How It All Began: a Footnote to History
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Telling the Truth About Class
TELLING THE TRUTH ABOUT CLASS G. M. TAMÁS ne of the central questions of social theory has been the relationship Obetween class and knowledge, and this has also been a crucial question in the history of socialism. Differences between people – acting and knowing subjects – may influence our view of the chances of valid cognition. If there are irreconcilable discrepancies between people’s positions, going perhaps as far as incommensurability, then unified and rational knowledge resulting from a reasoned dialogue among persons is patently impossible. The Humean notion of ‘passions’, the Nietzschean notions of ‘resentment’ and ‘genealogy’, allude to the possible influence of such an incommensurability upon our ability to discover truth. Class may be regarded as a problem either in epistemology or in the philosophy of history, but I think that this separation is unwarranted, since if we separate epistemology and the philosophy of history (which is parallel to other such separations characteristic of bourgeois society itself) we cannot possibly avoid the rigidly-posed conundrum known as relativism. In speak- ing about class (and truth, and class and truth) we are the heirs of two socialist intellectual traditions, profoundly at variance with one another, although often intertwined politically and emotionally. I hope to show that, up to a point, such fusion and confusion is inevitable. All versions of socialist endeavour can and should be classified into two principal kinds, one inaugurated by Rousseau, the other by Marx. The two have opposite visions of the social subject in need of liberation, and these visions have determined everything from rarefied epistemological posi- tions concerning language and consciousness to social and political attitudes concerning wealth, culture, equality, sexuality and much else. -
Of the Ati-Apartheid Nlwemt 10 Police Shoot Demonstrators Dead As They Say 'Kissi, Go Home' 1I Ote Dm ,Ve Right) Entrelpages
ANTI-APARTHEID NEW ANTI-APARTHEID NEW TI " newuinpa" of the Ati-Apartheid Nlwemt 10 Police shoot demonstrators dead as they say 'Kissi, Go Home' 1i ote dm ,ve right) entrelpages. Kissinger buys time for whites campa ui moveme . La South wl .s i EC wil 'a nion recognise Transkei AT a meeting in September that what the Foreig Ministers of the carrythe nine EEC countries announced hole labo r that they wbuld not extend rebognition to the Transkei ramm Bantustan when Suth Africa rgrants it "independence on iOctober 26. KADER ASMAL, Vice Chairman of ,tment the Irish Anti-Apartheid has adopted Movement, explains the back0s5is for a ground to the decision, page 8 stment in )support SWAPO rejects SA i move on Namibia 11 1r. ai -iusive nerview witn AA NEWS, PETER KATJAVIViSWAPO' s Western European representative, sets out the liberation movement's case, page 9. Smith dismisses death appeals SO far this year, at least 37 Zimbabweans have had their appeals against death senfenee 2 . ACTION-NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL Britain Haringey HARINGEY Anti-Apartheid Group has held two suCjcessful house meetings and discussion groups on the Soweto crisis and after, and is planning for a major public meeting in October. Solly Smith and Ronnie Kasrils addressed groups in Crouch End andMuswell Hill on the implications of the current wave of strikes and protests in South Africa and the role of the African National Congress. On October 21 the Group is arranging a follow up to the Labour Party Conference in the form of a public meeting at which the main speaker will be Hornsey Labour Party's recently adopted Parliamen tary candidate, Ted Knight SACTU THE trade union and labour movewent must give overwhelming support to the Labour Party NEC call for a freeze on investment, mandatory economic sanctions and the halting of sales of any equipmant which enhances South Africa's military capacity. -
Radical Ambitions for Left-Wing Social Change and the Widespread Public Relevance of Sociology Remain Unfulfilled
Chapter 6 Worldly Ambitions The Emergence of a Global New Left For American left student activists of the early 1960s aiming to prac- tice their own politics of truth, Mills’s “Letter to the New Left” of 1960 provided inspiration. Attacking the liberal notion of an “end of ideology,” Mills suggested that radical ideals could once again affect the course of history by stirring the masses out of their apathy. Defending “utopian” thinking, he showed the necessity of a New Left that would break through the limits of the cold war consensus politics of the 1950s. Most important, Mills proclaimed to the emerging white student movement that “new generations of intellectuals” could be “real live agencies of social change.”1 To readers who already revered Mills for