UN Security Council MCGS MUN 2018

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

UN Security Council MCGS MUN 2018 UN Security Council MCGS MUN 2018 Letter from the Executive Board Greetings Delegates, It is an honour for us to welcome you to Security Council simulation of Mayo College Girl’s School Model United Nations 2018. The committee shall be having “Emergency Meeting on the Israel-Palestine and Reassessing the Need of the United Nations Peacekeeping Forces in Cyprus” as its agendas for discussion. Both the agendas are of equal importance when it comes to their severity and need for immediate action. Through this guide, we shall try our level best to offer as much as clarity possible on discussion at hand. However, the responsibility of exploring depth and vastness of each topic is totally yours. We hope that you will be able to examine the issue critically and come up with solutions for the same. Your duty as diplomats is not just limited to finding solutions to the problem but more importantly, to problematizing the issue and available solutions on the first hand. In this context, what we mean by problematizing is to analyze the issue at various levels such as but not limited to cultural, legal, political and etc., so that it makes the debate highly substantive. Problematizing the situation is one way of doing what people call as constructive debating. This however can only be possible if you are well worse with your research. We also request you to locate these events in wider functioning and understanding of global politics and not in isolation to one another. We see this MUN as an opportunity as a chance to sensitize each other with our respective thoughts and enable a shared learning environment. We also see this as an experience where each one of us would be able to question our biases towards these words. We believe that this simulation will end up facilitating decision making in an individual life’s and affecting everyday experiences as well. It would help us all to reflect and realize the deep-rooted nature of our thoughts and the intensity with which we hold them true. At the end of three days, we all wish to see you a step ahead of what you were few days before. The marking criteria shall be explained to you in the committee. But do take into consideration that one has to excel in every field may it be diplomacy, research, documentation, lobbying or chits to win an award and it won’t just be matter but manner and method which shall also be taken into consideration while deciding the awards. Success or failure of the committee does not depend on passing of a document. Cooperation to understand each other and accommodate viewpoints is what ensures quality. We humbly ask you for your support to make these three days a memorable learning experience. Feel free to contact us anytime. Regards Chairperson Nikhil Goyal ([email protected]) Nature of Reports and Evidences in Council Evidence or proofs from the following sources will be accepted as credible in the committee: 1. News Sources a. REUTERS – Any Reuters’ article which clearly makes mention of the fact stated or is in contradiction of the fact being stated by another delegate in council can be used to substantiate arguments in the committee. (http://www.reuters.com) However, Reuters reports claiming to quote any individual affiliated in any manner to any government may not necessarily reflect the views of that government in totality. For example, at times the office holding individuals venture out for lectures, talks, discussions and etc. wherein they tend to express things which that be a contravention/extension of the policy they hold. So we need to take into consideration the time and space dimension of such views and also the chronology of what they spoken or what their government policy was post and prior to this. Thus, Reuters report can be denied by any member state subject to their policy and it is only when the report is accepted by the government that it shall be admitted as persuasive proof. b) State operated News Agencies – These reports can be used in the support of or against the State that owns the News Agency. These reports, if credible or substantial enough, can be used in support of or against any country as such but in that situation, they can be denied by any other country in the council. Some examples are: (i) RIA Novosti (Russia) http://en.rian.ru/ (ii) IRNA (Iran) http://www.irna.ir/ENIndex.htm (iii) Xinhua News Agency and CCTV (P.R. China) http://cctvnews.cntv.cn/ 2. Government Reports: These reports can be used in a similar way as the State Operated News Agencies reports and can, in all circumstances, be denied by another country. However, a nuance is that a report that is being denied by a certain country can still be accepted by the Executive Board as credible information. Some examples are, a. Government Websites like the State Department of the United States of America http://www.state.gov/ or the Ministry of Defence of the Russian Federation (http://www.eng.mil.ru/en/index.htm) b. