Atkins North America, Inc. 6504 Bridge Point Parkway, Suite 200 ATKINS Austin, 78730 Telephone: +1.512.327.6840 Fax: +1.512.327.2453 www.atkinsglobal.com/northamerica

Document No. 110073 PBS&J Job No. 100018259

A CULTURAL RESOURCES SURVEY REPORT FOR INVESTIGATIONS AT A CROSSING STRUCTURE ON THE RED RIVER FOR THE NORTHWEST TEXARKANA 345-KV TRANSMISSION LINE BOWIE COUNTY, TEXAS

Prepared for:

American Electric Power 212 East Sixth Street Tulsa, 74119-1295

Prepared by:

Atkins 6504 Bridge Point Parkway Suite 200 Austin, Texas 78730

Principal Investigator: Report Authors: Nesta Anderson Michael Chavez Julie Shipp Amy McWhorter

April 2011 Contents

Page

List of Figures...... iv List of Tables...... v Abstract ...... v 1. INTRODUCTION...... 1 II. ENVIRONM ENTAL SETTING ...... ------...... 3 CLI MATE...... 3 PALEOCLI MATE...... 3 PHYSIOGRAPHY...... 4 FLORA AND FAUNA ...... 5 GEOLOGY AND SOILS ...... 5 STREAMS AND LANDFORMS...... 5

III. CULTURAL SETTING...... 7 PALEQINDIAN PERIOD ('11,500-9000 B.P.) ...... 7 ARCHAIC PERIOD (9000-2200 B.P)...... 8 EARLY CERAMIC (FOURCHE MALINE) (2200-1100 B.P)...... 9 LOWER MISSISSIPPI VALLEY INFLUENCES...... 11 CULTURE (CA. 1100-90 B.P)...... 11 Formative (1100-950 B.P.) and Early Caddo (950-750 B.P.) ...... 12 M iddle Caddo (750-550 B.P.)...... 13 Late Caddo (550-270 B.P.) ...... 14 Historic Caddo (270-90 B.P.)...... 15 EUROPEAN CONTACT AND SETTLEM ENT...... 16 Contact Period (1500-1840)...... 16 MAJOR HISTORIC PERIOD THEMES AND DEVELOPMENTS ...... 18 Plantations in the Great Bend Region ...... 18 Tenant Farming ...... 18 The Timber Industry in the Great Bend Region...... 18 IV. M ETHODS...... 19 RECORDS REVIEW ...... 19 EXPLORATORY TRENCHING...... 21 VISUAL IM PACTS SURVEY...... 21 V. RESULTSAU...... R ...... 23 EXPLORATORY TRENCHING RESULTS ...... 23 VISUAL IM PACT SURVEY RESULTS...... 24 VI. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOM M ENDATION ...... 26 BACKHOE TRENCH ING RECOM MENDATIONS...... 26 VISUAL IMPACT SURVEY RECOMMENDATIONS...... 26

100018259/110073 ii Contents

Page

REFERENCES CITED...... ----...... ------...... 27 Appendix: Locations of Previously Recorded Sites within 1 km of the Project Area (not for public disclosure)

iii 100018259/ 110073 100018259/110073 iii Contents

Figures

Page

1 P roject V icin ity ...... ------..------. ----... --...... 2 2 Red River Trenching, Texas Side...... 22 BHTA..profile...... 23 3 A o ...... 2 3 4 Circa 1945 Out building Outside of Visual A PE ...... 25

Tables

Page

1 Previously Recorded Sites within 1 Kilometer of Project Area ...... 20 2 Representative Backhoe Trench (BHT A) Profile Description ...... 24

iv 100018259/110073 100018259/110073 iv Abstract

On April 5, 2011, Atkins North America, Inc. (Atkins, formerly PBS&J), conducted background research, exploratory archeological trenching, and a visual impacts survey for a proposed crossing structure for American Electric Power. The structure is part of the Northwest Texarkana 345-kV transmission line project and is located in Bowie County, Texas.

V 100018259/110073 100018259/110073 V I. INTRODUCTION

American Electric Power (AEP) is constructing a transmission line from the Northwest Texarkana substation northeast of the City of Leary in Bowie County, Texas, to the Red River near Texarkana, where it will connect to the portion of the line proposed in . Since the project requires a Section 404 Permit from the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers (USACE), Section 106 of the National Historic Preservation Act will apply. The USACE Vicksburg District has claimed jurisdiction over the entirety of the line.

