Clara Wing-chung Ho

FUSHI: THE SECOND SEX AND THE THIRD SEX IN TRADITIONAL *

A Double Meaning of Fushi If we borrow the Western concept to describe women as the second sex in Chinese history,1 then eunuchs could certainly be understood as the third sex.2 The third sex was artificial one. It was the first sex, male, aiming to ensure the chastity of the second sex, who created a third sex. In imperial families, castration of male attendants made it possible to prevent palace

* The author gratefully acknowledges Professor Kwai-cheung Lo, who read the first draft of this article and offered many valuable comments. An earlier version of this article was presented at the workshop “The Future of Chinese Gender Studies in Europe, Asia and the United States” held in Luxembourg, June 24-26, 2005. The author also acknowledges all the constructive comments and suggestions given by the workshop participants, Professors Harriet Zurndorfer and Angela Ki Leung in particular. The author is also grateful to Professor Paolo Santan- gelo and Dr. Donatella Guida for their editorial assistance. The shortcomings of the final ver- sion are, of course, the author’s own. 1 Simone de Beauvior’s (1908-1986) Le Deuxième Sexe (The Second Sex) was first published in French in 1949. Employing biological, psychological and historical analysis, it explains how the men-women relation was compared to the master-slave relation. The book was soon trans- lated into many languages and became a major and well-known reference on gender studies in the second half of the 20th century. For the full text in English translation and a quick reference on related information, visit the website “Simone de Beauvoir Archive” at http://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/philosophy/works/fr/zn. 2 The third sex here simply refers to eunuchs in ancient China. It has nothing to do with gays and lesbians, as the contemporary definition of the third sex (and/or fourth sex) may suggest. Taisuke Mitamura (三田村泰助) has termed eunuchs as the “artificial third sex” (Taisuke Mi- tamura 1963 & 2003). For an English translation of Mitamura’s book see Pomeroy 1970. For Chinese translations see Shi Kekuan 施克寬 1985 & 1988. A subtitle Renzao de disan 人 造的第三性 (The artificial third sex) was added to the second translation by Shi. Two similar works by another author highlighting eunuchs as the third sex were Wang Yude 王玉德 1994 & 1995. The above cited Japanese and Chinese works on eunuchs employed either the term huan- guan or taijian. But it should be pointed out that the two terms were not equivalent until the Qing Dynasty. For quick references see He Guanbiao 何冠彪 1989 & 1990.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 04:18:01PM via free access Clara Wing-chung Ho women from having sex with men except the emperor.3 The existence of the eunuch system had, at least in principle, protected the chastity of every single palace woman. It supported the belief that all women in the palace were “properties” owned by the emperor, though a significant number of them might never have any sexual contact with the emperor. The term fushi 婦寺 was frequently used in Chinese historical narratives. The first character refers to women and the second character shi refers to eunuchs. Putting the two characters together, a new term was coined. It has a double meaning. Firstly, it refers either to women or eunuchs. Secondly, it means women and eunuchs. The word shi 寺 in the term fushi is equivalent to another Chinese charac- ter shi 侍 (servant).4 Shi 寺 has a different meaning when pronounced as 寺.5 Shi means attendants serving in the inner palace (jinshi zhi ren 近侍之

3 G. Carter Stent had provided with a detailed account on the castration process of late Qing eunuchs. See G. Carter Stent 1877. More valuable first-hand narratives were given by eunuchs of the Qing court surviving until the 60s in the 20th century. Their oral histories were preserved in chapters of a book published in the 80s. See Guang 李光 and Zhou Chunhui 周春暉 1982. See also Jean Jacques Matignon 1899; Richard Millart 1908, and Chen Cunren 陳存仁 1977. 4 When Zheng Xuan 鄭玄 (127-200) defined shiren 寺人, he argued that shi 寺 means shi 侍, the character shi 寺 shared the pronunciation and meaning of the character shi 侍. See Zhouli zhushu 周禮注疏, juan 1, “tianguan 天官”, “Zhongzai 冢宰”1, p. 18. See also Maoshi zhengyi 毛詩正義, juan 613, “guofeng 國風,” “Qin 秦,” “Julin 車鄰,” p.233. On the other hand, a term fushi 婦侍 instead of fushi 婦寺 was already used in a pre-Han publication, Yanzi chunqiu 晏子 春秋. The book records Ying’s 晏嬰 (?-500) advices to rulers of his age and he once men- tioned that negative influence of women and eunuchs should be avoided. See Zeyu (1962), juan 1, “neibian jianshang diyi 內篇諫上第一,” “Jinggong tan youguo zhi le Yanzi di shiliu 景公貪長有國之樂晏子諫第十六”, p. 60. A few famous scholars in the had pointed out respectively that shi 寺 can be an ancient alternative of shi 侍 which carries the some meaning. See Deming 陸德明 (556-627), Jingdian shiwen 經典釋文, juan 7, 38a; Kong Yingda 孔穎達 (574-648), Maoshi zhengyi 毛詩正義, juan 18, “daya 大雅,” “dang zhi shi 蕩之什,” “zhanang 瞻卬,” p. 578; Li 李善 (?-689, annot.), Wenxuan 文選 (compiled by Xiao 蕭統 [501-531]), juan 50, “shilun 史論,” “Huanzhe zhuan lun 宦者傳論” (by Fan Weizong 范蔚宗 [ Fan Ye 范曄], 398-445), p. 1093. Moreover, a Ming scholar Shen 楊慎 (1498-1559) has made it clear that shiren 寺人 means shiren 侍人, see his Dangqian yulu 丹鉛 餘錄, “zonglu 總錄,” juan 14, “shiren shiren 寺人即侍人,” 9a. A Qing famous philologist Zhu Junsheng 朱駿聲 (1788-1858) also stated that shi 寺 is a loan character (jiajie 假借) of shi 侍. See Zhu Junsheng 1984, “yibu 頤部” 5, 2a (p. 162). 5 Gu Yanwu 顧炎武 (1613-1682) has given three definitions to the word shi/si 寺, including eunuch, court, and temple. See his Rizhi lu 日知錄 ( Rucheng 黃汝成 [1799-1837, an-

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人). Shi also means shiren 寺人 or nei xiaochen 內小臣 (palace attendant).6 However, it must be pointed out that in early China, not all shiren or nei xiaochen were eunuchs. As Yan Shigu 顏師古 (581-645) has remarked, only those nei xiaochen who served at the inner palace were eunuchs.7 According to a famous collection of last names published in the Tang Dynasty, shiren in ancient times had descendants, because there was a last name called Shiren 寺人 in Chinese history.8 However, shi in the term of fushi refers to eunuchs only. A famous historian of the Song Dynasty, Hu Hong 胡宏 (1105-1155), stated that the term fushi began when Zhou Youwang 周幽王 (Ji Gongnie 姬 宮涅, ?-771 B.C., r. 782 B.C. – 771 B.C.) was in favour of the concubine Si 褒姒 and the concubine led to the fall of the Western Zhou Dynasty.9 Here Hu Hong was clearly referring to a famous poem in the Shijing 詩經 (The book of songs), “Zhanang 瞻卬.” It was this poem that began using the term fushi and since then it became very fashionable to quote this poem to blame women and eunuchs in later dynasties. The following verses are from the poem: A wise man builds up the wall [of a city] (Zhefu chengcheng 哲夫成城), But a wise woman overthrows it (Zhefu qingcheng 哲婦傾城). Admirable may be the wise woman (Yique zhefu 懿厥哲婦). But she is [no better than] an owl (Weixiao weichi 為梟為鴟). not.], Rizhi lu jishi 日知錄集釋), juan 28, “shi/si,” 9b-10a. However, Gu’s definition is not complete. When the word 寺 is pronounced as si, there are some more meanings. For a quick reference see Zhongwen da cidian 中文大辭典 v.10, p. 207 and 漢語大辭典, v.2, p. 1249. See also Chen Baoqin 陳寶勤 2005. 6 See Zheng Xuan’s annotation incorporated in Maoshi zhengyi, juan 613, “guofeng,” “Qin,” “Julin,” p. 233. For the differences between shiren and nei xiaochen, see Kong Yingda’s anno- tation on p. 234. For an explanation of nei xiaochen see Charles O. Hucker 1985, p. 345. How- ever, Hucker assumed that all nei xiaochen were eunuchs. As we shall see, this observation may not be true. 7 Yan Shigu 1985, juan 4, “shiren,” pp. 34-35. 8 Bao 林寶, Yuanhe xingzuan 元和姓纂 listed Shiren 寺人 as a surname. According to Cen Zhongmian’s 岑仲勉 (1885-1961) annotation, another listed surname Xiren 徙人 should be the error of Shiren. See Lin Bao 1994, juan 8, p. 1190 and juan 3, pp. 309-310. 9 Hu Hong, Huangwang daji 皇王大紀, juan 40, 6b-7a. See also Hu Hong ji 胡宏集, juan 4, “Huangwang daji lun 皇王大紀論,” “ yong Diao 齊用豎貂, “ pp. 271-272.