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of various nations like India (http://www.mea.gov.in/) or People’s Republic of China (http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/) c. Permanent Representatives to the United Nations Reports http://www.un.org/en/members/ (Click on any country to get the website of the Office of its Permanent Representative.) d. Multilateral Organizations like the NATO (http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natolive/index.htm) OPEC (http://www.opec.org/opec_web/en/) 3. UN Reports: All UN Reports are considered as credible information or evidence for the Executive Board. a) UN Bodies like the UNSC (http://www.un.org/Docs/sc/) or UNGA (http://www.un.org/en/ga/) b) UN Affiliated bodies like the International Atomic Energy Agency (http://www.iaea.org/) World Bank (http://www.worldbank.org/) International Monetary Fund (http://www.imf.org/external/index.htm) International Committee of the Red Cross (http://www.icrc.org/eng/index.jsp) c) Treaty Based Bodies like the Antarctic Treaty System (http://www.ats.aq/e/ats.htm) , the International Criminal Court (http://www.icccpi.int/Menus/ICC) Please note that under no circumstances will sources like Wikipedia (http://www.wikipedia.org/) Amnesty International (http://www.amnesty.org/) or newspapers like The Guardian (http://www.guardian.co.uk/) Times of India (http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/) Be accepted in the Council. Duly note each document’s source before its presentation in council. Please carry the required reports in soft copy (saved directly from the source and unedited). Also, the background guide cannot be used as proof in the council. Suggested Pattern for Researching Researching and understanding the United Nations and the Committee/Council being simulated –Its Mandate, including understanding historical work done on the agenda. research on the allotted country. Understanding its polity, economy, military, culture, history, bilateral relations with other countries, ideological position on various other relevant issues related to the agenda etc. Comprehending the Foreign Policy of the allotted country. It includes understanding the ideology and principles adopted by the country on the agenda. It further includes studying past actions taken by the country on the agenda and other related issues – specifically analyzing their causes and consequences. Reading the background guide thoroughly. Researching further upon the agenda using the links given in the guide and from other sources such as academic papers, institutional reports, national reports, news articles, blogs etc. Understanding policies adopted by different blocs of countries (example: NATO, EU etc.) and major countries involved in the agenda. Including their position, ideology and adopted past actions. Characterizing the agenda into sub-topics and preparing speeches and statements on them. It is the same as preparing topics for the moderated caucuses and their content. Preparing a list of possible solutions and actions the UNSC can adopt on the issue as per your country‘s policies. Assemble proof/evidence for any important piece of information/allegation you are going to use in committee and keeping your research updated using various news sources. Committee Description Introduction Under the Charter, the Security Council has primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. It has 15 Members, and each Member has one vote. Under the Charter, all Member States are obligated to comply with Council decisions. The Security Council takes the lead in determining the existence of a threat to the peace or act of aggression. It calls upon the parties to a dispute to settle it by peaceful means and recommends methods of adjustment or terms of settlement. In some cases, the Security Council can resort to imposing sanctions or even authorize the use of force to maintain or restore international peace and security. The Security Council also recommends to the General Assembly the appointment of the Secretary-General and the admission of new Members to the United Nations. And, together with the General Assembly, it elects the judges of the International Court of Justice.1 Mandate The UN Charter established six main organs of the United Nations, including the Security Council. It gives primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security to the Security Council, which may meet whenever peace is threatened. According to the Charter, the United Nations has four purposes: to maintain international peace and security; to develop friendly relations among nations; to cooperate in solving international problems and in promoting respect for human rights; and to be a centre for harmonizing the actions of nations. All members of the United Nations agree to accept and carry out the decisions of the Security Council.