Although this line will extend from Leary to Texarkana, at this time, AEP has prioritized construction of the sections of the line that span the Red River. One crossing structure near the Red River in Bowie County is associated With this construction (Figure 1). This report presents the results of the investigation of the crossing structure; the remainder of the line will be surveyed at a later date, and the results will be presented in a separate report.

On April 5, 2011, Atkins North America, Inc. (Atkins), formerly PBS&J, conducted archeological trenching at this proposed structure location. They also conducted a visual impacts survey for a mile radius around the proposed structure. No cultural material was located within the backhoe trenches. The visual impacts survey resulted in the documentation of a circa 1945 agricultural outbuilding that does not appear eligible for listing in the National Register of Historic Places (NRHP).

1 100018259/110073 100018259/110073 1 Little River County

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Figure 1 - Project Vicinity Map Proposed Alignment Red River Trenching, Texas Side rx "-- CuyBun ryNW Texarkana ---- "345-kV Transmission Line I I ABowie County, Texas

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2 II. ENVIRONMENTAL SETTING

The project is located in the northeastern part of Bowie County, which is in the western Gulf Coastal Plain. More specifically, the trenching location is in the Red River valley, where the river begins to turn southward as it transects the southwestern corner of Arkansas into . Archeologically, this area is known as the Great Bend Region (Schambach 1982a). This region is rich in natural resources and fertile soils, and therefore has been inhabited throughout the prehistoric and historic periods.

CLIMATE

The current mean annual precipitation of Bowie County is 48 inches with a mean annual high temperature of 62 degrees Fahrenheit (*F) (Soil Survey Staff 2011). The mean annual temperature is derived from a rather wide range of seasonal temperatures that includes an average summer temperature of 80 *F and an average winter temperature of 45 *F. This variability can be attributed to the area's subtropical locality influenced by warm winds from the Gulf of Mexico and the colder winds from the continental land mass to the north (Cliff et al. 1996).

Precipitation is fairly heavy throughout the year with nearly half (approximately 52 percent) of the yearly 48-inch total falling between April and September (Cliff et al. 1996). Summer precipitation often comes in the form of afternoon thunderstorms that average 50 days out of the year. Severe weather patterns throughout the region, which include tornadoes and the occasional tropical depression, cause extensive erosion and severe flooding (Cliff et al. 1996).

PALEOCLIMATE

Paleoclimatic conditions of the Great Bend region of the Red River, as well as east Texas and the southeastern United States, have been investigated by many researchers (e.g., Bryant and Holloway 1985; Cliff et al. 1996; Cliff and Peter 1992; Delcourt and Delcourt 1985; Peter and Jurney 1988; Sundermeyer et al. 2008). Cliff et al. (1996) attempted a paleoclimatic reconstruction of northeast Texas during archeological investigations at the Red River Army Depot and Lone Star Ammunition Plant in Bowie County, Texas. This reconstruction relied on correlating past paleoenvironmental research that used radiocarbon dating of paleosols (Cliff and Peter 1992), pollen records (Delcourt and Delcourt 1985), and bog data (Albert 1981; Bryant and Holloway 1985). Cliff et al. (1996) concluded that the north Texas climate was cooler and more moist during the last (Wisconsinan) glacial maximum, which marks the end of the Pleistocene and the beginning of the Early Holocene. Their data indicated that the area was an ecotonal boundary between boreal forest similar to present eastern Canada and a narrow belt of mixed conifer northern hardwood forests (Delcourt and Delcourt 1985:Figure 7a, 15-16).