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A woman with a long tongue (Fuyou changshe 婦有長舌). Is [like] a stepping-stone to disorder (Weili zhi jie 維厲之階). [Disorder] does not come down from heaven (Luan fei jiangzi tian 亂匪降自天); It is produced by the woman (Shengzi furen 生自婦人). Those from whom come no lessons, no instruction (Feijiao feihui 匪教匪誨), Are women and eunuchs (Shiwei fushi 時維婦寺). They beat men down, hurtful, deceitful (Juren zhite 鞫人忮忒). Their slanders in the beginning may be falsified in the end (Zenshi jingbei 譖始竟背). But they do not say [that their words were] very wrong (Xiyue buji 豈曰不極); [They say], ‘What evil was there in them?’ (Yihu weini 伊胡為慝) As if in the three times cent. per cent. of traffic (Rugu sanbei 如賈三倍), A superior man should have any knowledge of it (Junzi shi shi 君子是識); So a woman who has nothing to do with public affairs (Fuwu gongshi 婦無公事), Leaves her silk-worms and weaving (Xiuqi chanzhi 休其蠶織).”10 It was believed that the poet was blaming Bao Si for her evilness.11 Ex- plicitly enough, the poet held a very negative attitude towards the woman he was referring to. But the poet used the term fushi to express his severe criti- cism. If fushi means women and eunuchs, why did the poet blame only women and did not comment on the wrong deeds of eunuchs? This has left scholars in subsequent dynasties much room for interpretations and even speculations. This is actually why we come to a double meaning of fushi. Despite the fact that there were numerous efforts to categorize women and eunuchs under the tailor-made term fushi, there is no solid evidence that the author of “Zhanang” was talking about women and eunuchs at the same time. Perhaps this is the reason why two eminent Chinese dictionaries insist that one of the definitions of fushi means women only.12 Actually, this definition is well supported by ’s 劉向 (c. 77 B.C. – 6 B.C.) Lienü zhuan 列女傳 (Biographies of women), which quoted the two lines containing fushi in

10 Maoshi zhengyi, juan 18, “daya”, “dang zhi shi”, “zhanang”, p. 578. English translation adopted from James Legge (1815-1897), The Chinese Classics, v. IV, The She King, BKIII, Ode X, “Decade of Tang”, “Chenjong”, pp. 561-562. For an alternative translation, see Joseph R. Al- len (trans.), “High Regard”, in Arthur Waley 1996, pp. 283-285. 11 See the preface of the poem in Maoshi zhengyi, juan 18, “daya”, “dang zhi shi”, “zhanang” p. 577. 12 Zhongwen da cidian,  168; Hanyu da cidian,  381.

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“Zhanang” to describe a misbehaved woman, Shengji 聲姬.13 On the other hand, there are pieces of evidences from standard histories and other sources to support that fushi may be used to mean eunuchs exclusively.14 Therefore, our first definition of fushi is that it means either women or eunuchs. A second reference of fushi, and a more common one in imperial China, denotes both women and eunuchs. After the term fushi was brought to read- ers’ attention by the poem “Zhanang,” there followed many citations and in- terpretations. Generally speaking, those interpretations could be divided into two major groups. The first group of interpretations bears the view that women and eunuchs were similar and they belonged to the same category. Therefore, the poet was actually referring to both while elaborating on one. 15 There were also sayings that since the ruler (Zhou Youwang) was fond of women, he must be fond of eunuchs too. Therefore, women and eunuchs should be put in the same cate- gory.16 Of course this is somewhat taking things for granted. Others claimed

13 Liu Xiang 1825, juan 7, “niebi zhuan 孽嬖傳,” 10, “Qiling Shengji 齊靈聲姬,” 11b. There are other evidences among documents that employ fushi to mean women only. For example, when Wang Anli 王安禮 (1035-1096), a high rank official, drafted on the emperor’s behalf an announcement of appointing an imperial concubine, mentioned that the obligation of fushi was to demonstrate female virtues and to assist the emperor by promoting harmony at the inner pala- ce. In this context fushi really has nothing to do with eunuchs. See Wang Anli, “Moushi feng- cong yuan zhi 某氏封充媛制,” in his Wang Weigong ji 王魏公集, juan 3, 21ab. Another exam- ple is that a Song scholar Lin Tong 林駧 has used more than once yanyin fushi 閹尹婦寺 to re- fer to eunuchs and women. It will be illogical if fushi means both women and eunuchs otherwise yanyin will be redundant. It is quite clear that fushi here means women only. See Lin’s Gujin yuanliu zhilun 古今源流至論, “qianji,” juan 10, “chaoyi 朝儀,” and “bieji,” juan 3, “li”, 22a. 14 For instance, see Tuo Tuo 脫脫 (1314-1355), et al., 1977, juan 131, “liezhuan” 69, “huan- zhe 宦者,” p. 2807; Tingyu 張廷玉 (1672-1755) 1974, juan 14, “benji 本紀” 14, “Xian- zong 憲宗” 2, p. 181. See also Yan Yuan 顏元 (1635-1704), Sichun bian 四存編 (in Yan Yuan 1987), “cunzhi bian 存治編,” “gongxing 宮刑,” p. 113. In a preliminary study on the different titles of eunuchs throughout Chinese history, fushi was listed as an alternative title of eunuch. See Leng Dong 冷東 1986. 15 Lü Zuqian 呂祖謙 (1137-1181), Lüshi jiashu dushi ji 呂氏家塾讀詩記, juan 27, “dang zhi shi,” 21b; Duan Changwu 段昌武, Duanshi Maoshi jijie 段氏毛詩集解, juan 25, 38b; Chen Qiyuan 陳啟源, Maoshi jigu bian 毛詩稽古編, juan 22, 21a. 16 Fan Chuyi 范處義, Shi buzhuan 詩補傳, juan 25, 39b.

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Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 04:18:01PM via free access Clara Wing-chung Ho that both women and eunuchs were wicked,17 deceitful,18 trouble-making,19 and their involvement in politics could cause great disasters.20 The second group of interpretations emphasizes that women and eunuchs often teamed up in politics. Although historians often warned the potential danger of women’s beauty and words,21 there were many discussions on the possible results of the collaboration of women and eunuchs, too. Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130-1200) remarked that women and eunuchs counted on each other to conduct their evil deeds (xiangyi weijian 相倚為奸), therefore the poet delib- erately hinted at the danger of eunuchs after he blamed the evil woman.22 Zhu Xi’s commentaries have become very authoritative. Zhu’s words were widely cited and sometimes plagiarized in later commentaries.23 Zhen Dexiu 真德秀 (1178-1235) further elaborated that the poet alerted readers of the possible ruins caused by both women and eunuchs, therefore while the poet criticized one’s criminal acts, he also implied the complicity of the other.24

17 Wang Zhi 王質 (1127-1189), Shi zongwen 詩總聞, juan 1, “zhounan 周南,” “Lin zhi zhi 麟之趾,” 12b; Yao Shunmu 姚舜牧 (1543-?), Chongding Shijing yiwen 重訂詩經疑問, juan 10, daya, 56b. 18 Zhu Gongqian 朱公遷, Shiying shuyi huitong 詩經疏義會通, juan 18, “dang zhi shi” 3:3, 42ab. 19 Wang Zhi juan 18, “zhanang,” 40b. 20 Xiu 歐陽修 (1007-1072), Shi benyi 詩本義, juan 11, 17b; Li 李樗, Huang Chun 黃櫄, Maoshi Li Huang jijie 毛詩李黃集解, juan 36, 19ab and 24ab; Fan Chuyi, op.cit., juan 25, 40b; Li Guangdi 李光地 (1642-1718), Shisuo 詩所, juan 7, 36b. 21 The best illustration of such an idea is the introduction of the term nühuo 女禍, see Ouyang Xiu, Song Qi 宋祁 (996-1061) 1975, juan 5, “benji” 5, “Xuanzong 玄宗,” p. 154; Ouyang Xiu, 1974, juan 12, “Liang jiaren zhuan” 1, p. 127. For a thorough analysis of nühuo, see my book Liu Yongcong 1998, pp. 15-164. 22 Zhu Xi, 1958, juan 18, “dang zhi shi” 3:3, p. 220. 23 See, for example, Yan Can 嚴粲, Shiji 詩緝, juan 31, 25a; Liu 劉謹, Shizhuan tongshi 詩傳通釋, juan 18, “shi,” “Zhu Xi jizhuan,” 69ab; Qinding Shijing zhuanshuo huizuan 欽定詩 經傳說彙纂), juan 19, 19ab; Fu Heng 傅恒 (?-1770), et al. (comp.), Yuzuan shiyi zhezhong 御 纂詩義折中, juan 18, 52b; Yan Yudun 嚴虞惇, Dushi zhiyi 讀詩質疑, juan 26xia, 30b; Xia Li- angsheng 夏良勝, Zhongyong yanyi 中庸衍義, juan 7, 41ab; Emperor Shizu 世祖 (Fulin 福臨, 1638-1661, r. 1644-1661), Yuding Xiaojing yanyi 御定孝經衍義, juan 40, “tianzi zhi xiao 天子 之孝,” “bie xianpi 別賢否,” 14a. 24 Zhen Dexiu, Daxue yanyi 大學衍義, juan 37, 9b-10a.

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Some scholars used phrases like xiangbi weiluan 相比為亂25 and yinxing duzhi 陰性毒鷙26 to describe the complice relation of women and eunuchs. Others pointed out that palace women relied on eunuchs to interfere with state affairs while eunuchs depended on empresses and imperial consorts to expand their power.27 It was also pointed out that if emperors listened to the words of women and eunuchs, and accepted their suggestions, the state will be in chaos.28 All these political theories in later centuries were used to justify why the author of “Zhanang” blamed a woman but introduced the concept of fushi which, in peoples’ eyes, refers to both women and eunuchs. However, per- haps the real message of the poet can never be unveiled. In sum, the concept of fushi originated from a poem in the Shijing. As a matter of fact, blaming women for their negative influences on the nation- state has already commenced at the time when the poet lived.29 But eunuchs of this era were far less active than in comparison to later dynasties, after China has begun its imperial period.30 Therefore, it is not at all clear whether the author of “Zhanang” has included eunuchs or not in his concept of fushi. Though we can locate different sources employing fushi to mean either women or eunuchs throughout Chinese history, it is quite obvious that using fushi to mean both women and eunuchs become more common since the Song Dynasty. As mentioned before, Zhu Xi has contributed an authoritative explanation of why the poet mentioned eunuchs.31 On the other hand, Zhen Dexiu has thoroughly discussed the proper behaviour fushi should follow. He

25 Yan Yudun, juan 26 xia, 33a. 26 Gu Zhen 顧鎮, Yudong xueshi 虞東學詩, juan 10, 82b-83a. 27 Zhang Cizhong 張次仲 (1589-1676), Daixuan shiji 待軒詩記, juan 7, “daya,” “dang zhi shi,” 50a; Zhu Chaoying 朱朝瑛 (1605-1670), Dushi lüeji 讀詩略記, juan 5, 86b-87a; Zhu Hel- ing 朱鶴齡 (1606-1632), Shijing tongyi 詩經通義, juan 10, “dang zhi shi,” 48a. 28 Qian Chengzi 錢澄之 (1612-1693), Tianjian shixue 田間詩學, juan 10, “dang zhi shi” 3:3, “zhanang,” 56ab; Liu Yuru 劉玉汝, Shi zuanxu 詩纘緒, juan 16, 22b. 29 See my article “XianQin shiqi zhi ‘nühuo’ guan 先秦時期之 ‘女禍’ 觀,” in Liu Yongcong 1998, pp. 15-42. See also Lisa Raphals 1998, pp. 61-86. 30 See Hu Zhi 胡直 (1517-1585), Henglu jingshe canggao 衡廬精舍藏稿, juan 30, “zazhu,” “tanyan” xia, 18b. There are numerous studies of eunuchs’ involvement in politics during the imperial era. For quick references see Du Wanyan 杜婉言 1996 and Mary M. Anderson 1990. 31 See note 22.