Recommended publications
  • FROM PEACE to WAR: RELIGHTING the FLAMES of the ISRAEL – PALESTINE CONFLICT David Newman
    94 Articles Section FROM PEACE TO WAR: RELIGHTING THE FLAMES OF THE ISRAEL – PALESTINE CONFLICT David Newman INTRODUCTION In the space of twelve months, the hopes of reaching a solution to the Israel- Palestine conflict have undergone a major downturn, from the near agreement reached at Camp David to a renewal of violence and the deterioration of the situation to one which has not been experienced in over thirty years of West Bank and Gaza occupation. The renewal in terrorism, roadside explosions, suicide bombers – not just in the West Bank and Gaza but inside sovereign Israel, even Tel Aviv, itself – and the hard-line retaliation of the right-wing Israeli government, including the use of helicopter raids and sophisticated missile attacks on Palestinian targets, have created a situation that is the closest to full out war between Israel and the Palestinians that has been experienced so far. Camp David – The summer 2000 Camp David summit was perceived, at the time, as being the opportunity to reach a final agreement between Israel and the Palestinian Why Did it Fail? Authority. The Agreement would provide for the establishment of an independent Palestinian State on approximately 90-95% of the area of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip; the removal of most Israeli settlements in the West Bank, thus allowing for territorial integrity and compactness for the Palestinian State; and, ensuring a declaration to the effect that this would signal the end to the century-old conflict between the two peoples. The active participation of the leaders themselves, Prime Minister Ehud Barak of Israel, Chairman Yasser Arafat of the Palestinian Authority and President Bill Clinton of the United States, was a clear indication that this was the final stage in the long process, which had began in Madrid (1991) and Oslo (1993).
    [Show full text]
  • Presidium Model United Nations 13Th-14Th August 2021
    Presidium Model United Nations 13th-14th August 2021 The United Nations Human Rights Council Agenda: The Israel-Palestine Conflict 1 LETTER FROM THE EXECUTIVE BOARD The Executive Board of Presidium Model United Nations welcomes each one of you. For many it may be the first ever MUN conference in your educational experience, and we strongly encourage you to go through the study guide that has been prepared for you as a part of the conference in order to get an in depth understanding of the issue that will be discussed in the committee. However, there is lot of content available beyond the study guides too. You are expected to research, collate, list down possible points of discussions, questions and plausible responses and be prepared to enjoy the intellectual energy in the group. At the same time it is not only about speaking and presenting, but very importantly it is also about the ability to listen, understand view points and learn from each one’s perspectives. Wishing all of you a great learning experience. Looking forward to having you all with us. Best wishes The Executive Board 1. Akul Halan (President) 2. Vansham Mudgil (Vice-President) 3. Sonal Gupta (Substantial Director) 2 The United Nations Security Council The Human Rights Council is an intergovernmental body of the United Nations, through which States discuss human rights conditions in the UN Member States. The Council’s mandate is to promote “universal respect for the protection of all human rights and fundamental freedoms for all” and “address situations of violations of human rights, including gross and systematic violations, and make recommendations thereon.” The Human Rights Council was established in 2006 by Resolution 60/251 as a subsidiary body to the UN General Assembly.
    [Show full text]
  • The Arab-Israeli Conflict Professor Zach Levey
    1 The Arab-Israeli Conflict Professor Zach Levey Course number: 702.2395 Class Time: Monday 12:00-15:00 Class Location: TBA Instructor’s Office: Room 4020, Terrace Building Tel: 824-0933 (internal line - 2933) Office Hours: by appointment [email protected] Course Description and Structure: This course deals with the conflict in both historical and contemporary terms. The first part of the course deals with the growing clash between the Zionist Yishuv and Arabs of Palestine, examining its transformation into long-term confrontation between Israel and the Arab states. We will begin by examining the roots of Arab and Jewish nationalism, rival claims to Palestine, and the rise of conflict during the British Mandate period. The second of this course covers the years 1947-1982, analyzing the causes and effects of six wars between Israel and the Arab states; 1948, 1956, 1967, 1969-70, 1973, and 1982. Emphasis is on regional and global factors, such as inter-Arab rivalry and the Cold War, but includes an examination of the Israeli-Egyptian peace agreement in 1979. The third part begins with the aftermath of the 1982 Lebanon war and Palestinian intifada of 1987-1993, covering the Oslo Agreements, 2000 Camp David summit, the second Intifada and Israel’s conflict with both Hamas and Hizballah. Course Requirements: Three short essay assignments (each 5% of final grade), in-class mid-term exam (15%), term paper (15 pages, 70% of final course grad). Regular attendance is mandatory. This is a fast-paced course and students should complete readings for each class session.