100018259/110073 3 100018259/110073 3 II. Environmental Setting

Sundermeyer et al.'s (2008) paleoclimatic reconstruction relied on pollen fossil data (Albert 1981; Albert and Wyckoff 1984; Bousman 1998) and faunal remains (FAUNMAP 1994; Hemmings 1982; Johnson 1987; Kurten and Anderson 1980; Lundelius 1967:289, 1974; Semken 1961; Slaughter 1967) to explore the late Pleistocene climate. The pollen data were acquired from previous studies at Ferndale Bog, Natural Lake, and Jenkins Reilly Slough in Oklahoma, Boriack Bog and Weakley Bog in east Texas, and several sites with fossil pollen spectra and bone beds data from central and east Texas (Albert 1981; Albert and Wyckoff 1984; Delcourt and Delcourt 1985; Kenmotsu and Perttula 1993; Story 1990a:16-17). The data from these locales reinforced Cliff et al.'s (1996) study by suggesting the area was cooler and more moist. This was largely based on the presence of alder and spruce (Picea sp.) tree species and animals such as the masked shrew (Sorex cinereus), bog lemming (Synaptomys cooperi), and extinct megafauna with surviving forms that now live in more-northerly climates (Blair 1958:436; Bryant and Shafer 1977:12; Lundelius 1974:153). Pollen recovered from the end of the Wisconsin Glaciation displays a gradual decline in tree pollen, indicating a reduction of woodlands and savanna (Sundermeyer et al. 2008). Cliff et al. (1996) indicate that cool-temperature mesic tree species became dominant throughout the midlatitudes of the southeastern United States (Delcourt and Delcourt 1985:19). The Middle Holocene interval, also known as the Hypsithermal or Altithermal (8,500-4,000 years ago), is described as a period of warming and drying that resulted in the expansion of prairie and a decline of forests (Delcourt and Delcourt 1985:19). This is witnessed in both summaries with an increase in nonarboreal pollen and decrease in tree or arboreal pollen (Sundermeyer et al. 2008). By the end of the Altithermal, the last surviving megafauna species, Bison antiquus, had become extinct (Hester 1960; Lundelius 1967:289).

The post-Altithermal conditions in northeast Texas suggest a dry to moist to drying trend up to recent times (Peter and Jurney 1988). The initial dry period extends from the end of the Altithermal to approximately 1,950 years ago. The subsequent moist period continues until around 950 years ago, with the last overall drying trend beginning to dominate between 950 and 700 years ago. This drying trend, recognized by prevalent episodes of drought conditions, continues today (Cliff et al. 1996).

PHYSIOGRAPHY

Southwest Arkansas is located in the West Gulf Coastal Plain natural division (Foti 1974). The rolling terrain is underlain by Tertiary-aged sediments deposited in an ancient marine environment. Cretaceous-period chalk and marl outcrop in some regions of the Red River valley. These areas are vegetated by Blackland Prairies rather than the mixed forest uplands present in the majority of the region (Foti et al. 2003).,

4 100018259/110073 100018259/110073 4 II. Environmental Setting

FLORA AND FAUNA

Historically, the region of the Great Bend was oak-hickory-pine forest, consisting of white oak (Quercus alba), post oak, (Quercus stellata), loblolly pine (Pinus taeda), and shortleaf pine (Pinus echinata). Bottomland tree species include bald cypress (Taxodium distichum), cottonwood (Populus deltoides), sweetgum (Liquidamdarstyraciflua), bois d'arc (Maclura pomifera), and pecan (Carya illinoinensis). It should be noted that most of the region has been cleared for farming and little of the natural vegetation remains. The majority of the natural vegetation is located in the floodplains.

Mammals that historically inhabited the oak-hickory-pine forests include bison (Bos bison), elk (Cervus canadensis), white-tailed deer (Odocoileus virginianus), cougar (Felis concolor), skunk (Mephitis mephitis), raccoon (Procyon lotor), black bear (Ursus americanus), and coyote (Canis latrans). Other animals include the eastern cottontail (Sylvilagus floridanus), fox squirrel (Sciurus niger), cotton mouse (Peromyscus gossypinus), red-cockaded woodpecker (Picoides borealis), wild turkey (Meleagrisgallopavo), and cottonmouth snakes (Agkistrodon piscivorus).

GEOLOGY AND SOILS

The surface geology of the project area is Holocene-aged alluvium. The recent deposits in the floodplain of the Red River consist of a patchwork of sand, silt, clay, and gravel, although the river deposits are primarily sand. This is due to the reworking of the underlying sandstone bedrock and from the heavy erosion of sandy upland terraces during recent time due to farming.