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Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 04:18:01PM via free access Clara Wing-chung Ho broke the term fushi into fu and shi: fu should be gentle and subservient, whereas shi should be loyal and humble. Zhen also pointed out that both fu and shi should not aim at any achievements and credits.32 In a famous compi- lation of classified historical sources in the Ming Dynasty, the author Zheng Xiao 鄭曉 (1499-1566) listed sources on both the hierarchy of palace women and the eunuch system of the Ming Dynasty under the chapter fushi. 33 Zheng’s arrangement, together with the lengthy discussions on fushi in “Zhanang,” are examples of the common understanding of the concept fushi in late imperial China.

Why Were Women and Eunuchs Placed in the Same Category? The concept of fushi has a significant impact on the categorization of women and eunuchs in Chinese history. In a vast number of written materials, fushi had been negatively portrayed in several manners. In principle, fushi were regarded as persons full of unpleasant qualities. Time and again, fushi were compared to nüzi 女子 and xiaoren 小人 as criti- cized by Confucius (Kong Qiu 孔丘, 551 B.C. – 479 B.C.).34 They were said to be hard to deal with and to instruct.35 They were regarded as inferior peo- ple, and they could be teased.36 Physically they were short and tiny (xi xiao

32 Zhen Dexiu juan 39, “Qijia zhiyao” 1, 28b. 33 Zheng Xiao 1985, juan 3, “jianguan men,” “fushi,” pp. 134-163. 34 See Lunyu zhushu (in Shisanjing zhushu), juan 7, “yanghuo 陽貨” 17, p. 2526. For English translation see D. C. Lau 1983, p. 181. There were lots of studies on the real message conducted via this famous saying. See Liu Yongcong 1998, pp. 35-36, n. 27. For elaboration on the simi- larities between fushi and nüzi vs xiaoren, see Ruoshui 湛若水 (1466-1560), Gewu tong 格物通, juan 41, “ chenqie 御臣妾,” 4b-5a and Lu Longqi 陸隴其 (1630-1692), Sishu jian- gyi kunmian lu 四書講義困勉錄, juan 20, “yanghuo,” 27b-29a. 35 Chen Zunian 陳祖念, Yiyong 易用, juan 1, “Meng 蒙,” 14a. 36 Liu Zongyuan 柳宗元 (773-819) once mentioned in one of his famous pieces that if an em- peror playfully teased a fushi and joked that the fushi would be granted land and dukeship, no body should take the joke seriously, though the joke was said by the emperor. See Liu’s “Tongye fengdi bian 桐葉封弟辯,” in Liu Zongyuan 1974, juan 4, “yibian 議辯,” p. 106. Keze 程可則 (1652 jinshi) once remarked that Liu’s hypothesis did not make sense be- cause the influence of fushi was insignificant in early Western Zhou dynasty. See his “Bo Liu Zihou tongye fengdi bian 駁柳子厚桐葉封弟辯,” in Guangdong wenzheng 廣東文徵, v. 5,

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細小);37 they pretended to be gentle and lovely (roumei 柔媚);38 because of the imbalance of male hormones, eunuchs might have fat chins.39 Adjectives like suosuo 瑣瑣 (trivial), 40 weisuo 猥瑣 (wretched and indecent) 41 and saisai 鰓鰓 ([葸葸], timid and fearful) 42 were used to describe fushi. The posture of fushi (fushi tai 婦寺態) was disapprovingly sketched in poetry.43 When mentioned about the hierarchial structure of the society, fushi was placed at the very bottom, as an opposite to the royal families who were on the very top.44 Occasionally if the writings of individual fushi were taken into collections, those pieces were marginalized.45 Vulgar and senseless talks were described as fushi sutan 婦寺俗談.46 Other phrases including fushi juxin 婦寺 居心 ([evil] intentions of fushi),47 fushi zhi xiu 婦寺之羞 (fushi’s shame),48

juan 19, “Cheng Keze,” pp. 2-3. See also Ma Douquan 馬斗全 1997 and Yang Jinzhen 楊金禎 2001. 37 Li Guangdi, Zhouyi guantuan 周易觀彖, juan 3, “shangjing 上經” 3, 11b-12a. 38 Wang Zhichang 王志長, Zhouli zhushu shanyi 周禮註疏刪翼, juan 5, 22a. 39 Yao Zhiyin 姚之駰, Yuan Ming shilei chao 元明事類鈔, juan 28, “shenti men 身體門,” “ 鬚,” 16b. 40 Ziyan 畢自嚴 (1569-1638), “Dizhen chenyan shu 地震陳言疏,” in his Shiyinyuan canggao 石隱園藏稿, juan 5, 61b. 41 Cui Xian 崔銑 (1478-1541), “Shu Lin Maozhen Jiajing dali bian hou 書林茂貞嘉靖大禮 辯後,” in his Huanci 洹詞, juan 4, “yong ji 雍集,” 51a. 42 Dingyuan 藍鼎元 (1680-1733), “Du Guo Chongtao zhuan 讀郭崇韜傳,” in his Luzhou chuji 鹿洲初集 (in Lan Dingyuan 1995), juan 16, p. 316. 43 Wang Feng 王逢 (1319-1385), “Zeng Huiwan moutongfang yin 僧慧畹畂同芳圖引,” in his Wuxi ji 梧溪集, juan 1, 25a. 44 Yu Ruji 俞汝楫, Libu zhigao 禮部志稿, juan 44, 26a. 45 See the preface of Mingshi zong 明詩綜 by Zhu Yizun 朱彝尊 (1629-1709) in Qingchao wenxian tongkao 清朝文獻通考 (included in Shitong 十通), juan 238, jingji 28, p. 6968. This Preface is not included in Mingshi zong (YYWYGSKQS edition). 46 Yin Zhen 胤禎 (Emperor Yongzheng 雍正, 1678-1735, r. 1723-1736), “Zhupi Hon- gen zhouzhe 硃批趙弘恩秦摺,” in Shizong Xian huangdi zhupi yuzhi 世宗憲皇帝硃批諭旨 , juan 263, 18b. 47 Yin Zhen, Shizong Xian huangdi shangyu neige 世宗憲皇帝上諭內閣, juan 147, 2a.

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Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 04:18:01PM via free access Clara Wing-chung Ho fushi zhi gui 婦寺之詭 (fushi’s cunning tricks),49 fushi zhi xing yinhen 婦寺 之性陰狠 (fushi bear sinister characters),50 etc., were used in different genres to describe women and/or eunuchs. Moreover, traditional superstitions tended to interpret natural disasters as warning signals of women’s improper behavior.51 As an alternative concept, fushi were to be blamed, too. Both women and eunuchs were regarded as yin 陰 (the feminine or negative principle in nature), an opposite to yang 陽 (the masculine or positive principle in nature). It was believed that lots of misfor- tune would occur if the power of yang was threatened by the power of yin.52 The rising power of fushi was regarded as ill omen ( 凶).53 The notori- ous eunuch Wei Zhongxian 魏忠賢 (1568-1627) and the nurse (last name 客, ?-1627) of the Tianqi 天啟 emperor (Ming Xizong 明熹宗, Zhu Youjiao 朱由校, 1605-1627, r. 1620-1627) were the vivid examples of how fushi were generally perceived.54 When Wei and Ke were extending their influences in political affairs, lots of accusation towards them made reference to natural disasters. The most common disaster mentioned was earthquake (diming 地 鳴). For example, in a book published right after Wei’s suicide, the explana- tion of various earthquakes occurred when Wei and Ke were dominating the

48 Yuanlu 倪元璐 (1593-1644), “Dalisi zuosicheng Dingmei Liugong muzhiming 大理寺 左寺丞鼎梅劉公墓誌銘,” in his Ni Wenzhen ji 倪文貞, juan 10, 10a. 49 Zhang Zhixiang 張之象 (1507-1587), “Koutou chong fu 叩頭蟲賦,” in Yuding lidai fuhui 御定歷代賦彙, juan 140, 17a. 50 Yuan Gun 袁袞 (1502-1547), Shiwei 世緯, juan , “caian 裁閹,” 20a; Mingzhu yuan 明珠緣, hui 回 43, p. 345. 51 See my article “Handai zhi furen zaiyi lun 漢代之婦人災異論,” in Liu Yongcong 1998, pp. 43-86. 52 See Ming Xizong shilu 明熹宗實錄 (in Ming shilu), juan 15, “Tianqi yuannian shiyue gengwu” (November 15, 1621), p. 737; Chongzhen changbian 崇禎長編 (in Ming shilu), juan 62, “Chongzhen wunian jiuyue renshen” (October 11, 1628), p. 3564. 53 Hongli 弘曆 (Emperor Qianlong 乾隆, 1711-1799, r. 1736-1796), “Yuling 裕陵” of “Guo qingming wang Ming tiju 過清明望明陵各題句,” in his Yuzhishi wuji 御製詩五集 (in Hongli 1993), juan 32, 24a. 54 There were numerous writings on Wei and Ke, including fictions. For academic references see Ulrich Hans-Richard Mammitzsch 1968 and Miao Di 苗棣 1994. For an overall study of Ming eunuchs, see Shih-shan Henry Tsai 1996.