his trenchant social analysis, “Letter to the New Left” legiti- mated the notion that relatively privileged university students could be pivotal agents of social transformation. Shortly after its publication, Mills’s “Letter” was reprinted in the foremost intellectual journal of the American New Left, Studies on the Left. It was also published in pamphlet form by its most prominent organization, the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), whose 1962 manifesto “The Port Huron Statement” heralded a New Left social movement of those “bred in at least modest comfort, housed now in the universities, looking uncom- fortably to the world we inherit.”2 Though “Letter to the New Left” is best known for its influence on the American student movement, Mills conceived of the New Left in international terms. In fact, his “Letter” was originally published in the 179 UC-Geary-1stpages.indd 179 10/8/2008 2:20:59 PM 180 Worldly Ambitions British journal New Left Review. -
'The Left's Views on Israel: from the Establishment of the Jewish State To
‘The Left’s Views on Israel: From the establishment of the Jewish state to the intifada’ Thesis submitted by June Edmunds for PhD examination at the London School of Economics and Political Science 1 UMI Number: U615796 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615796 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F 7377 POLITI 58^S8i ABSTRACT The British left has confronted a dilemma in forming its attitude towards Israel in the postwar period. The establishment of the Jewish state seemed to force people on the left to choose between competing nationalisms - Israeli, Arab and later, Palestinian. Over time, a number of key developments sharpened the dilemma. My central focus is the evolution of thinking about Israel and the Middle East in the British Labour Party. I examine four critical periods: the creation of Israel in 1948; the Suez war in 1956; the Arab-Israeli war of 1967 and the 1980s, covering mainly the Israeli invasion of Lebanon but also the intifada. In each case, entrenched attitudes were called into question and longer-term shifts were triggered in the aftermath. -
Culture and Materialism : Raymond Williams and the Marxist Debate
CULTURE AND MATERIALISM: RAYMOND WILLIAMS AND THE MARXIST DEBATE by David C. Robinson B.A. (Honours1, Queen's University, 1988 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS (COMMUNICATIONS) in the ,Department of Communication @ David C. Robinson 1991 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY July, 1991 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. APPROVAL NAME: David Robinson DEGREE: Master of Arts (Communication) TITLE OF THESIS: Culture and Materialism: Raymond Williams and the Marxist Debate EXAMINING COMMITTEE: CHAIR: Dr. Linda Harasim Dr. Richard S. Gruneau Professor Senior Supervisor Dr. Alison C. M. Beale Assistant Professor Supervisor " - Dr. Jerald Zaslove Associate Professor Department of English Examiner DATE APPROVED: PARTIAL COPYRIGHT LICENCE I hereby grant to Simon Fraser University the right to lend my thesis or dissertation (the title of which is shown below) to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. I further agree that permission for multiple copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by me or the Dean of Graduate Studies. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Title of Thesis/Dissertation: Culture and Materialism: Raymond Williams and the Marxist Debate Author : signature David C. -
How Can We Move On?
HOW CAN WE MOVE ON? by Duncan Hallas There is no effective socialist party in Britain. None of the existing organisations has the potential to become one. Yet the creation of such a party is indispensible for any real advance. This is, I think, a fair state- ment of the essential argument of Ralph Miliband's Moving On (Socialist Register 1976). The specifications given for an effective socialist party are modest enough. It is accepted that a mass party is not an immediate possibility. What is envisaged is 'a party of ten thousand members and upwards' with a serious implantation in the working class movement and 'a real measure of electoral legitimation'. The party must have the capacity to begin to challenge right wing dominance in the movement and it must be internally democratic. Politically, the party must firmly reject the view that the Labour Party can ever be won to 'socialist policies'; hence it must reject the Communist Party's British Road to Socialism, for this view is central to that strategy. It must also take a critical attitude to the USSR and similar regimes. This leaves some very large questions unanswered, not least the viability of the more fundamental assumption of the British Road-that there is a parliamentary road to socialism. This, and related questions, certainly cannot be evaded. Nonetheless, it will be useful to follow Ralph Miliband's approach, to concede at once that the party he describes does not yet exist and to ask how something like it could be created. This is to take for granted that the analysis of the Labour Party given in Moving On is correct in its essentials, that the cause of 'reform' in that party is indeed hopeless. -