The soil at the project location is mapped as Roebuck clay (Soil Survey Staff 2011), which is a Vertisol. Vertisols are aggrading soils within floodplains that tend to deeply bury archeological sites. The deep soils also have a shrink-swell capacity that mixes archeological assemblages, and thus this soil order has the potential to diminish the contextual integrity of archeological sites buried within it (Collins and Bousman 1990). The clay at the project location was likely deposited by the slough to the south, and is about 80 centimeters (cm) in depth. Below that are silt and sands, which are also nearby in the floodplain, in areas not in proximity to the backhoe-tested area.

STREAMS AND LANDFORMS

The Red River originates in western Oklahoma and runs eastward, forming the border between Texas and Oklahoma and Texas and Arkansas, before turning south and terminating at the Mississippi River in east-central Louisiana, after approximately 1,360 miles. The river is a meandering stream with a floodplain that is approximately 10 kilometers (km) wide in the study area, with numerous active and relict oxbow lakes. The Red River moves a heavy sediment load each year, and changes course often enough to have an indefinite boundary on U.S. Geological Survey (USGS) topographic maps. The dynamics of the river are detrimental to the preservation of

100018259/110073 5 100018259/110073 5 II. Environmental Setting

sites along the banks of the active channel as well as preservation of archeological sites that are situated on the deposits of past meanders.

Point bars, natural levees, crevasse channels, oxbow lakes, and sloughs are formed as a result of the meanders of the Red River. Three basic conclusions can be made about site preservation and the types of landforms upon which sites are likely to be located. The first of these is that Red River meander belt phases are the most important factor in archeological site preservation, and archeological sites within a meander belt are not likely to be older than the active belt of the river (Albertson et al. 1996; Guccione and Hays 2008; Guccione et al. 1998; Pearson 1982).

The second observation is that certain landforms were preferred by prehistoric peoples and/or more likely to be preserved. Most of the sites encountered in previous investigations were situated primarily on natural levees (of both the main channel and crevasse channels) and mounds, and eroding from relict terraces (Kelley and Coxe 1998; Kelley and Victor 1988; Pearson 1982). Fourche Maline and Caddo sites are also found eroding from constructed mounds within the floodplain (Pearson 1982).

The third factor of site preservation is that most sites located during cultural resources surveys are commonly Late Prehistoric or Historic period sites and are located on the surface or are contained within the plow zone. A few Archaic sites remain on terrace remnants. Most sites have been discovered as a result of erosion. Paleoindian sites are not necessarily absent; however, they may be buried to such a depth that locating them is impractical.

6 100018259/110073 6 III. CULTURAL SETTING

The following cultural background is a summary of the varying regional chronologies that relies heavily on the summary and divisions provided by Story et al. (1990b) and Schambach and Early (1994). The Fourche Maline through the Caddo periods rely on summaries by Schambach (1982a), Schambach and Early (1994), Perttula (2004), and Perttula and Black (2010) due to their extensive research throughout the area and their inclusion of relatively recent investigations with regard to these periods. Of note, B.P. dates provided are approximate from A.D. 2000 in the cultural periods prior to the Caddo culture description, while 1950 is used as the baseline date for all the Caddo culture sections. This is due to 1950 being the accepted origin of the B.P. age scale and the specific dates provided by the historical record with regard to the later Caddo phases.

PALEOINDIAN PERIOD ('"11,500-9000 B.P.)

The Paleoindian period represents the earliest reliably documented human occupation on the North American continent. The period is frequently referred to as the time of the "Big Game Hunting" tradition, due to a presumed heavy reliance upon now-extinct species of Pleistocene megafauna as a food source during the earlier portion of this period (Willey 1966). It should be stressed, however, that very few sites in North America have been found to contain remains of extinct Pleistocene megafauna in association with Paleoindian artifacts; thus, a heavy emphasis on this association is somewhat questionable (Meltzer 1993). It is apparent that smaller mammals, as well as fish and a variety of vegetal foods, were utilized (Wyckoff 1999). Social organization likely consisted of loosely structured, highly mobile social groups comprising several nuclear families, referred to as bands. Sites of this period are often representative of transient camps along small streams occupied by band-sized or smaller groups.