    [Show full text]
  • Jerusalem and the Riparian Simile Shaul E
    Political Geography 21 (2002) 745–764 www.politicalgeography.com Jerusalem and the riparian simile Shaul E. Cohen a,∗, David A. Frank b a Department of Geography, The University of Oregon, Eugene, OR 97303, USA b Robert D. Clark Honors College, The University of Oregon, Eugene, OR 97403, USA Abstract Many see the city of Jerusalem as an intractable religious political issue, beyond the pale of negotiation and problem solving. This view reflects a set of problematic assumptions, includ- ing beliefs that Jerusalem produces a contest between maximalist claims that only power can resolve. In this article, we conduct a conceptual exercise designed to rethink Jerusalem as an issue of political geography open to needs-based bargaining. Drawing from evidence in the Transboundary Freshwater Dispute Database, we suggest that riparian negotiations offer an analogue that might be used to restructure the discourse used in the negotiations about Jerusa- lem. We propose the use of a riparian simile in which negotiators begin with the assumption that “the conflict over Jerusalem is like international water disputes.” Riparian negotiations encourage movement from sovereign rights to functional needs, the use of time as a flexible variable, a focus on beneficial uses, and the creation of language recognizing local contin- gencies. 2002 Published by Elsevier Science Ltd. Keywords: Analogic thinking; Conflict; Jerusalem; Metaphor; Riparian simile; Territory And there are days here when everything is sails and more sails, even though there’s no sea in Jerusalem, not even a river. Everything is sails: the flags, the prayer shawls, the black coats, the monks’ robes, the kaftans and kaffiyehs, young women’s dresses and headdresses, Torah mantles and prayer rugs, feelings that swell in the wind and hopes that set them sailing in other directions.
    [Show full text]
  • Palestinian Peace Process As Barriers to Resolving the Conflict
    Chapter 8 Strategic Decisions Taken During the Israeli- Palestinian Peace Process as Barriers to Resolving the Conflict Ephraim Lavie and Henry Fishman Mahatma Gandhi’s famous quote – “We must become the change we want to see in the world” – makes the definition of ‘strategy’ very clear. It is the comprehensive and coherent conception of the ultimate goals of the leadership in combination with the main routes to achievement of these goals. The success of negotiations in any sector – business, civil dispute resolution, or political processes – is hard to predict on the basis of one of the parties’ “correct strategy” because success depends on coordination and harmony between the “correct strategies” of both sides simultaneously, in parallel, and throughout the entire process. This condition illustrates the fragility of a strategy even when it is the correct one, but it also challenges the leader to rise above and beyond in formulating or “finding” a strategy – a “grand strategy” – that can overcome the obstacles posed by the counter-strategy. Based on our experience in following the negotiating process with the Palestinians through its various stages and derivative developments since 1993, as well as on research and analysis of writings on this issue, our starting assumption is that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict can indeed be resolved through negotiations between the parties, but that this will require overcoming difficult or preventative obstacles. This chapter aims to present and analyze the barriers that led to the failure of the Oslo formula for negotiations and to draw lessons in the following three key areas: 1. The strategic decision of each of the parties as a matter of substance (the “grand strategy”) that lays a firm foundation for resolution of the Israeli- Palestinian conflict through a process of negotiations towards peace; 300 2.
