Educational System from a Socialist Perspective. Based on the Idea That
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A Critical and Comparative Analysis of Organisational Forms of Selected Marxist Parties, in Theory and in Practice, with Special Reference to the Last Half Century
Rahimi, M. (2009) A critical and comparative analysis of organisational forms of selected Marxist parties, in theory and in practice, with special reference to the last half century. PhD thesis. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/688/ Copyright and moral rights for this thesis are retained by the author A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Glasgow Theses Service http://theses.gla.ac.uk/ [email protected] A critical and comparative analysis of organisational forms of selected Marxist parties, in theory and in practice, with special reference to the last half century Mohammad Rahimi, BA, MSc Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of PhD Centre for the Study of Socialist Theory and Movement Faculty of Law, Business and Social Science University of Glasgow September 2008 The diversity of the proletariat during the final two decades of the 20 th century reached a point where traditional socialist and communist parties could not represent all sections of the working class. Moreover, the development of social movements other than the working class after the 1960s further sidelined traditional parties. The anti-capitalist movements in the 1970s and 1980s were looking for new political formations. -
How It All Began: a Footnote to History
HOW IT ALL BEGAN: A FOOTNOTE TO HISTORY Marion Kozak The Socialist Register was conceived on an exceptionally sunlit Sunday, April 7 1963, over lunch. Sitting round the table were John Saville, Lawrence Daly, Edward Thompson, Ralph and I. To an outsider it was evident that Lawrence Daly in some ways dominated the group. Daly, who had once been a working miner in Fife and later became a trade union leader, had been part of John and Edward’s circle in the course of their break with the Communist Party in 1956-57 and after, and they considered him a most remarkable working class intellectual. He had attracted consid erable attention in the 1959 general election campaign when he had beaten the official Communist candidate into third place in Willie Gallagher’s old constituency - a traditional stronghold of Communism. But what sticks out in my memory is not the politics but that Edward wanted to talk to him about poetry and that the afternoon concluded with a discussion about Shakespeare’s sonnets which Lawrence had been reading. In their different ways, all the individuals at our little meeting were among the first wave members of the British New Left, and represented various aspects of a revived Marxist culture whose immediate antecedents were the revelations of the 20th Party Congress. On the one hand, Khrushchev’s speech to the Congress of the CPSU had exposed the crimes of Stalinism as well as the fallibility of the Communist project as exemplified in the Soviet suppression of the Hungarian revolution. On the other hand, the broad Left and even the centre of the political spectrum in Britain had demonstrated widespread disillusion with Cold War politics, in the protest against the colonialism of the Suez invasions and in the growing movement against nuclear weapons. -
The Only Hope of the Revolution Is the Crowd: the Limits of Žižek's Leninism
ISSN 1751- 8229 Volume Two, Number Two The only hope of the revolution is the crowd: The limits of Žižek’s Leninism Paul Kellogg - Athabasca University The first reaction, according to Slavoj Žižek, to the idea of taking a new look at Lenin is “sarcastic laughter ... Doesn’t Lenin stand precisely for the failure to put Marxism into practice, for the big catastrophe which left its mark on the whole twentieth-century world politics, for the Real Socialist experiment which culminated in an economically inefficent dictatorship?” Most believe that in building a New Left we have to “leave the Leninist legacy behind” (Žižek 2002b: 3). Žižek – most centrally in his Revolution At The Gates (Žižek: 2002) – is part of a new generation of scholars who reject both the Cold War version of Lenin as “a devil” and the Stalinist version of Lenin as “a god.” This is a necessary and worthwhile project – and, given the long shadow of the Cold War era, not an easy one. The fact that a theorist of Žižek’s prominence takes Lenin seriously is important in itself. The writings of Lenin which Žižek introduces to a new generation are remarkable. One early reviewer said that “Žižek's effort” in this revival of Lenin studies, “demands praise. His courage to stand against both the prevailing postmodernism and liberal multiculturalism, his taking a stand on the side of radical action against impotent talk is to be commended” (Gretz 2002: unpaginated). This article – after a review of the particular Lenin offered us by Žižek – will suggest three ways in which this praise needs to be tempered. -
Trotsky and the Problem of Soviet Bureaucracy