Only scant evidence representing the earlier Paleoindian culture has been recovered from the Great Bend area of the Red River, with associated materials typically recovered from uncertain or secondary contexts. Throughout the Great Bend area, more evidence of the later part of the Paleoindian period is present in the form of projectile points such as the Scottsbluff, Angostura, Dalton, San Patrice, and Pelican types. The Dalton period (10,500-9500 B.P.) is recognized in the northern archeological regions of Arkansas based on a large number of Dalton to Late Archaic components recorded in that part of the state. Very little evidence, however, has been found regarding the Dalton (Terminal Paleoindian-Early Archaic) through the Late Archaic in the Great Bend area of the Red River. Nevertheless, the absence of identified Dalton-Archaic components in the Great Bend area does not demonstrate that they are not present. Schambach (1982a:4) surmises that Dalton components are likely present within the area considering the numerous sites in the nearby uplands of southwest Arkansas and northern Louisiana with some form of Dalton component. Three of these notable Dalton sites are the Ferguson (3HE63) and Coon Island (3BR10) sites in Arkansas and the J.C. Montgomery site (16WE33) in Louisiana (Schambach and Early 1994; Webb and Jeane 1977). The San Patrice complex is another complex found to be relatively common

100018259/110073 7 Ill. Cultural Setting

in the uplands of the Great Bend region during the late Paleoindian period into the Early Archaic (Kelley 1991). LeRoy Johnson (1989) has suggested that the occurrence of the Scottsbluff, Angostura, and Dalton types indicates an intrusion by Plains cultures into the Woodlands (and Great Bend region) in response to environmental conditions during Late Paleoindian times.

ARCHAIC PERIOD (9000-2200 B.P.)

Because of a general lack of archeological information for the Archaic period in the Great Bend area of the Red River, the following description relies heavily on cultural sequences from nearby areas and widely accepted universal trends for the period. These trends include an increasing diversity of tool types; more variation in tools from one region to another; the addition of ground, pecked, and polished stone tools; and the addition of mortars, pestles, and mealing stones suggestive of an increased use of plant foods (Neuman 1984:77, 79). It is also believed that the Archaic period was a time of population growth that may have led to increased sedentism and a more complex form of social organization such as trade networks and territorial ranges (Cliff et al. 1996; Girard 2008; Hinks et al. 1993; Kelley 1991; Perttula 2004). The Archaic period is often subdivided into Early (9000-6000 B.P.), Middle (6000-4000 B.P.), and Late (4000-2200 B.P.) subperiods (Cliff et al. 1996). As previously stated and depending on the referenced chronology, the late Paleoindian and Early Archaic are represented in the Great Bend region primarily by San Patrice projectile points and Dalton tools (Schambach and Rackerby 1982). The St. Johns and Hope varieties found in the Great Bend region morphologically correlate to the San Patrice points (Justice 1987:43-44). The Middle Archaic is often represented by the Tom's Brook culture (ca. 5000-4000 B.C.) in southwestern Arkansas, and may reach into extreme northern Louisiana. Schambach has speculated that the Tom's Brook culture, often identified by Johnson projectile points, could be the earliest example of a strong riverine adaptation in Arkansas and possibly the entire Southeast (Schambach 1979; Schambach and Early 1994). It must be pointed out, however, that although the Tom's Brook culture has been associated with the Middle Archaic in southwest Arkansas, other cultural manifestations with distinctively different remains have been found in adjacent areas. Whether this is due to a distinct cultural boundary or limited investigations in the Red River area of the Great Bend region remains to be seen. The latter may be plausible since Johnson points have been recovered from extreme northern Louisiana at the Nolan McMullen Farm site (16B01204) on Clarke Bayou in Bossier Parish (Jeter et al. 1989).

The Late Archaic is well represented in adjacent regions with more-numerous and larger sites than those of the earlier periods, suggesting population increase during this time. This period is, however, represented by a small number of sites in the Great Bend region. In addition, these sites have not been intensively excavated so there are not much data on the Late Archaic culture in the Great Bend area (Schambach 1982a; Schambach and Early 1994).