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Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 04:18:01PM via free access The Second Sex and the Third Sex in Traditional China court was precisely because the yin was too energetic and offending the yang. Therefore, the heaven was giving warning signals of tianren gongnu 天人共 怒 (shared anger between the heaven and folks) because of the disorder zheng zai fushi zuoluan 政在婦寺作亂 (fushi dominated the state, causing chaos).55 Other disasters such as hail (bao 雹),56 drought (buyu 不雨),57 deem rainbow fell from heaven (niduo 蜺堕),58 hen turned into roaster (ciji huaxiong 雌鷄 化雄) 59 and other abnormalities60 were all attributed to the wrong deeds of fushi. Not only were fushi regarded as ominous and dangerous, they were per- ceived as narrow-minded, insensible persons with poor knowledge. Therefore there were comments criticizing certain emperors for being born and raised in the inner palace by fushi (Shengyu shengong zhi zhong, zhangyu fushi zhi shou 生於深宮之中，長於婦寺之手).61 Therefore, in the companionship of fushi, princes were not aware of and thus could not face the shuai 衰 (de- cline), 憂 (worries), ku 苦 (bitterness) and ju 懼 (fear) in real lives.62 It was argued that if princes were used to staying with fushi, once they became emperors they would incline to rely on fushi, too. Emperors throughout Chi- nese history were criticized for not building up closer relation with the

55 Zhu Changzuo 朱長祚 1989, juan 6, “zhucheng 築城,” p. 86; juan 5, “zaili 災沴,” “diming,” p. 77-78. See also Huang Shixue 黃奭學 1984, 16a, 26a. 56 Mingshi, juan 235, liezhuan 123, “Jiang Yunyi 蔣允儀,” p. 6134. 57 Ibid. 58 Luo Guanzhong 羅貫中 (ca. 1330-ca. 1400) 1973, p. 2. 59 Ibid. 60 See, for example, Huang Daozhou 黃道周 (1585-1646), Sanyi dongji 三易洞璣, juan 3, “Mitujing 宓圖經” xia, 1a-6b; Lu Renlong 陸人龍 1993, hui 37, p. 611. 61 Huang Lun 黃倫, Shangshu jingyi 尚書精義, juan 39, 26a; Wang 王樵 (1521-1599), Shangshu riji 尚書日記, juan 7, 48b; Huang Zongyan 黃宗炎 (1616-1686), Zhouyi xiangci 周 易象辭, juan 15, 6a; Xuanye 玄燁 (Emperor Kangxi 康熙, Qing Shengzu 清聖祖, 1654-1722, r. 1661-1772), “Yu Mingshi guan jianxiu daxueshi Sanga Zhang Yushu Li Tianfu Libu shang- shu Xiong Cilü zongcai Hubu shangshu Chen Tingjing Libu shangshu Zhang Ying yuanren zuodouyushi Wang Hongxu 諭明史館監修大學士伊桑阿張玉書李天馥吏部尚書熊賜履總裁 戶部尚書陳廷敬禮部尚書張英原任左都御史王鴻緒,” in his Shengzu Renhuangdi yuzhi wenji 聖祖仁皇帝御製文集, ji 2, juan 16, 6a. 62 Huang Lun, Shangshu jingyi 尚書精義.

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Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 04:18:01PM via free access Clara Wing-chung Ho scholar–officials, but continued to assign jobs to fushi and allow state policies to be announced in the emperors’ chamber instead of the court (shoushi yu fu- shi, chuling yu fangta 受事於婦寺，出令於房闥).63 It was pointed out that because of the daily close contact, emperors would find it difficult to get rid of the influence of fushi.64 Comparatively speaking, prince education in the Qing Dynasty was well-known for its high quality.65 The famous historian Zhao Yi 趙翼 (1727-1814) highly commended the strict and all-round train- ing of Qing princes, claiming that Qing princes were so different from those who merely stayed with fushi and did not have good judgement in previous dynasties.66 Therefore, women and eunuchs were accused for having nega- tive influences on the spiritual growth of princes as well as the integrity of emperors. Furthermore, fushi were perceived as harmful and dangerous during cru- cial moments such as when the emperor was about to die. It was recorded that in order to avoid fushi playing tricks and falsely announced a successor of their own choice, some dukes (zhuhou 諸侯) in ancient times wouldn’t choose to die nearby fushi. They would move to an area where more people could be present, because they didn’t want to die in the hands of women (bu siyu furen zhi shou 不死於婦人之手).67 More importantly, this practice was to avoid fushi changing the ruler’s will to their own advantages (jue fushi jiaoming zhi 絕婦寺矯命之禍).68 If it happened that a ruler didn’t insist moving away from fushi at his deathbed, then the ruler would be criticized for not doing the correct thing and thus for allowing fushi to exercise their evilness (fushi deyi weijian 婦寺得以為奸).69 There was a famous saying that when an emperor was approaching death, officials should standby to lis-

63 Wei Liaoweng 魏了翁 (1178-1237), “Beizhao chushou Libu shangshu neiyin zhoushi disan zha 被召除授禮部尚書內引奏事第三劄,” in his Heshan ji 鶴山集, juan 19, 12b. 64 See Gao Side’s 高斯得 1272 memorial to the throne, in Huang Huai 黃淮 (1367-1449) and Yang Shiqi 楊士奇 (1365-1444) 1989, juan 195, 14b. 65 Bi Cheng 畢城, Wang Peihua 王培華 1992; Xiong Xianjun 熊賢君 1994. 66 Zhao Yi 1982, juan 1, “Huangzi dushu 皇子讀書,” p. 9. 67 Lu You 陸游 (1125-1209) 1979, juan 10, p. 132. 68 Ibid. 69 Yuzuan chunqiu zhijie 御纂春秋直解, juan 5 xia, 35b.

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Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 04:18:01PM via free access The Second Sex and the Third Sex in Traditional China ten to instructions and fushi should not be involved in the event (dachen shou guming, fushi bude yu 大臣受顧命，婦寺不得與).70 If a successor was not decided at the emperor’s deathbed, it was highly probable that fushi would team up with wicked people to support a candidate who was probably not the eldest son or the son of the ruler’s principal wife. Hence, fushi would take control of everything hereafter. Historical cases like this were severely criti- cized by the famous scholar Wang Fuzhi 王夫之 (1619-1692).71 The emergence of fushi was often treated as an important factor leading to political disorder. Their deeds were described as luanzheng 亂政 (causing political unrest), 72 luanchang 亂常 (messing up the ethical code), 73 chaochang 紊朝常 (confusing the political order),74 luanjie 亂階 (steps lead- ing to chaos),75 zhuanheng 專橫 (being imperious),76 qiequan 竊權 (usurping state power),77 miguo wangshang 迷國罔上 (directing the country to the

70 Hu Hong, Zhiyan 知言, juan 5, 5a. 71 Wang Fuzhi 1979, juan 4, “Renzong 仁宗,” p. 71 and juan 1, “Taizu 太祖,” p. 19. 72 For example, the execution of the brothers Zhao Tong 趙同 and Zhao Kuo 趙括 in the state of Jin 晉 during the Spring and Autumn Period was regarded as fushi luanzheng. See Gao 高閌, Gaoshi chunqiu jizhu 高氏春秋集註, 25:10a. Another more well-known example is Wei Zhongxian and Ke Shi, their deeds were also described as luanzheng. See Mingshi, juan 248, liezhuan 136, “ Zhihuan 梅之煥,” p. 6418. 73 For example, Liang Taizu 梁太祖 (Zhu Wen 朱溫, 852-912, r. 907-912), described one of the phenomenon in Late Tang was fushi luanchang. See his “Shou Qian Liu Wuyue guowang cewen 授錢鏐吳越國王冊文,” in Dong Gao 董誥 (1740-1818) et al. 1983, juan 102, “Liang Taizu,” 3a. This appointment was written by Li Yi 李懌 on Liang Taizu’s behalf. See Quan Tang wen, juan 854, “Li Yi,” 3a. 74 A phrase in a poem by Shen Deqian 沈德潛 (1673-1769), cited in Ruishi 方濬師 (1830-1889), 1995, “xulu 續錄,” juan 9, “Sanchao yaodian 三朝要典,” p. 344. 75 For example, Zheng 鄭岳 compared Yang guifei 楊貴妃 (Yang Yuhuan 楊玉環, 719- 756), a favorite consort of Tang Xuanzong 唐玄宗 (Li Longji 李隆基, 685-762, r. 712-756) with a Ming notorious eunuch Liu Jin 劉瑾 (?-1510). Typical examples of fu and shi. See his “Mawei zhi nan subai wu wei yidang Liu Jin guzhai yi Yangfei yi cidi mo er Jin fuyi cidi qi shi you shiran yu junzu shijie 馬嵬之南數百武為逆璫劉瑾故宅噫楊妃以此地沒而瑾復以 此地生豈事有適然歟均足示戒,” in Cao Xuequan 曹學佺 (1574-1647, ed.), Shicang lidai shixuan 石倉歷代詩選, juan 466, “Mingshi ciji yibai,” “Zheng Yue,” 5ab. 76 Rizhi lu jishi, juan 3, “budiao buxiang 不弔不祥,” 24a. 77 Hongli, “Deling 德陵” of “Guo qingming wang Ming ling ge tiju” (same as n. 53), 32b.