    [Show full text]
  • The IDF in the Second Intifada
    Volume 13 | No. 3 | October 2010 A Decade since the Outbreak of the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Strategic Overview | Michael Milstein The IDF in the Second Intifada | Giora Eiland The Rise and Fall of Suicide Bombings in the Second Intifada | Yoram Schweitzer The Political Process in the Entangled Gordian Knot | Anat Kurz The End of the Second Intifada? | Jonathan Schachter The Second Intifada and Israeli Public Opinion | Yehuda Ben Meir and Olena Bagno-Moldavsky The Disengagement Plan: Vision and Reality | Zaki Shalom Israel’s Coping with the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Critical Review | Ephraim Lavie 2000-2010: An Influential Decade |Oded Eran Resuming the Multilateral Track in a Comprehensive Peace Process | Shlomo Brom and Jeffrey Christiansen The Core Issues of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict: The Fifth Element | Shiri Tal-Landman המכון למחקרי ביטחון לאומי THE INSTITUTE FOR NATIONAL SECURcITY STUDIES INCORPORATING THE JAFFEE bd CENTER FOR STRATEGIC STUDIES Strategic ASSESSMENT Volume 13 | No. 3 | October 2010 CONteNts Abstracts | 3 A Decade since the Outbreak of the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Strategic Overview | 7 Michael Milstein The IDF in the Second Intifada | 27 Giora Eiland The Rise and Fall of Suicide Bombings in the Second Intifada | 39 Yoram Schweitzer The Political Process in the Entangled Gordian Knot | 49 Anat Kurz The End of the Second Intifada? | 63 Jonathan Schachter The Second Intifada and Israeli Public Opinion | 71 Yehuda Ben Meir and Olena Bagno-Moldavsky The Disengagement Plan: Vision and Reality | 85 Zaki Shalom Israel’s Coping with the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Critical Review | 101 Ephraim Lavie 2000-2010: An Influential Decade | 123 Oded Eran Resuming the Multilateral Track in a Comprehensive Peace Process | 133 Shlomo Brom and Jeffrey Christiansen The Core Issues of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict: The Fifth Element | 141 Shiri Tal-Landman The purpose of Strategic Assessment is to stimulate and Strategic enrich the public debate on issues that are, or should be, ASSESSMENT on Israel’s national security agenda.
    [Show full text]
  • Barriers to Peace in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
    The Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies Founded by the Charles H. Revson Foundation Barriers to Peace in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Editor: Yaacov Bar-Siman-Tov 2010 Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies – Study no. 406 Barriers to Peace in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Editor: Yaacov Bar-Siman-Tov The statements made and the views expressed are solely the responsibility of the authors. © Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung Israel 6 Lloyd George St. Jerusalem 91082 http://www.kas.de/israel E-mail: [email protected] © 2010, The Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies The Hay Elyachar House 20 Radak St., 92186 Jerusalem http://www.jiis.org E-mail: [email protected] This publication was made possible by funds granted by the Charles H. Revson Foundation. In memory of Professor Alexander L. George, scholar, mentor, friend, and gentleman The Authors Yehudith Auerbach is Head of the Division of Journalism and Communication Studies and teaches at the Department of Political Studies of Bar-Ilan University. Dr. Auerbach studies processes of reconciliation and forgiveness . in national conflicts generally and in the Israeli-Palestinian context specifically and has published many articles on this issue. Yaacov Bar-Siman-Tov is a Professor of International Relations at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and holds the Chair for the Study of Peace and Regional Cooperation. Since 2003 he is the Head of the Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies. He specializes in the fields of conflict management and resolution, peace processes and negotiations, stable peace, reconciliation, and the Arab-Israeli conflict in particular. He is the author and editor of 15 books and many articles in these fields.