TROTSKY AND THE PROBLEM OF SOVIET BUREAUCRACY by Thomas Marshall Twiss B.A., Mount Union College, 1971 M.A., University of Pittsburgh, 1972 M.S., Drexel University, 1997 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2009 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH FACULTY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This dissertation was presented by Thomas Marshall Twiss It was defended on April 16, 2009 and approved by William Chase, Professor, Department of History Ronald H. Linden, Professor, Department of Political Science Ilya Prizel, Professor, Department of Political Science Dissertation Advisor: Jonathan Harris, Professor, Department of Political Science ii Copyright © by Thomas Marshall Twiss 2009 iii TROTSKY AND THE PROBLEM OF SOVIET BUREAUCRACY Thomas Marshall Twiss, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2009 In 1917 the Bolsheviks anticipated, on the basis of the Marxist classics, that the proletarian revolution would put an end to bureaucracy. However, soon after the revolution many within the Bolshevik Party, including Trotsky, were denouncing Soviet bureaucracy as a persistent problem. In fact, for Trotsky the problem of Soviet bureaucracy became the central political and theoretical issue that preoccupied him for the remainder of his life. This study examines the development of Leon Trotsky’s views on that subject from the first years after the Russian Revolution through the completion of his work The Revolution Betrayed in 1936. In his various writings over these years Trotsky expressed three main understandings of the nature of the problem: During the civil war and the first years of NEP he denounced inefficiency in the distribution of supplies to the Red Army and resources throughout the economy as a whole. -
An ERIC Paper
An ERIC Paper ALTERNATIVE EDUCATION: THE FREE SCHOOL MOVEMENT IN THE UNITED STATES By Allen Graubard September 1972 /ssued by the ER/C Clearinghouse on Media and Technolool Stanford University, Stanford, California 94305 U.S. DEPARTMLNT DF HEALTH. EDUCATION & WELFARE OFFICE OF EDUCATION THIS DOCUMENT HAS BEEN REPRO- DUCED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED FROM THE PERSON OR ORGANIZATION ORIG- INATING IT. POINTS OF VIEW OR OPIN- IONS STATED DO NOT NECESSARILY REPRESENT OFFICIAL OFFICE OF EDU- CATION POSITION OR POLICY. ALTERNATIVE EDUCATION: THE FREE SCHOOL MOVEMENT IN THE UNITED STATES By Allen Graubard September 1972 Issued by the ERIC Clearinghouse on Media and Technology Stanford University, Stanford, California 94305 ABOUT THE AUTHOR Experience both within andoutside thc system makes Allen Graubard a knowledgeable author for such a paper as this. A Harvard man, Dr. Graubard was director of The Community School, a free elementary and high school in Santa Barbara, California. He served as director of the New Schools Directory Project, funded by the U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare, and has been an editor for New Schools Exchange Newsletter. Most recently, Dr. Graubard was on assignment as Special Assistant to the President for Community-Based Educational Programs at Goddard College, Plainfield, Vermont. TABLE OF CONTENTS About the Author Introduction 1 The Free School Movement: Theory and Practice 2 Pedagogical Source 2 Political Source 3 The Current State of Free Schools 4 Kinds of Free Schools 6 Summerhillian 6 Parent-Teacher Cooperative Elementary 6 Free High Schools 6 Community Elementary 7 Political and Social Issues 9 Wain the System: Some Predictions 11 Resources 13 Journals 13 Books and Articles 13 Useful Centers, Clearinghouses, and People Involved with Free Schools 15 4 INTRODUCTION Approximately nine out of every ten children in the United States attend the public schools. -
Order Reigns in the Hague
Scanner daniel finn ORDER REIGNS IN THE HAGUE The Dutch Elections and the Socialist Party ecent political turbulence in the Eurozone has usu- ally been filtered through an economic prism. With the fate of the single currency planted firmly at the centre of analysis, each development in the member-states has been scrutinized Rfor its potential to undermine ‘confidence’ and ‘stability’. Resignations and electoral defeats, the collapse of old political forces and the emer- gence of new ones, thus blend into one sequence of exotic diversions from the task at hand. Any sense of what these events actually mean for national and European politics is lost. For the most part, it has been a question of temporary hiccups: the pass- ing of the neo-liberal baton from centre-left to centre-right in Spain—or in the opposite direction across the Pyrenees—offered little reason for concern among stewards of the Brussels Consensus. If need be, a cabinet of ‘technocrats’ can be assigned the job of managing peripheral Eurozone states on the Troika’s behalf until a plausible government is cobbled together. Voters may swing as freely as they like, but the main lines of economic policy will not be disrupted. Yet elections in two eu countries during the summer of 2012 threatened to disrupt this under- standing of political realities. For the first time since the 1980s, parties of the radical left appeared to be on the brink of exercising power from a position of strength, evading the tutelage of centrist parties and push- ing beyond the limits of la pensée unique. -
Home Schooling: Are Partnerships Possible?