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Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 04:18:01PM via free access Clara Wing-chung Ho wrong path and deceiving the emperor), 78 etc. Furthermore, it was often pointed out that fushi’s rise to power would lead to lots of undesirable hap- penings. The wrong deeds of fushi would be copied by the unkind (buren zhe 不仁者).79 Scholar-officials would start bribing and pleasing fushi (huijiao 賄 交),80 associating themselves with the fushi (fu fushi 附婦寺),81 and relying upon fushi to seek advantages (tuo fushi 託婦寺).82 To the extreme those who wished to benefit from collaborating with fushi would lose their dignity and behave shamefully.83 Those took sides with eunuchs were labeled as yan- dang 閹黨 (gang of eunuchs).84 The power of such parties might expand to the extent that led to the fall of a dynasty. Once upon a time a Ming Scholar-official Guo Zizhang 郭子章 (1543- 1618) presented a piece of writing entitled Fushi lun 婦寺論, suggesting that only consorts and eunuchs were safe for emperors to get close with. It was because officials, generals, or even brothers, sons, and other relatives could possibly betray and kill their emperors. However, according to Guo, women normally wished their husbands health and longevity; eunuchs did not have sons and would not be ambitious to steal the rulership. Therefore, Guo argued that emperors should maintain a certain distance with officials but needed not avoid staying close with fushi.85 This kind of argument was very rare in Chi-

78 Ming Xizong shilu, juan 22, “Tianqi ernian wuyue jiachen” (June 17, 1622), p. 1096. 79 Xu Zhenqing 徐禎卿 (1479-1511), “Chonghua lun 崇化論,” in his Digong ji 迪功集, juan 6, 8b. 80 Mingshi, juan 241, “liezhuan 129,” “Wangji 王紀,” p. 6269. 81 Wang 王邁 (1184-1248), “Yiwei run qiyue lundui dier zha 乙未閏七月輪對第二劄,” in his Quxuan ji 臞軒集, juan 2, “zhoushu,” 21a. 82 Ni Yuanlu, “Zeng taizi shaobu douchayuan you fudouyushi Fuqiu Zuogong xingzhuang 贈 太子少保都察院右副都御史浮丘左公行狀,” in his Ni Wenzhen ji, juan 11, 6b. 83 Wang Shizhen 王世貞 (1526-1590), “Pengdang lun 朋黨論,” in his Dushu hou 讀書後, juan 3, 27a. 84 Mingshi, juan 306, “liezhuan 194,” “yandang,” pp. 7833-7874. 85 Guo Zizhang, “Fushi lun,” in his Binyisheng Shucao 蠙衣生蜀草, juan 6, “lun,” 16b-18a. Guo was born on January 29, 1543 but his year of birth was often mistaken as 1542 in modern dictionaries. The same mistake was found in Mingren zhuanji ziliao suoyin 明人傳記資料索引, p. 491. For biographical references see Chaoying Fang and L. Carrington Goodrich 1976, pp. 775-777. According to Fang and Goodrich, Guo’s essay on fushi might be one reason why he was only given routine honors but no posthumous name after his death. Fang and Goodrich also

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Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 04:18:01PM via free access The Second Sex and the Third Sex in Traditional China nese history, it antagonized traditional view and irritated contemporary offi- cials, and therefore attracted instant impeachment. 86 As a matter of fact, scholar-officials often suggested and admonished the emperors not to trust fu- shi and tried to stay far away from fushi. There was a common view that fushi could get political opportunities because of the wrong decision made by the emperors.87 It was pointed out that the more palace women the emperors kept, the larger the demand for eunuchs. So if the emperors wished to avoid the in- fluences of eunuchs, they should not indulge themselves with too many con- sorts (ruanse 遠色).88 It was believed that an emperor would benefit from spending more time with scholar-officials than with fushi.89 Therefore the early Han practice of allowing several scholar-officials to enter the inner pal- ace so that the emperors did not merely stay with fushi was very much appre- ciated.90 Tang Taizong 唐太宗 (Li Shimin 李世民, 599-649, r. 626-649) once claimed that he felt very close and united with officials. This was remarked by a Ming historian who pointed out the mistakes of certain emperors throughout history who enjoyed playing and joking with fushi.91 Moreover, pointed out that Guo received no biographical attention in major biographies, including Ming- shi. Guo’s numerous publications were listed but not included in the Siku quanshu. In fact, Guo was an historical figure with lots of military successes, voluminous publications, and high reputation of provincial administration. For academic writings on Guo see Linfu 華林甫 1995; Huang Wanji 黃萬機 2002; Wang Yanling 王琰玲 2003. 86 Ming Shenzong shilu, juan 447, “Wanli sanshiliu nian liuyue yichou” (July 21, 1608), p. 8473; Mingshi, juan 236, “liezhuan” 124, “Wang Yuanhan 王元翰,” p. 6151; Xu Fuyuan 許孚 遠 (1535-1604), “Yu Guo Qingluo canzheng lunwen shu 與郭青螺參政論文書,” in Huang Zongxi 黃宗羲 (1610-1695, ed.) 1987, juan 156, “shu” 10, “lunwen,” 17b. 87 Rijiang sishu jieyi 日講四書解義, juan 10, “Lunyu” xia 3, “Jishi 季氏” 16, 30a. 88 Rizhi lu jishi, juan 9, “huanguan,” 36a. 89 Yan Yuan, Yan Xizhai xiansheng yanxing lu 顏習齋先生言行錄 (in Yan Yuan 1987), juan shang, “sandai 三代” 9, p. 651. 90 Qin Guan 秦觀 (1049-1100), “Xianyu Zijun xingzhuang 鮮于子駿行狀,” in his Huaihai ji 淮海集, juan 36, 2a. It is worthnoting that before the Eastern Han there were some close atten- dants serving at the inner palace, but those were not eunuchs. The term huan 宦 did not imply castration before the Eastern Han but it gradually became a general term for designating eunuchs during the Eastern Han. See Michael Loewe 2005. 91 Zhang Ji 張吉 (1451-1518), “Zhenguan xiaoduan 貞觀小斷,” in his Gucheng ji 古城集, juan 3, 21a.

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Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 04:18:01PM via free access Clara Wing-chung Ho in a great number of memorials submitted to emperors by individual officials across different dynasties, the issue of pleading the emperors to avoid getting close with fushi was often highlighted. Examples of officials who made simi- lar requests include Su Che 蘇轍 (1039-1112),92 Fang Dacong 方大琮 (1183- 1247),93 Wang Mai,94 Gao Side,95 Zhao Huang 趙璜 (1490 jinshi), 96 Sun Shenxing 孫慎行 (1565-1636), 97 Yang Lian 楊漣 (1572-1625), 98 Wang Yuncheng 王 允 成 , 99 Chen Bangzhan 陳 邦 瞻 (1591-1623), 100 and Wei Xuelian 魏學濂 (1608-1644).101 On the one hand scholar-officials kept on requesting emperors not to grant fushi a single chance to gain political advantage. On the other hand in- dividual emperors who regarded themselves as entirely free from the influ- ences of fushi kept on boasting how smart they were. A typical example of such emperors was the Qianlong emperor, who time and again claimed that the great Qing empire was so successful in excluding negative influences from fushi. He acknowledged the effort of his ancestors and announced that he himself was very determined to continue the policy of preventing fushi to get involved in political matters.102

92 Su Che, “Yushi zhice 御試制策,” in his Liancheng yingzhao ji 欒城應詔集, juan 12, 3a. 93 Fang Dacong, “Qiyue sanri shangjin 七月三日上進,” in his Tiean ji 鐵菴集, juan 4, 17b. 94 Wang Mai, “Yiwei liuyue shang fengshi 乙未六月上封事,” in his Juxuan ji, juan 2, 8b; “Bingshen jiuyue fengshi 丙申九月封事,” ibid., juan 2, 27a and 31a. 95 Gao Side, “Wuyue chuer ri jin gushi 五月初二日進故事,” in his Chitang cungao 恥堂存 稿, juan 2, 21b. 96 Mingshi, juan 194, “liezhuan” 82, “Zhao Huang,” p. 5144. 97 Ibid., juan 243, “liezhuan” 131, “Sun Shenxing,” p. 6309. 98 Chen Ding 陳鼎, Donglin liezhuan 東林列傳, juan 17, 18a. 99 Wang Yuncheng, “Can Keshi jiu yanguan shu 參客氏救言官疏,” in Chen Menglei 陳夢雷 (1651-?) 1964, “Minglun huibian 明倫彙編,” “Gongwei dian 宮闈典,” juan 55, “rubao bu 乳保 部,” p. 575. 100 Ming Xizong shilu, juan 22, “Tianqi ernian wuyue jihai” (June 12, 1622), p. 1090. 101 Wei Xuelian, “Zhi Yi Yun zhi suozhi lun 志伊尹之所志論,” in his Maoyan ji 茅簷集, juan 7, “zazhu”4, 18a. 102 Hongli, “Shenjian chuer lun 慎建儲貳論,” in his Yuzhi wen sanji 御製文三集 (in Hongli 1993), juan 3, “lun,” 5a; “Jiyuan zhoujia jianli huangtaizi yi mingnian yuanri shoubao wei

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In sum, the palace women and eunuchs who formed the category of fushi were regarded as very unpleasant figures in Chinese history. Women and eunuchs were placed in the same category because both of them were per- ceived as trouble-making, selfish, vicious and dangerous. They could cause natural disasters, political battles and disorder. Therefore, good emperors should stay away from fushi. The image of fushi was negative; the term fushi carried negative values. Although it was mainly those wicked fu and notori- ous shi that were to be blamed, the entire concept of fushi did not hint that any individual fu and shi could be good. Therefore, a late Ming publication that compiled stories of good women and eunuchs into a book was very spe- cial. The book was entitled Buru fushi chao 不如婦寺鈔 (Inferior to fushi collection).103 In this collection, stories of women and eunuchs with various kinds of righteous deeds were told. The book title was simply ironical, mock- ing at people even worse than fushi. The message of the editor was that usu- ally people looked down upon fushi, without awaring that there were really some good fushi and some people were indeed morally worse than fushi.104

Fushi zhi zhong and fushi zhi ren: Loyalty and Benevolence as As- sociated with Women and Eunuchs Since fushi has become a negative label, certain positive values when as- sociated with fushi would be downgraded to negative values, too. Two typical examples are loyalty and benevolence.

Jiaqing yuannian zhao 紀元周甲建立皇太子以明年元日授寶為嘉慶元年詔,” ibid., juan 6, “zhao,” 4a. 103 Buru zi 不如子 (Wu Liang 吳亮, 1601 jinshi) 2003. In this book, however, women from all classes were included, not only restricting to palace women. This is slightly different from the general understanding of fushi. 104 Ibid., see the publisher’s introduction, 6b-7a. For a thorough analysis of Buru fushi chao, see my “‘Ban Zhao shujie, bufei nengyan; Meng zi zuoshi, shangqi jingting’: Buru fushi chao jiedu ‘班昭述誡, 不廢能言; 孟子作詩, 尚祈敬聽’ ──《不如婦寺鈔》解讀” (conference pa- per, “Jinshi Zhongguo de shehui yu wenhua [960-1800] guoji xueshu yantaohui 近世中國的社 會與文化 [960-1800] 國際學術研討會,” Taiwan shifan daxue, December 16-17, 2005). The conference volume is expected to come out in 2007 and the revised title of my article is “Wan Ming shiji Buru fushi chao jiedu 晚明史籍《不如婦寺鈔》解讀.”