Why Not Capitalism
WHY NOT CAPITALISM SOCIALIST REGISTER 1 9 9 5 Edited by LEO PANITCH Special Coeditorx ELLEN MELKSINS WOOD JOHN SAVILLE TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Preface vii Ralph Miliband, Socialist Intellectual, 1924-1994 1 Leo Panitch A Chronology of the New Left and Its Successors, Or: Who's Old-Fashioned Now? Ellen Meiksins Wood Saying No to Capitalism at the Millenium George Ross Once More Moving On: Social Movements, Political Representation and the Left Hilary Wainwright Globalizing Capitalism and the Rise of Identity Politics Frances Fox Piven Europe In Search of a Future Daniel Singer The Yeltsin Regime K. S. Karol The State in the Third World William Graf Page The 'Underclass' and the US Welfare State 163 Linda Gordon 'Class War conservatism': Housing Policy, Homelessness and the 'Underclass' Joan Smith Capitalist Democracy Revisited John Schwartzmantel Parliamentary Socialism Revisited John Saville Harold Laski's Socialism Ralph Miliband How it All Began: A Footnote to History Marion Kozak Ralph Miliband, A Select Bibliography in English PREFACE Ralph Miliband, the founder of the The Socialist Register with John Saville in 1964, and its co-editor for the subsequent three decades, died on May 21, 1994. His death, after falling ill upon his return to London from the New York Socialist Scholars Conference in April, was unexpected. Despite a close brush with death after a heart by-pass operation three years before, he had resumed his activities with characteristic strength of will and stamina, and celebrated the completion of a new book, Socialism for a Sceptical Age, at a festive 70th birthday party in January, 1994. -
What Is Violence?
WHAT IS VIOLENCE? by Anthony Arblaster In The Communist Manifesto Marx and Engels expressed the view that "the epoch of the bourgeoisie", by contrast with earlier stages in human history, had "simplified class antagonisms", with the result that "Society as a whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps, into two great classes directly facing each other: Bourgeoisie and Proletariat." One reason for this, they suggested, was that capitalism had had the effect of stripping away the various ideological veils, religious and secular, by which exploitation and oppression had normally been both concealed and justified, and had "left remaining no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest, than callous 'cash payment'." They summed up this process of de-mystification as follows: In one word, for exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, it has substituted naked, shameless, direct, bmtal exploitation. We do not need to assume that this represents the most central, or the most considered view on the subject expressed by Marx and/or Engels to recognise that this particular expectation as to the character of class conflict within capitalist society has not been fulfilled. Capitalist exploitation is not uniquely naked and unveiled. Ideology, bourgeois ideology, continues to play a quite decisive role in disguising and blurring class conflicts, and sustaining the claims to legitimacy made by the state and its agencies in capitalist society. A similar tendency to underestimate the role of ideology is reflected in the stress that Marxists frequently place on the purely coercive and even violent character of the state, of which some of Lenin's remarks in The State and Revolution provide an important (because influential) example: The state is a special organisation of force: it is an organisation of violence for the suppression of some class. -
A Critical and Comparative Analysis of Organisational Forms of Selected Marxist Parties, in Theory and in Practice, with Special Reference to the Last Half Century
Rahimi, M. (2009) A critical and comparative analysis of organisational forms of selected Marxist parties, in theory and in practice, with special reference to the last half century. PhD thesis. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/688/ Copyright and moral rights for this thesis are retained by the author A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Glasgow Theses Service http://theses.gla.ac.uk/ [email protected] A critical and comparative analysis of organisational forms of selected Marxist parties, in theory and in practice, with special reference to the last half century Mohammad Rahimi, BA, MSc Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of PhD Centre for the Study of Socialist Theory and Movement Faculty of Law, Business and Social Science University of Glasgow September 2008 The diversity of the proletariat during the final two decades of the 20 th century reached a point where traditional socialist and communist parties could not represent all sections of the working class. Moreover, the development of social movements other than the working class after the 1960s further sidelined traditional parties. The anti-capitalist movements in the 1970s and 1980s were looking for new political formations. -