At the end of the Late Archaic, about 3500 to 2500 B.P., influence from the site of (16WC5), in present-day West Carroll Parish, Louisiana, may be present as far west as the Great

100018259/110073 8 100018259/110073 8 Ill. Cultural Setting

Bend in Arkansas. Traits considered to be diagnostic of Poverty Point sites (i.e., baked clay objects and mound construction) are lacking, however, suggesting that this influence consisted of trade and not the expansion of , or peoples, into this area (Hinks et al. 1993; Schambach and Rackerby 1982). Diagnostic artifacts of Poverty Point influence found in the Great Bend region include a red jasper owl effigy bead, hematite plummets, a quartz locust bead, and steatite vessel sherds (Hinks et al. 1993; Schambach 1982a; Schambach and Early 1994).

The end of the Late Archaic throughout the Southeast is represented by sites that appear to have resulted from longer-term occupations, evidenced by features such as fire pits and middens (Chapman 1985:51-53). Horticulture may have had its origins during this period with the exploitation - and possible cultivation and seed selection - of maygrass, little barley, sunflower, goosefoot, Chenopodium, skunkweed, squash, and gourds (Chapman 1985).

EARLY CERAMIC (FOURCHE MALINE) (2200-1100 B.P.)

This time period is a good example of variation of nomenclature for a region based on the particular archeological reference. A review of recent pertinent literature for the Great Bend region widely accepts the Fourche Maline for this time period; however, this time period has often been described as the Woodland, Formative, Pre-Caddo, or Early Ceramic period, and extends as far back as 3000 B.P. to as early as 1100 B.P. (Story 1990b:293). Schambach (2002) provides an excellent review and summary of the Early Ceramic where he surmises that the Fourche Maline is a cultural manifestation of the much larger culture in the Southeast. He also postulates that Story's (1990b) "Early Ceramic Period" represents a time period and fails "...to acknowledge their [Fourche Maline culture] obvious cultural affiliation" (Schambach 2002:96). He points out that this is a common problem with cultures becoming a product of ". . . the confusion that inheres in practically all archeological sequence formulations between culture and chronology" (Willey and Phillips 1958:28). Story counters by justifying her use of the "Early Ceramic Period" for this time period in Northeast Texas since the use of the concept Fourche Maline would ". . . embrace culturally divergent archeological remains" (1990b:293) by including components farther to the south (more specifically, the middle Sabine River drainage). Based on this understanding, the following summary relies heavily on Schambach's (2002) descriptions due to his experience with investigations on sites attributed to the Fourche Maline culture group near the current project area.

Overall, Schambach identifies the Fourche Maline culture based on the presence of a "... robust, but mostly plain, ceramic assemblage consisting mainly of flat-bottomed, often flowerpot-shaped, jars tempered with crushed bone, grit, sand, or grog" (Schambach 2002:91). Pottery types associated with these assemblages are Williams Plain, Cooper Boneware, and Ouachita Plain (Schambach 1998). Other complementary diagnostics include Gary projectile points, double-bitted "axes," boatstones, modeled-clay platform pipes, clay pipes called Poole pipes, and abundant stone seed and nut-processing tools (Schambach 1982b, 1998). In addition, the Fourche Maline had a distinctive burial mound tradition that differed from the temple mound traditions of neighboring

9 100018259/110073 100018259/110073 9 Ill. Cultural Setting

cultures (Schambach 2002). Throughout the area, Schambach (1982b) identified seven periods by associated phases and site components throughout the Fourche Maline occupation. Not all of these seven periods, however, have associated phases represented in the Great Bend region. In addition, artifacts associated with the of the Lower Mississippi Valley have been found at several Fourche Maline sites in the Great Bend region.

The Fourche Maline 1 and 2 periods are defined by components at the Johnny Ford site (3LA5) where diagnostic elements include the LeFlore variety of Gary projectile points, double-bitted chipped stone axes, and Cooper Boneware and Williams Plain pottery (Schambach 1982b). Within the Fourche Maline 2 is the Field Bayou phase, which is the earliest recognizable phase in the Great Bend region (Hinks et al. 1993; Schambach 2002). This phase is characterized by the above diagnostic artifacts but includes traits such as boatstones, polished stone gorgets and pendants, Poverty Point period diagnostics, and the presence of cremation burials in small cemeteries within compact villages covering 2 to 3 acres (Schambach and Early 1994). Additional investigations are needed to further define this phase and determine the nature of the Poverty Point connection to the Great Bend region (Schambach and Early 1994).