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Fushi zhi zhong 婦寺之忠 has gradually become a commonly used term that could be found in ancient encyclopedia.105 It does not mean real loyalty. Ever since Su Shi 蘇軾 used fushi zhi zhong to explain a chapter in the Ana- lects,106 his interpretation was frequently cited in subsequent annotations of the Analects.107 Su argued that loving someone but preventing him from do- ing hard work was love of animals (qindu zhi 禽犢之愛); being loyal to someone without telling him honestly his mistakes was loyalty of women and eunuchs (fushi zhi zhong).108 Later commentaries elaborated fushi zhi zhong as indulging (guxi 姑息). Such kind of loyalty in the form of sweet expres- sion and fine-sounding words (lingse ganyan 令色甘言) would only spoil the emperor and lead the country to decline.109 Fushi pretending to be loyal would do everything to please the emperor in order to gain favour.110 There- fore it was argued that fushi zhi zhong was not authentic loyalty (fei suoyi weizhong 非所以為忠).111 There was a critic that even made use of fushi zhi zhong to explain a certain part of Yijing (The book of change).112 A special piece of comment described fushi zhi zhong as unrespectful (bujing 不敬).113 Another discussion accused officials who tried to please the emperors by fu- shi zhi ai 婦寺之愛 (love of fushi) were in fact selfish and did not understand

105 Zhang Yushu 張玉書 (1642-1711), Yuding peiwen yunfu 御定佩文韻府, juan 1:2, 3b. 106 D. C. Lau (trans.) 1983, Book XIV, p. 135. The original text wrote: “Can you love any- one without making him work hard? Can you do your best for anyone without educating him?” 107 Cai Jie 蔡節, Lunyu jishuo 論語集說, juan 7, “xianwen 憲問” 14, 21b-22a; Zhao Shunsun 趙順孫, Lunyu zuanshu 論語纂疏, juan 7, “xianwen” 14, 29b-30a; Zhan Daochuan 詹道傳, Lunyu zuanjian 論語纂箋, juan 7, “xianwen” 14, 22a; Hu Bingwen 胡炳文, Lunyu tong 論語通 , juan 7, “xianwen” 14, 38ab; Zhang Cunzhong 張存中, Lunyu jizhu tongzheng 論語集註通證, juan xia, 16b; Hu Guang 胡廣(1370-1418), Lunyu jizhu daquan 論語集註大全, juan 14, “xianwen” 14, 9b. 108 Ibid. 109 Yan Yuchun, op. cit., juanshou 卷首 4, 10b. 110 Yulan jingshi jiangyi 御覽經史講義, juan 24, 33b. 111 Cai Qing 蔡清 (1453-1508), Sishu mengyin 四書蒙引, juan 7, 109b-110a. 112 Cai Qing, Yijing mengyin 易經蒙引, juan 6 shang, 48b-49a. 113 Yulan jingshi jiangyi, juan 18, 50a.

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Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 04:18:01PM via free access The Second Sex and the Third Sex in Traditional China righteousness (dayi 大義).114 Even the Qianlong emperor blamed his offi- cials for not submitting adequate memorials and queried if they were demon- strating the unrighteous fushi zhi zhongai.115 Individual historical figures were labeled as manifesting fushi zhi zhong, too. An example was Yu Rang 豫讓. It was argued that since he did not try his best to admonish his ruler when he was alive, his death only demonstrated a kind of fushi zhi zhong.116 Another example was sanliang xun Qin 三良殉 秦. Three officials sacrificed their lives according to the will of Qin Mugong 秦穆公 (Ying Renhao 嬴任好, ?- 621 B.C., r. 659 B.C. - 621 B.C.) at his deathbed. It was argued that the loyalty displayed by those three officials were similar to loyalty displayed by fushi.117 In the Tang dynasty, when Suzong 肅宗 (Li Heng 李亨, 711-762; r. 756- 762) was the Heir Apparent, one of his concubines née Zhang 張 (?-762) who was ranked liangdi 良娣 did lots of sewing for soldiers immediately after three days she gave birth to a baby. Zhang also claimed that while sleeping she was always ready to protect Suzong from assassinators. Zhang was ap- pointed as Empress when her husband succeeded the throne. But Empress Zhang actively participated in political struggles and did not gain any positive comments from later historians. She was killed shortly after Suzong passed away. 118 In later ages, Zhang’s deeds were regarded as fushi zhi zhong. She was blamed for using tiny loyalty (xiaozhong xiaoxin 小忠小信) in order to

114 Shen Lian 沈鍊 (1507-1557), “Chen shijun yi zhong 臣事君以忠,” in his Qingxia ji 青霞 集, juan 8, 16a. 115 Gaozong chunhuangdi shilu 高宗純皇帝實錄 (in Qing shilu), juan 115, “Qianlong wunian siyue jiawu” (May 19, 1740), p. 687. 116 Zhang Zixun 張自勳, Gangmu xulin 綱目續麟, juan 1, 5ab. For biographical references of Yu Rang, see Sima Qian 司馬遷 (C. 145 B.C. or 135 B.C. - ?) 1959, juan 86, “Cike liezhuan 刺客列傳,” pp. 2519-2521. 117 Mao Qiling 毛奇齡 (1623-1716), “Bian zhongchen bu tusi wen 辨忠臣不徒死文,” in his Xiheji 西河集, juan 123, 12ab. For the story of sanliang xun Qin, see the poem “Huangniao 黃 鳥” and its annotations in Maoshi zhengyi, juan 6, “Qin feng,” p. 373. 118 Liu Xu 劉昫 (888-947), 1975, juan 52, “liezhuan” 2, “houfei” xia, “Suzong Zhang huang- hou,” pp. 2185-2186; see also Tangshu, juan 77, “liezhuan” 2, “houfei” xia, “Zhang huang- hou,” pp. 3497-3499.

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Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 04:18:01PM via free access Clara Wing-chung Ho achieve her great disloyalty (da buzhong buxin 大不忠不信).119 The Song re- former Wang Anshi 王安石 (1021-1086) once told the emperor not to be too superstitious by reading natural disasters as warning signals. By such sayings Wang was blamed for performing fushi zhi zhong.120 While discussing the loss of lands during the Southern Song dynasty, the Qing philosopher Wang Fuzhi stated strongly that it was wrong to exchange temperorarily peace with dignity and land. Those who proposed to do so were simply showing fushi zhi zhongxiao 婦寺之忠孝 (loyalty and filial piety of fushi).121 It was interesting too, that the term fushi zhong also appeared in poetry, symbolizing a set of negative values that the poets were not happy with.122 Fushi zhi ren 婦寺之仁 means improper benevolence given in various situations. If persons with power (including emperors and officials), owing to selfish motives, appeared to be over sympathetic in some decision making, then they were showing fushi zhi ren. Zican 子產, prime minister of the Zheng 鄭 County during the Warring States,123 Han Yuandi 漢元帝 (Liu Shi 劉奭, 76 B.C. – 33 B.C., r. 49 B.C. – 33 B.C.)124 and Liang Wudi 梁武帝 (Xiao Yan 蕭衍, 464-549, r. 502-549)125 had all been criticised for having fu- shi zhi ren at one time or another. On the contrary, the famous emperor Tang

119 Liu Tongxun 劉統勳, et al., Pingjian chanyao 評鑑闡要, juan 5, “Zhang Liangdi canzi sanri qifeng zhanshi yi ji meiqin changju shangqian zhu 張良娣產子三日起縫戰士衣及每寢常 居上前注,” 23ab. 120 He Qianxin 何喬新 (1427-1502), “Di yi zaibian bidian jianshan cheyue Wang Anshi yanyu di yue zaiyi jie tianshu fei renshi deshi suozhi 帝以災變避殿減膳徹樂王安石言於帝曰 災異皆天數非人事得失所致,” in his Jiaoqiu wenji 椒邱文集, juan 5, 21ab. 121 Songlun, juan 15, “Gongzong, Duanzhong, Xiangxing di 恭宗端宗祥興帝,” p. 229. 122 For some examples, see Hu Bu 胡布, “Handan cairen jiawei siyang zufu 邯鄲才人嫁為廝 養卒婦,” in his Yuanyin yixiang 元音遺響, juan 4, 29b-30a; Hu Qiyu 胡祇遹, “Jinxi shushi guxiao Tao Yuanming xingyingshen xiangzeng zhi shi 近喜蔬食故效陶淵明形影神相贈之 什,” in his Zishan daquan ji 紫山大全集, juan 2, 35a; Gong Xu 龔詡, “Huai Ji Youmei 懷季友 梅,” in his Yegu ji 野古集, juan xia, 15ab. 123 Hu Ciyan 胡次焱, “Bu Yingqiao fu 步瀛橋賦,” in his Meiyan wenji 梅巖文集, juan 1, 12a. 124 Hongli, “Han Yuandi lun 漢元帝論,” in his Leshan tang quanji dingben 樂善堂全集定本 (in Hongli 1993), juan 4, 3a. 125 Wang Fuzhi 1975, juan 17, “Liang Wudi,” 29, p. 586.

