seva reproducció amb finalitats de lucre ni la seva difusió i posada a disposició des d’un lloc aliè al servei TDX. No s’autoritza la presentació del seu contingut en una finestra o marc aliè a TDX (framing). Aquesta reserva de drets afecta tant al resum de presentació de la tesi com als seus continguts. En la utilització o cita de parts de la tesi és obligat indicar el nom de la persona autora. ADVERTENCIA. La consulta de esta tesis queda condicionada a la aceptación de las siguientes condiciones de uso: La difusión de esta tesis por medio del servicio TDR (www.tdx.cat) ha sido autorizada por los titulares de los derechos de propiedad intelectual únicamente para usos privados enmarcados en actividades de investigación y docencia. No se autoriza su reproducción con finalidades de lucro ni su difusión y puesta a disposición desde un sitio ajeno al servicio TDR. No se autoriza la presentación de su contenido en una ventana o marco ajeno a TDR (framing). Esta reserva de derechos afecta tanto al resumen de presentación de la tesis como a sus contenidos.