“Run with the Fox and Hunt with the Hounds”: Managerial Trade Unionism and the British Association of Colliery Management, 1947-1994
“Run with the fox and hunt with the hounds”: managerial trade unionism and the British Association of Colliery Management, 1947-1994 Abstract This article examines the evolution of managerial trade-unionism in the British coal industry, specifically focusing on the development of the British Association of Colliery Management (BACM) from 1947 until 1994. It explores the organization’s identity from its formation as a conservative staff association to its emergence as a distinct trade union, focusing on key issues: industrial action and strike cover; affiliation to the Trades Union Congress (TUC); colliery closures; and the privatization of the coal industry. It examines BACM’s relationship with the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) and the National Association of Colliery Overmen, Deputies and Shotfirers (NACODS), the National Coal Board (NCB) and subsequently the British Coal Corporation (BCC). This is explored within the wider context of the growth of managerial trade unions in post-war Britain and managerial identity in nationalized industries. Keywords: Managerial unionism; white-collar trade unions; public ownership; coal industry The British Association of Colliery Management was a very British institution in that it seemed to have the freedom both to run with the fox and hunt with the hounds … Although it never really joined in the dispute [1984-5 miners’ strike] when it came, it took some getting used to a situation in which people who clearly laid full claim to being representatives of “management” could, and did, through their union, criticize that management.1 Former NCB chairman Ian MacGregor’s vituperative attack on BACM reflected the breakdown between the two parties and their distinct 1 outlooks on the future of the industry in the 1980s. -
Chapters the Politics of the Strike
Durham E-Theses The 1984/85 Miners strike in East Durham, A study in contemporary history. Atkin, Michael How to cite: Atkin, Michael (2001) The 1984/85 Miners strike in East Durham, A study in contemporary history., Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/2015/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 THE 1984/85 MINERS' STRIKE IN EAST DURHAM, A STUDY IN CONTEMPORARY IDSTORY BY MICHAEL ATKIN The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published in any form, including Electronic and the Internet, without the author's prior written consent. All information derived from this thesis must be acknowledged appropriately. THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF DURHAM FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY. MAY 2001. 2 2 MAR 2002 CONTENTS Page PREFACE 1 INTRODUCTION -
Amalgamated Union of Foundry Workers
ID Heading Subject Organisation Person Industry Country Date Location 74 JIM GARDNER (null) AMALGAMATED UNION OF FOUNDRY WORKERS JIM GARDNER (null) (null) 1954-1955 1/074 303 TRADE UNIONS TRADE UNIONS TRADES UNION CONGRESS (null) (null) (null) 1958-1959 5/303 360 ASSOCIATION OF SUPERVISORY STAFFS EXECUTIVES AND TECHNICIANS NON MANUAL WORKERS ASSOCIATION OF SUPERVISORY STAFFS EXECUTIVES AND TECHNICIANS (null) (null) (null) 1942-1966 7/360 361 ASSOCIATION OF SUPERVISORY STAFFS EXECUTIVES AND TECHNICIANS NOW ASSOCIATIONON MANUAL WORKERS ASSOCIATION OF SUPERVISORY STAFFS EXECUTIVES AND TECHNICIANS N(null) (null) (null) 1967 TO 7/361 362 ASSOCIATION OF SUPERVISORY STAFFS EXECUTIVES AND TECHNICIANS CONFERENCES NONON MANUAL WORKERS ASSOCIATION OF SUPERVISORY STAFFS EXECUTIVES AND TECHNICIANS N(null) (null) (null) 1955-1966 7/362 363 ASSOCIATION OF TEACHERS IN TECHNICAL INSTITUTIONS APPRENTICES ASSOCIATION OF TEACHERS IN TECHNICAL INSTITUTIONS (null) EDUCATION (null) 1964 7/363 364 BRITISH ACTORS EQUITY ASSOCIATION (null) BRITISH ACTORS EQUITY ASSOCIATION (null) ENTERTAINMENT (null) 1929-1935 7/364 365 BRITISH ACTORS EQUITY ASSOCIATION (null) BRITISH ACTORS EQUITY ASSOCIATION (null) ENTERTAINMENT (null) 1935-1962 7/365 366 BRITISH ACTORS EQUITY ASSOCIATION (null) BRITISH ACTORS EQUITY ASSOCIATION (null) ENTERTAINMENT (null) 1963-1970 7/366 367 BRITISH AIR LINE PILOTS ASSOCIATION (null) BRITISH AIR LINE PILOTS ASSOCIATION (null) TRANSPORT CIVIL AVIATION (null) 1969-1970 7/367 368 CHEMICAL WORKERS UNION CONFERENCES INCOMES POLICY RADIATION HAZARD