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Taizong was highly praised for not showing fushi zhi ren in a certain pol- icy.126 Fushi zhi ren was often used in Qing legal documents. Time and again the Yongzheng emperor openly criticised his governors-general and gover- nors (dufu 督撫) for not being strict and harsh enough when convicting the guilty in criminal cases, especially murder cases. The punishments the guilty persons received were not heavy enough. In the Yongzheng emperor’s eyes, the behaviour of these governors-general and governors was fushi zhi ren.127 Yongzheng was not happy with the governors-general and governors who made lots of excuses for the murderers. According to Yongzheng, reducing the punishment of the murderers was kind of fushi zhi ren, which was far be- hind the teachings of the sages (shengxian zhi yi 聖賢之義).128 Yongzheng also accused his officials of their evil intention to gain reputation of being kind via showing fushi zhi ren in lots of cases.129 Yongzheng said he hated such kinds of guming 沽名 (fishing for fame and compliments) activities. 130 He also warned his officials that incorrect and unfair verdicts would not bring them fame, but would cause them lots of troubles and misfortunes.131 Obvi- ously, Yongzheng did not want such kind of practices to become prevalent; otherwise the effect would be terrible.132 Yongzheng’s son, the Qianlong emperor, also mentioned plenty of times about fushi zhi ren. Apart from similar concerns with his father about not

126 Yuding Xiaojing yanyi, juan 38, “Tianzi zhi xiao 天子之孝”, “sheng xingfa 省刑罰”, 24b. 127 See Yongzheng’s imperial edict on “Yongzheng shisan nian zhengyue yinchen” (February 13, 1735), in Shizong Xian huangdi shengxun 世宗憲皇帝聖訓, juan 20, 21b and Shizong Xian huangdi shangyu neige, juan 151, 5a. 128 See Yongzheng’s imperial edict on “Wunian shiyi yue ershiliu ri” (January 7, 1728), in Shizong Xian huangdi shangyu neige, juan 63, 28b. 129 Ibid., 31a. 130 See Yongzheng’s imperial edict on “shier nian sanyue ershisi ri” (April 27, 1734), ibid., juan 141, 8a. 131 See Yongzheng’s imperial edict on “shier nian jiuyue guisi” (October 17, 1734), in Shizong Xianhuangdi shengxun, juan 24, 31a. See also Shizong Xian huangdi shilu, juan 147, “Yongzheng shier nian jiuyue guisi,” p. 829. 132 Shizong xian huangdi shanyu neige, juan 62, “Yongzheng wunian shiyue shiliu ri” (No- vember 28, 1727), 21b.

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Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 04:18:01PM via free access Clara Wing-chung Ho punishing murderers properly,133 Qianlong was quite fond of using fushi zhi ren to condemn his imcompetent officials.134 More interestingly, Qianlong himself often claimed that as an emperor he would not show fushi zhi ren.135 Because Qing emperors loved to use this expression fushi zhi ren, it wouldn’t be a surprise to find out Qing officials defending themselves for not showing fushi zhi ren or challenging their colleagues for revealing fushi zhi ren.136

* * * * * *

In Chinese history, not all women were dangerous; neither were all eunuchs thirsting for power. However, male-oriented values often perceived women as potentially harmful; intellectual-oriented values often viewed eunuchs as po- tentially evil. The concept of fushi contained in a variety of genres has vividly illustrated such values.

133 See Gaozong Chun huangdi shilu, juan 449, “Qianlong shiba nian shiyue jiyou” (Novem- ber 28, 1753). 134 Ibid., juan 13, “Qianlong yuannian eryue guisi” (April 19, 1736), p. 391; juan 15, “Qian- long yuannian sanyue jiazi” (May 10, 1763), p. 422. 135 Ibid., juan 349, “Qianlong shisi nian jiuyue yinshen” (November 6, 1749), p. 816 and juan 613, “Qianlong ershiqi nian shiyue gengzi” (November 26, 1762), p. 514. 136 Zhao Erxun 趙爾巽 (1844-1927) 1977, juan 477, “liezhuan” 264, “xunli 循吏” 2, “Li Wei 李渭,” p. 13018.

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Huang Shixue 黃奭學, Chunqiu qiantanba 春秋潛潭巴 (in Huangshi yishu kao 黃氏逸書考 [Yangzhou: Jiangsu Guangling guji keyinshe, 1984], v. 63). Huang Wanji 黃萬機, “Guo Zizhang yu pingBo zhanyi 郭子章與平播戰役, “Guizhou shehui kexue 貴州社會科學, no. 108 (November 2002), pp. 94-98. Huang Zongxi 黃宗羲 (ed.), Ming Wenhai 明文海, Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1987. Huang Zongyan 黃宗炎, Zhouyi xiangci 周易象辭 (in YYWYGSKQS, jingbu 34, yilei, v. 40). Hucker, Charles O., A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China (Stan- ford, California: Stanford University Press, 1985). Kong Yingda 孔穎達, Maoshi zhengyi 毛詩正義 (in Yuan 阮元 [comp.], Shisanjing zhushu 十 三 經 注 疏 ; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980). Lan Dingyuan 藍鼎元, Luzhou quanji 鹿洲全集, Xiamen: Xiamen daxue chubanshe, 1995. Lau, D. C., Confucius: The Analects (Lunyü) Hong Kong: The Chinese Uni- versity Press, 1983. Legge, James, The Chinese Classics, Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1960. Leng Dong 冷東, “Lidai huanguan de mingcheng ji qi yanbian kaoshu 歷代 宦官的名稱其演變考述,” Shantou daxue xuebao (renwen kexue ban) 汕頭大學學報 (人文科學版), 1986, no. 2 (May 1986), p. 44. Li Chu 李樗 and Huang Chun 黃櫄, Maoshi Li Huang jijie 毛詩李黃集解 (in YYWYGSKQS, jingbu 65, shilei, v. 71). Li Guangdi 李光地, Shisuo 詩所 (in YYWYGSKQS, jingbu 80, shilei, v. 86). , Zhouyi guantuan 周易觀彖 (in YYWYGSKQS, jingbu 36, yilei, v. 42). Li Guang 李光, “Qing ji de taijian 清季的太監” and Zhou Chunhui 周春暉, “Qinggong taijian huiyi lu 清宮太監回憶錄,” both in Zhongguo renmin zhengzhi xieshang huiyi quanguo weiyuanhui 中國人民政治協商會議全 國委員會 (ed.), Wan Qing gongting shenghuo jianwen 晚清宮廷生活見 聞 (Beijing: Wenshi ziliao chubanshe, 1982), pp. 157-197. Li Shan 李善 (annot.), Wenxuan 文選 (compiled by Xiao Tong 蕭統, Xiang- gang: Shangwu yinshuguan Xianggang fengguan, 1978). Lin Bao 林寶, Yuanhe xingzuan (fu sijiao ji) 元和姓纂 (附四校記) (anno- tated by Cen Zhongmian; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1994).

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Lin Tong 林駧, Gujin yuanliu zhilun 古今源流至論 (included in YY- WYGSKQS, zibu 248, leishu lei , v. 942). Liu Jin 劉謹, Shizhuan tongshi 詩傳通釋 (in YYWYGSKQS, jingbu 70, shilei, v. 76). Liu Tongxun 劉統勳, et al., Pingjian chanyao 評鑑闡要 (in YYWYGSKQS, shibu 451, shiping lei, v. 693). Liu Xiang 劉向, Lienü zhuan (reprint of Song edition, 1825). Liu Xu 劉昫, Jiu Tangshu, Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1975. Liu Yongcong 劉詠聰, “ ‘Ban Zhao shujie, bufei nengyan; Meng zi zuoshi, shangqi jingting’: Buru fushi chao jiedu ‘班昭述誡, 不廢能言; 孟子作詩 , 尚祈敬聽’ ― 《不如婦寺鈔》解讀” (conference paper, “Jinshi Zhongguo de shehui yu wenhua [960-1800] guoji xueshu yantaohui 近世 中國的社會與文化 [960-1800] 國際學術研討會,” Taiwan shifan daxue, December 16-17, 2005). , Decaisequan: Lun Zhongguo gudai nüxing 德才色權―論中國古代女 性, Taibei: Maitian chuban gufen youxiang gongsi, 1998. Liu Yuru 劉玉汝, Shi zuanxu 詩纘緒 (included in YYWYGSKQS, jingbu 71, shilei, v. 77) . Liu Zongyuan 柳宗元, Liu Hedong ji 柳河東集, Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1974. Loewe, Michael, “On the Terms bao zi, yin gong, yin guan, huan, and shou : Was Zhao Gao a Eunuch?”, T’oung Pao, vol. XCI (2005), pp. 301-319. Lu Deming 陸德明, Jingdian shiwen 經典釋文 (included in YYWYGSKQS, jingbu 176, wujing zongyi lei, v. 182). Lu Longqi 陸隴其, Shishu jiangyi kunmian lu 四書講義困勉錄 (included in YYWYGSKQS, jingbu 203, sishu lei, v. 209). Lu Renlong 陸人龍, Xingshiyan 型世言, Changsha: Yuelu shushe, 1993. Lu You 陸游, Laoxue an biji 老學菴筆記, Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1979. Lü Zuqian 呂祖謙, Lüshi jiashu dushi ji 呂氏家塾讀詩記 (included in YY- WYGSKQS, jingbu 67, shilei, v. 73). Luo Guanzhong 羅貫中, Sanguo yanyi 三國演義, Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1973. Ma Douquan 馬斗全, “Tongye fengdi de chuanshuo yui lishi zhenxiang 桐葉 封弟的傳說與歷史真相,” Lishi yuekan 歷史月刊, no. 113 (June 1997), pp. 80-83. Mammitzsch, Ulrich Hans-Richard, “Wei Chung-hsien (1568-1628 [should be 1627]): A Reappraisal of the Eunuchs and the Factional Strife at the

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Late Ming Court”, unpublished PhD. Dissertation, University of Hawaii, 1968. Mao Qiling 毛奇齡, Xihe ji 西河集 (included in YYWYGSKQS, jibu 260, bieji lei, v. 1321). Matignon, Jean Jacques, Superstitions, crime et misère en Chine, Lyon: A. Storck, 1899. Miao Di 苗棣, Wei Zhongxian zhuanquan yanjiu 魏忠賢專權研究, Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1994. Millart, Richard, Les Eunuques: à travers les âges, Paris, 1908. Ming shilu 明實錄, Taibei: Zhongyang yanjiuyuan lishi yuyan yanjiusuo, 1962. Mingren zhuanji ziliao suoyin 明人傳記資料索引, Taibei: Guoli zhongyang tushuguan, 2nd edition,1978. Mingzhu yuan 明珠緣, Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1996. Mitamura, Taisuke 三田村泰助, Kangan: Sokkin Seiji no Kozo 宦官：側近 政治の構造, Tokyo: Chuo Koron Shinsha, 1963; revised edition 2003. Ni Yuanlu 倪元璐, Ni Wenzhen ji 倪文貞集 (included in YYWYGSKQS, jibu 236, beiji lei, v. 1297). Ouyang Xiu 歐陽修, Shi benyi 詩本義 (included in YYWYGSKQS, jingbu 64, shilei, v. 70). , Xin wudai shi 新五代史, Bejing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974. , and Song Qi 宋祁, Xin Tangshu 新唐書, Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1975. Pomeroy, Charles A. (trans.), Chinese Eunuchs: The Structure of Intimate Politics, Rutland & Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle Company, Inc., 1970. Qian Chengzi 錢澄之, Tianjian shixue 田間詩學 ( included in YYWYGSKQS, jingbu 78, shilei, v. 84). Qin Guan 秦觀, Huaihai ji 淮海集 (included in YYWYGSKQS, jibu 54, bieji lei , v. 1115). Qinding Shijing zhuanshuo huizuan 欽定詩經傳說彙纂 (included in YY- WYGSKQS, jingbu 77, shilei, v. 83). Qingchao wenxian tongkao 清朝文獻通考 (included in Shitong 十通; Hang- zhou: guji chubanshe, 2000). Raphals, Lisa, Sharing the Lights: Representatives of Women and Virtue in Early China, Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998. Rijiang sishu jieyi 日講四書解義 (included in YYWYGSKQS, jingbu 202, sishu lei, v. 208).