ABSTRACT Title of dissertation: HOME SCHOOLING: ARE PARTNERSHIPS POSSIBLE? Kristine L. Angelis, Doctor of Philosophy, 2008 Dissertation directed by: Professor Robert Croninger Department of Education Home schooling has been described as both the oldest and newest form of education, and as the number of home school students continues to grow, a partnership is beginning to evolve with their local school systems. Some states are offering a variety of educational resources to these students which may include participation in extracurricular activities, classroom instruction, or virtual learning opportunities. This exploratory case study is designed to better understand a parent’s choice to home school within the social and institutional framework available to them in Maryland. Maryland offers home schooling families a choice of monitoring options, through their local public school system or a bona fide church exempt organization. The state does not offer home schooling families any additional educational resources except the opportunity to participate in standardized testing. Home schooling parents monitored through a local public school system located in the Baltimore-Washington-Northern Virginia Combined Statistical Area were asked to complete a questionnaire designed to ascertain family characteristics and reasons to home school. Respondents were categorized according to their reason to home school – religious/moral, academic, or other. Eight families were randomly chosen from the three categories to participate in a personal interview to discuss their choice to home school, experiences and challenges of home schooling, and if they would be interested in having services made available to them through their local public school system. Analysis of questionnaire findings and interviews indicated some similarities between the target population and results of the 2003 National Center for Education Statistics survey with the majority in both surveys indicating religion as a main reason to home school. -
An Analysis of Selected Cases and Controversies in American Education
Portland State University PDXScholar Dissertations and Theses Dissertations and Theses 5-1974 The politics of education -- An analysis of selected cases and controversies in American education Lawrence Robert Stoffel Portland State University Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds Part of the Education Commons, and the Political Science Commons Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Stoffel, Lawrence Robert, "The politics of education -- An analysis of selected cases and controversies in American education" (1974). Dissertations and Theses. Paper 1964. https://doi.org/10.15760/etd.1963 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected]. AN ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS OF Lawrence Robert Stoffel for the Master of Science in Political Science presented May 13, 1974. Title: The Politics of Education-- An Analysis of Selected Cases and Controversies in American Education. APPROVED BY MEMBERS OF THE THESIS COMMITTEE: Burton W. Onstine, Chairman This study compiles a series of cases and controversies in American education, from the popularization of public education in the mid-1800's to the present, and then reviews them to determine scholarly political aspects, common themes, and trends. It then applies the idet:ltified themes to a model of "the school as a responsive political system" fashioned after David Easton's "Dynamic Respons~ Model of a Political Systemll to demonstrate the operative nature of the 't'~mes., The paper reviews the plight of Negro education in Alabama after the Civil War until 1901. -
Bureaucracy and Commodity Production 11
ERNEST Contents M A N D E L Introduction 1 Bureaucracy and Commodity Production 11 Organization and the Usurpation of Power 59 Substitutionism and Realpolitik: The Politics of Labour Bureaucracies 103 Administration and Profit Realization: The Growth of Bourgeois Bureaucracies 153 Self-administration, Abundance and the Withering Away of Bureaucracy 195 Introduction I The death agony of the bureaucratic regimes in Eastern Europe, together with the break-up of the Soviet Union, have posed in the sharpest possible way the problem of their social nature and place in history - a problem largely identical with that of the specific nature of the bureaucracy in these societies. Events have been rather cruel to most of the theories offered in answer to this question. For example, right-wing ideologues - and pseudo-left ones like Cornelius Castoriadis - consistently maintained that the Stali nist and post-Stalinist regimes were 'totalitarian’, in the sense that they could not be shaken internally and would reproduce themselves for an indefinite length of time. The events of 1989 to 1991 have refuted that thesis. For their part, a number of Marxists like Paul Sweezy argued that it was impossible to call a regime 'transitional’ when it had lasted for seventy years. But what about a regime which is shaken to its foundations after seventy-two years? Could that not be transitional after all? The question of the restoration of capitalism is now posed in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet lands - and that is exactly how the matter is understood by all social and political forces, both nationally and internationally. -
Inspiring Student Empowerment, Patti Drapeau Focuses the Spotlight on Meeting the Social, Emotional, and Instructional Needs of Students in the Classroom