    [Show full text]
  • Imagining the Border
    A WAshington institute str Ategic r eport Imagining the Border Options for Resolving the Israeli-Palestinian Territorial Issue z David Makovsky with Sheli Chabon and Jennifer Logan A WAshington institute str Ategic r eport Imagining the Border Options for Resolving the Israeli-Palestinian Territorial Issue z David Makovsky with Sheli Chabon and Jennifer Logan All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2011 The Washington Institute for Near East Policy Published in 2011 in the United States of America by the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050, Washington, DC 20036. Design by Daniel Kohan, Sensical Design and Communication Front cover: President Barack Obama watches as Israeli prime minister Binyamin Netanyahu and Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas shake hands in New York, September 2009. (AP Photo/Charles Dharapak) Map CREDITS Israeli settlements in the Triangle Area and the West Bank: Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics, 2007, 2008, and 2009 data Palestinian communities in the West Bank: Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics, 2007 data Jerusalem neighborhoods: Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies, 2008 data Various map elements (Green Line, No Man’s Land, Old City, Jerusalem municipal bounds, fences, roads): Dan Rothem, S. Daniel Abraham Center for Middle East Peace Cartography: International Mapping Associates, Ellicott City, MD Contents About the Authors / v Acknowledgments / vii Settlements and Swaps: Envisioning an Israeli-Palestinian Border / 1 Three Land Swap Scenarios / 7 Maps 1.
    [Show full text]
  • A Decade Since the Outbreak of the Al-Aqsa Intifada: a Strategic the IDF in the Second Intifada | Giora Eiland the Rise and Fall
    Volume 13 | No. 3 | October 2010 A Decade since the Outbreak of the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Strategic Overview | Michael Milstein The IDF in the Second Intifada | Giora Eiland The Rise and Fall of Suicide Bombings in the Second Intifada | Yoram Schweitzer The Political Process in the Entangled Gordian Knot | Anat Kurz The End of the Second Intifada? | Jonathan Schachter The Second Intifada and Israeli Public Opinion | Yehuda Ben Meir and Olena Bagno-Moldavsky The Disengagement Plan: Vision and Reality | Zaki Shalom Israel’s Coping with the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Critical Review | Ephraim Lavie 2000-2010: An Influential Decade |Oded Eran Resuming the Multilateral Track in a Comprehensive Peace Process | Shlomo Brom and Jeffrey Christiansen The Core Issues of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict: The Fifth Element | Shiri Tal-Landman המכון למחקרי ביטחון לאומי THE INSTITUTE FOR NATIONAL SECURcITY STUDIES INCORPORATING THE JAFFEE bd CENTER FOR STRATEGIC STUDIES Strategic ASSESSMENT Volume 13 | No. 3 | October 2010 CONteNts Abstracts | 3 A Decade since the Outbreak of the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Strategic Overview | 7 Michael Milstein The IDF in the Second Intifada | 27 Giora Eiland The Rise and Fall of Suicide Bombings in the Second Intifada | 39 Yoram Schweitzer The Political Process in the Entangled Gordian Knot | 49 Anat Kurz The End of the Second Intifada? | 63 Jonathan Schachter The Second Intifada and Israeli Public Opinion | 71 Yehuda Ben Meir and Olena Bagno-Moldavsky The Disengagement Plan: Vision and Reality | 85 Zaki Shalom Israel’s Coping with the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Critical Review | 101 Ephraim Lavie 2000-2010: An Influential Decade | 123 Oded Eran Resuming the Multilateral Track in a Comprehensive Peace Process | 133 Shlomo Brom and Jeffrey Christiansen The Core Issues of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict: The Fifth Element | 141 Shiri Tal-Landman The purpose of Strategic Assessment is to stimulate and Strategic enrich the public debate on issues that are, or should be, ASSESSMENT on Israel’s national security agenda.