The Fourche Maline 3 period is defined by the Red Hill Mound site (3LA21) where Williams Plain pottery was recovered from a midden associated with the mound (Schambach 1982b). Additionally, a Marksville Incised vessel with a classic bird design and 13 rolled sheet-copper beads were recovered. Excavations at this site are limited, however, and further investigations are needed to define this period. The Fourche Maline 4 period is defined by the Canfield site (3LA24) where numerous diagnostic artifacts representing the culture were recovered, including boatstones, pipes, a large quantity of ceramics, and projectile points. The Shane's Village site and Mound (3LA75 and 3LA6, respectively) represent the Fourche Maline 5 period. Materials diagnostic of this period include Camden variant Gary points and Marksville Incised and Williams Plain ceramics (Schambach 1982b). Hoffman (1970) has pointed to a similarity between the Shane's Village mound and Bellevue mounds of northern Louisiana. Fourche Maline period 7, considered to be Terminal Fourche Maline, is defined by the Crenshaw site (3MI6), which has been subjected to extensive excavations over the past century. The Crenshaw phase is based on the large Fourche Maline period 7 component at the site and is characterized by small and medium-sized villages and burial mounds (Schambach 1982b; Schambach and Early 1994).

The Fourche Maline culture appears to be the basis from which the Caddo culture developed (Schambach and Early 1994). Many familiar Caddo traits can be traced to antecedents in the Fourche Maline such as projectile point types, utility vessel forms, long-stemmed tobacco pipes, the use of burial mounds, extended burials with abundant grave goods, and special treatment of honored dead, possibly reflecting hierarchal social organization based on shamanism and deer ceremonialism (Hinks et al. 1993; Schambach and Early 1994). There are also significant differences, however, such as an apparent change in settlement patterns from small to medium sized villages to vacant ceremonial centers with small dispersed farmsteads. This is likely due to an 10 100018259/110073 100018259/110073 10 ll. Cultural Setting intensification of horticulture, possibly influenced by Lower Mississippi Valley cultures (Hinks et al. 1993; Schambach and Early 1994).

LOWER MISSISSIPPI VALLEY INFLUENCES

In nearby northwestern Louisiana, cultural influences from the Lower Mississippi Valley reached the area at various times during this period, specifically from the Tchefuncte culture (2500 1700 B.P.), the Marksville complex (2000-1600 B.P.), and the (ca. 1250-800 B.P.) (Gadus and Howard 1988). Much of this influence can be identified in northwestern Louisiana on the basis of ceramic types that are either manufactured elsewhere or locally, but whose form and decoration appear influenced by stimulus from elsewhere (Peters and Stiles-Hanson 1990). The presence of Marksville traits in northwestern Louisiana may be linked to the spread of a burial mound/mortuary cult most notable at the Bellevue site (16B04) in Bossier Parish (Fulton and Webb 1953:34-40).

The Coles Creek horizon is strong in northwestern Louisiana and appears to represent the first widespread ceramic-using society in this area. It is characterized by both large ceremonial-civic centers and associated villages and hamlets (Gadus and Howard 1988). While it is debatable whether or not the spread of Coles Creek culture represents the actual spread of a people or simply a new way of life, there can be little doubt that Coles Creek influence stretched far beyond northwestern Louisiana into Arkansas, Oklahoma, and Texas, and that it was an important contributor to subsequent Caddo culture (Jeter et al. 1989).

CADDO CULTURE (CA. 1100-90 B.P.)

By A.D. 900 (ca. 1100 B.P.), the Caddo culture had taken hold as the final prehistoric manifestation in the Great Bend region. Expressions of this culture continued to be evident within the Caddoan-speaking groups that occupied the region at the time of initial European contact (Wyckoff 1974). The geographic range of the Caddo culture extended from southwestern Missouri through eastern Oklahoma and western Arkansas and continued southward into portions of Texas and Louisiana (Perttula 1992). This region has been further divided into three distinct subareas that have been classified as the Northern, Western, and Central Caddo (Perttula 1992:7). The Northern Caddo, or Arkansas, subarea consists of northeastern Oklahoma, northwestern Arkansas, and southwestern Missouri. This also correlates with Perttula's (1992:Figure 1) regional summary to include the South Canadian basin (region IV), the Arkansas Valley lowlands (region V), and the western Ozark Highlands (region VI). The Western Caddo subarea includes east Texas and south-central Oklahoma. The regions within this subarea include the western Gulf Coastal Plain beyond the Red River Valley (region I) and the Ouachita Mountains (region III). The location of the Northwest Texarkana project within the Red River basin (region II; also called Great Bend region) places the transmission line in the heartland of the Central Caddo culture (Schambach and Rackerby 1982; Williams and Early 1990). The Caddo period was characterized by a prosperous