INCLUDES DIGITAL Patti Drapeau CONTENT LINK Drapeau Inspiring EM MENT Moving Beyond Engagement, Refining Differentiation © 2020 Free Spirit Publishing Inc. All rights reserved. Praise for Inspiring EM MENT “In her latest work, Inspiring Student Empowerment, Patti Drapeau focuses the spotlight on meeting the social, emotional, and instructional needs of students in the classroom. This book brings student voice and empowerment center stage, which is exactly as it should be. The many, varied strategies that she includes to support effective student learning and engagement are both realistic and user-friendly. Kudos to Drapeau for continuing to highlight the importance of the connection between the teacher and the learner as they create an effective learning environment for all students. Well done!” —Dr. Anita M. Campbell, University of Maine at Farmington “This powerful, insightful, and thought-provoking book adds a new dimension to teaching and learning. The four main areas of emphasis are differentiation, personalized learning, engagement, and empowerment. How these concepts differ and how they interact with and build on one another is the focus of this book. Throughout her practical book, author Patti Drapeau shows teachers and administrators ways to empower students to be self-directed, responsible, and confident learners. This book contains a plethora of excellent ideas—such as using games and competitions to develop student empowerment and giving students choices in designing their own learning concepts and activities. Finally, Drapeau -
What Is Left of Leninism? New European Left Parties in Historical Perspective
WHAT IS LEFT OF LENINISM? NEW EUROPEAN LEFT PARTIES IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE CHARLES POST oday, the socialist left in Europe confronts a situation markedly Tdifferent from most of the twentieth century. The social democratic parties, while maintaining significant electoral support among workers in most of Europe, are no longer parties of even pro-working-class reform. Most have adapted ‘social liberal’ politics, combining residual rhetoric about social justice with the implementation of a neoliberal economic and social programme of privatization, austerity and attacks on organized labour. The communist parties, with few exceptions, have either disappeared or are of marginal electoral and political weight. They were unable to survive either the collapse of the bureaucratic regimes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, or over four decades as the junior partners in electoral alliances with a rightward moving social democracy. The European socialist left that has survived is attempting to create new forms of organization. While some of these parties have labeled themselves ‘anti-capitalist’ and others ‘anti- neoliberal’, almost all of these parties describe themselves as both ‘post-social democratic’ and ‘post-Leninist’.1 Striving to create forms of working-class and popular political representation for a new era, many in these parties claim to be transcending the historic divide in the post-1917 socialist movement. This essay seeks to lay the historical foundation for a better understanding of the extent to which these parties have actually moved beyond the main currents of twentieth century socialism. We start with a reexamination of the theory and history of pre-First World War social democracy, and examine what Leninism represented in relation to it. -
Free Schools in America, 1850-1870: Who Voted for Them, Who Got Them, and Who Paid*
Free Schools in America, 1850-1870: Who Voted for Them, Who Got Them, and Who Paid* Sun Go† ABSTRACT Mass public schooling is indispensible to modern economic growth. This paper explores the emergence and consequences of free schooling in the USA in the nineteenth century, focusing on voters' self interests rather than ideology or the role of great men, as emphasized in popular views. Though literature on the political economy of policy decisions does not offer clear consensus on inequality and educational spending, a political economy model suggests that increases in both average property values and inequality in property holding are key to the emergence of free public education financed by local property taxes in the mid-19th century U.S. Empirical tests using data from various nineteenth century records support this view. The consequences of universal free public schooling were immediate. Children's education became less dependent on parents' wealth, and geographical inequality in enrollment rates declined. JEL Classification: H75, I22, N31 Keywords: American public education, free school, rate bill, property tax, school finance * I am deeply indebted to Peter H. Lindert for his invaluable advice and encouragement. I also thank Samuel Allen, Leticia Arroyo Abad, Gregory Clark, Claudia Goldin, Christopher Knittel, Jean-Laurent Rosenthal, Ann Stevens, Gavin Wright, and workshop participants at the All-UC Groups in Economic History, UC Davis, the Fifth Meeting of the Working Group on Wealth and Power in the Post-industrial Era, the Sixth World Congress of Cliometrics, the EHA annual meetings, Korea University, and Chung-Ang University for their helpful comments. The Institute of Government Affairs and Center for History, Society, and Culture at UC Davis generously provided funding for this research.