    [Show full text]
  • Israel - Palestine Conflict - a Tale of Grave Human Violations & Innumerable Casualties
    RESEARCH PAPER Law Volume : 4 | Issue : 9 | September 2014 | ISSN - 2249-555X Israel - Palestine Conflict - A Tale of Grave Human Violations & Innumerable Casualties KEYWORDS Mr.Manish Dalal Mr.ArunKumar Singh Assistant Professor in Law Noida International First year, Faculty of Law, Noida International University University * Corresponding author ABSTRACT Israel - Palestine conflict is one of the most burning issues of modern times which poses a big threat to international peace & security. This conflict is an example of grave human rights violations & a large no. of human causalities’. The warring sides are the Israeli government on the one hand and a group named Hamas which is controlling Gaza Strip after winning the elections in 2006 on the other hand. Hamas is mostly viewed as a terrorist organization all over the world. Both Israel & Hamas do not recognize each other's authority & ready to use violence to achieve their means. But to understand the reasons for this conflict one has to go back to history in the middle of 20th century where it all started. Introduction The First Palestinian Intifada The history of this war dates back to the year 1948 with The First Palestinian Intifada also known as a the first Pal- the declaration of State of Israel on 15th May, 1948 which estinian uprising against the Israeli occupation began on didn’t go down well with the Arab League which pro- 8th December, 1987 & ended on 13th September, 1993 claimed that the entire area given to Israel belongs to with the signing of Oslo Accords. It was the first biggest them & it didn’t recognize Israel as a State giving rise to uprising against Israel after their 1967 occupation of the 1948 Arab-Israel war in which many people lost their lives disputed territory of Gaza Strip, West Bank & East Jerusa- & many more became refugees.
    [Show full text]
  • GA Research Packet | LEBMUN
    FORUM: GENERAL ASSEMBLY TOPIC 1: The question of the safe and free passage of commercial vessels through the Persian Gulf TOPIC 2: The question of basic human rights to agricultural land, natural resources, and water in Palestine-Israel Conflict LEBMUN ‘21 | 2 CONTENTS TOPIC 1 4 Introduction 4 Key Terms 5 Key Actors 6 Background 7 Recent Developments 8 Previous Attempts to Resolve the Issue 8 Suggested Solutions 9 Avenues of Discussion 9 TOPIC 2 10 Introduction 10 Key Terms 10 Key Actors 11 Background 11 Previous Attempts to Resolve the Conflict 13 Suggested Solutions 13 Avenues of Discussion 13 Bibliography 14 LEBMUN ‘21 | 3 TOPIC 1: The question of the safe and free passage of commercial vessels through the Persian Gulf INTRODUCTION The Persian Gulf To figure out what the conflict happening in the Persian Gulf is, one must first understand the significance of this body of water. The Persian Gulf is a key passageway for vessels (see definition in ‘Key Terms’ section below), whether they be commercial (for trade) or naval (military). The Persian Gulf is bounded by multiple wealthy Arab states including Bahrain, Kuwait, Iraq, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, which is the reason for it being a longtime flourishing trading hub, crucial for access to vital trading routes in the Middle East region. So what’s the deal with the Persian Gulf? Each Gulf state has maritime territories in the Persian Gulf, which are based on the United Nations Convention on the Law of Sea (UNCLOS) Treaty. However, because of how valuable these territories are, nations will oen try their best to place the most claims.
    [Show full text]
  • UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations
    UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title The Origins and Consequences of Public Opinion in Coercive Terrorist Crises Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/71m8m2nc Author Gottfried, Matthew Stuart Publication Date 2014 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles The Origins and Consequences of Public Opinion in Coercive Terrorist Crises A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Matthew Stuart Gottfried 2014 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION The Origins and Consequences of Public Opinion in Coercive Terrorist Crises by Matthew Stuart Gottfried Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Los Angeles, 2014 Professor Steven L. Spiegel, Co-Chair Professor Arthur A. Stein, Co-Chair This dissertation identifies the determinants of public opinion in coercive terrorist crises and explores how the effects of coercive terrorism on public opinion incentivize the decisions of democratic leaders. Using a multi-method research design, the project includes innovative randomized survey experiments fielded in Lebanon and the United States, statistical modeling of Israeli public support for the Oslo Peace Process, and interviews with government officials and policymakers. I find that public attitudes in coercive terrorist crises are highly dependent on the intensity of terrorist campaigns, government concessions and intransigence, prior population exposure to terrorism, prior attitudinal strength and ambivalence, partisanship, and the reaction of the political opposition. Yet, the data reveal that publics are surprisingly resilient to this type ii of coercive diplomacy across all of my case studies. If terrorism provides any sense of urgency to change course, it is likely the result of inaccurate leader perceptions rather than being grounded in strong empirical reality.
    [Show full text]