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Shen Lian 沈鍊, Qingxia ji 清霞集 (included in YYWYGSKQS, jibu 217, bieji lei, v. 1278). Shi Kekuan 施克寛 (trans.), Zhongguo huanguan mishi: Renzao de disan xing 中國宦官秘史: 人造的第三性, Beijing: Zhongguo xiju chubanshe, 1988. , Zhongguo huanguan mishi 中國宦官秘史, Taibei: changchunshu shu- fang, 1985. Sima Qian 司馬遷, Shiji 史記, Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959. Stent, G. Carter, “Chinese Eunuchs,” Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 11 (1877), pp. 143-184. Tsai, Shih-shan Henry, The Eunuchs in the Ming Dynasty, Albany: State Uni- versity of New York Press, 1996. Tuo Tuo 脫脫, et al., Jin shi 金史, Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1977. Wang Anli 王安禮, Wang Weigong ji 王魏公集 (included in YYWYGSKQS, jibu 39, bieji lei, v. 1110). Wang Feng 王逢, Wuxi ji 梧溪集 (included in YYWYGSKQS, jibu 157, bieji lei, v.1218). Wang Fuzhi 王夫之, Du Tongjian lun, Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1975. , Songlun 宋論, Taibei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1979. Wang Mai 王邁, Quxuan ji 臞軒集 (included in YYWYGSKQS, jibu 117, bieji lei, v.1178). Wang Qiao 王樵, Shangshu riji 尚書日記 (included in YYWYGSKQS, jingbu 58, shulei, v.64). Wang Shizhen 王世貞, Dushu hou 讀書後 (included in YYWYGSKQS, jibu 224, bieji lei , v.1285). Wang Yanling 王琰玲, “Lun chuanshuo gushi zhong jianduo shi renwu de xingcheng he xiaoshi: yi Xinmin gongan zhong de Guo Zizhang weili 論 傳說故事中箭垛式人物的形成和消失―以《新民公案》中的郭子章 為例,” Dongfang renwen xuezhi 東方人文學誌, vol. 2, no. 2 (June 2003), pp. 213–222. Wang Yude 王玉德, Shenmi de disan xing: Zhongguo taijian da xiezhen 神 秘的第三性―中國太監大寫真, Wuhan: Huazhong ligong daxue chu- banshe, 1994. , Shenmi de disan xing: Zhongguo taijian 神秘的第三性―中國太監 Xianggang: Mingchuang chubanshe youxian gongsi, 1995. Wang Zhi 王質, Shi zongwen 詩總聞 (included in YYWYGSKQS, jingbu 66, shilei, v. 72).

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Wang Zhichang 王志長, Zhouli zhushu shanyi 周禮註疏刪翼 (included in YYWYGSKQS, jingbu 91, lilei, v. 97). Wei Liaoweng 魏了翁, Heshan ji 鶴山集 (included in YYWYGSKQS, jibu 111, bieji lei, v.1172). Wei Xuelian 魏學濂, Maoyan ji 茅簷集 (included in YYWYGSKQS, jibu 236, bieji lei , v. 1297). Wu Zeyu 吳則虞, Yanzi chunqiu jishi 晏子春秋集釋, Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962. Xia Liangsheng 夏 良勝 , Zhongyong yanyi 中 庸衍義 (included in YY- WYGSKQS, zibu 21, rujia lei, v. 715). Xiong Xianjun 熊賢君, Diaolong kefeng pan chengqi: huangzi jiaoyu 雕龍刻 鳳盼成器―皇子教育, Wuchang: huazhong ligong daxue chubanshe, 1994. Xu Zhenqing 徐禎卿, Digong ji 迪功集 (included in YYWYGSKQS, jibu 207, bieji lei, v.1268). Xuanye 玄燁, Shengzu Renhuangdi yuzhi wenji 聖祖仁皇帝御製文集 (in- cluded in YYWYGSKQS, jibu 237, bieji lei, v. 1298). Yan Can 嚴粲, Shiji 詩緝 (included in YYWYGSKQS, jingbu 69, shilei, v. 75). Yan Shigu 顏師古, Kuangmiu zhengsu 匡謬正俗 (in Congshu jicheng chubian 叢書集成初編 ; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985). Yan Yuan 顏元, Yan Yuan ji 顏元集, Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1987. Yan Yudun 嚴虞惇, Dushi zhiyi 讀詩質疑 (included in YYWYGSKQS, jingbu 81, shilei, v. 87). Yang Jinzhen 楊金禎, “Qianxi Liu Zongyuan ‘Tongye fengdi bian’yiwen 淺 析柳宗元〈桐葉封弟辨〉一文,” Jingnü xuebao 景女學報, no. 1 (Janu- ary 2001), pp. 33-40. Yang Shen 楊慎, Dangqian yulu 丹鉛餘錄 (included in YYWYGSKQS, zibu 161, zajia lei, v. 855). Yao Shunmu 姚舜牧, Chongding Shijing yiwen (included in YYWYGSKQS, jingbu 74, shilei, v. 80). Yao Zhiyin 姚之駰, Yuan Ming shilei chao 元明事類鈔 (included in YY- WYGSKQS, zibu 190, zajia lei, v. 884). Yin Zhen 胤禎, Shizong Xian huangdi zhupi yuzhi 世宗憲皇帝硃批諭旨 (included in YYWYGSKQS, shibu173, zhaoling zhouyi lei, v. 415). , Shizong Xian huangdi shengxun 世宗憲皇帝聖訓 (included in YY- WYGSKQS, shibu 170, zhaoling zhouyi lei, v. 412).

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Yu Ruji 俞汝楫, Libu zhigao 禮部志稿 (included in YYWYGSKQS, shibu 355, zhiguan lei, v. 597). Yuan Gun 袁袞, Shiwei 世緯 (included in YYWYGSKQS, zibu 23, rujia lei, v. 717). Yulan jinshi jiangyi 御覽經史講義 (included in YYWYGSKQS, zibu 29, rujia lei, v. 723). Yuzuan chunqiu zhijie 御纂春秋直解 (included in YYWYGSKQS, jingbu 168, chunqiu lei, v. 174). Zhan Daochuan 詹 道 傳 , Lunyu zuanjian 論 語 纂 箋 (included in YY- WYGSKQS, jingbu 198, sishu lei, v. 204). Zhan Ruoshui 湛若水, Gewu tong 格物通 (included in YYWYGSKQS, zibu 22, rujia lei, v. 716). Zhang Cizhong 張次仲, Daixuan shiji 待軒詩記 (included in YYWYGSKQS, jingbu 76, shilei, v. 82). Zhang Cunzhong 張存中, Lunyu jizhu tongzheng 論語集註通證 (included in YYWYGSKQS, jingbu 197, sishu lei, v. 203). Zhang Ji 張吉, Gucheng ji 古城集 (included in YYWYGSKQS, jibu 54, bieji lei, v. 1257). Zhang Tingyu 張廷玉, Mingshi 明史 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974). Zhang Yushu 張玉書, Yuding peiwen yunfu 御定佩文韻府 (included in YYWYGSKQS, zibu 317, leishu lei, v. 1011). Zhang Zhixiang 張之象, Yuding lidai fuhui 御定歷代賦彙 (included in YY- WYGSKQS, jibu 360, zongji lei, v. 1421). Zhang Zixun 張自勳, Gangmu xulin 綱目續麟 (included in YYWYGSKQS, shibu 81, biannian lei, v. 323). Zhao Erxun 趙爾巽, Qingshi gao 清史稿, Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1977. Zhao Shunsun 趙順孫, Lunyu zuanshu 論語纂疏 (included in YYWYGSKQS, jingbu 195, sishu lei, v. 201). Zhao Yi 趙翼, Yanbao zaji 纂曝雜記 (published together with Zhuye ting zaji 竹葉亭雜記; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1982). Zhen Dexiu 真德秀, Daxue yanyi 大學衍義 (included in YYWYGSKQS, zibu 10, rujia lei, v. 704). Zheng Xiao 鄭曉, Zheng Duanjian gong jinyan leibian 鄭端簡公今言類編 (in Congshu jicheng chubian; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985). Zheng Xuan 鄭玄, Zhouli zhushu 周禮注疏 (in Shisanjing zhushu). Zhongwen da cidian 中文大辭典, Taibei: Zhongguo wenhua yanjiusuo & guofang yanjiusuo, 1963.

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Zhu Changzuo 朱長祚, Yujing xintan 玉鏡新譚, Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1989. Zhu Chaoying 朱朝瑛, Dushi lüeji 讀詩略記 (included in YYWYGSKQS, jinbu 76, shilei, v. 82). Zhu Gongqian 朱公遷, Shijing shuyi huitong 詩經疏義會通 (included in YYWYGSKQS, jingbu 71, shilei, v. 77). Zhu Heling 朱鶴齡, Shijing tongyi 詩經通義 (included in YYWYGSKQS, jingbu 79, shilei, v. 85). Zhu Junsheng 朱駿聲, Shuowen tongxun dingsheng 說文通訓定聲, Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1984. Zhu Xi 朱熹, Shi jizhuan 詩集傳, Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1958. Zhu Yizun 朱彝尊, Mingshi zong 明詩綜 (included in YYWYGSKQS, jibu 8, zongji lei, v.1459-1460).

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