11 100018259/110073 11 IIl. Cultural Setting horticultural and trade economy, building of temples and burial mounds for various important individuals suggesting a type of ranked or stratified sociopolitical system, dispersed sedentary hamlets and villages along well-watered streams, and a broadening and highly developed diagnostic ceramic tradition (Girard 2008; Perttula 2004).

The period has been divided into two opposing subperiod nomenclatures with Davis's (1970) five major Caddo subperiods (Caddo I-V) and Story's (1990b) Formative, Early, Middle, Late, and Historic Caddo periods. Regardless of the nomenclature, the periods often relate, in description especially, to the Great Bend/Red River region. Schambach is most often referenced with regard to the region based on his extensive and descriptive characteristics using Davis's (1970) Caddo I-V subperiods (Schambach and Early 1994). The following summary uses Story's (1990b) subperiod designation in an effort to relate to the overall Caddo culture, but also includes Davis's (1970) related subperiods based on Schambach's (Schambach and Early 1994) associated dates. In addition, the phases, outlined by Schambach (Schambach and Early 1994), relating to the Great Bend region are included. Therefore, the Formative and Early Caddo relates to the Caddo I (Lost Prairie phase); the Middle Caddo relates to the Caddo II (Haley phase); the Late Caddo relates to the Caddo III (Late Haley phase) and Caddo IV (Belcher and Texarkana phases); and finally the historic Caddo relates to the Caddo V (Chakanina phase). Overall, each period is marked by changes in mortuary practice, house and mound construction, and ceramic vessel type and decoration (Sundermeyer et al. 2008).

Formative (1100-950 B.P.) and Early Caddo (950-750 B.P.)

As previously stated, the Formative and Early Caddo periods relate to the Caddo I (Lost Prairie phase) in the Great Bend region. Perttula (2004) states that the most common types of Caddo settlements during this time appear to be small year-round hamlets and farmsteads with circular to rectangular structures. Schambach characterizes the phase by the presence of elaborate mortuary ceremonialism involving richly furnished burial shafts excavated deeply into dome-shaped or flat topped mounds. In the Great Bend region, the Caddo I is represented by the Lost Prairie phase based on excavations at mound centers such as Crenshaw (3MI6), Bowman (3LA46), Mounds Plantation (16CD12), and Gahagan (16RR1). These excavations recovered ceramic types indicative of the phase that included Crockett Curvilinear Incised, Pennington Punctated-Incised, Holly Fine Engraved, Spiro Engraved, Wilkinson Punctated, Hollyknowe Ridge-Pinched, Williams Plain, Le Flore Plain, and small quantities of a variety of other engraved, punctuated, and grooved vessels (Schambach and Early 1994). There is also a marked distinction between well-made and thin walled fine wares and less-well-made and thick utilitarian wares that continues throughout the later Caddo periods.

Regionally, similar characteristics and ceramics were observed during these periods. The ceramic tradition that best typifies these periods in nearby northeast Texas (also known as the Red River region in Texas) is the Alto focus (or phase) with ceramic types such as Hickory Fine Engraved,

12 100018259/110073 100018259/110073 12 Ill. Cultural Setting

Crockett-Pennington Hybrids, Dunkin Incised, Davis Incised, Weches Fingernail Impressed, Duren Neck Banded, Bowles Creek Plain, and "Molcajete-type bowls." Alto focus ceramics also include Lost Prairie phase varieties such as Holly Fine Engraved, Crockett Curvilinear Incised, Pennington Punctated-Incised, and Spiro Engraved (Newell and Kreiger 1949). The Alto phase was originally defined at the George C. Davis site (41CE19) in Cherokee County, Texas.

In northwestern Louisiana, the Formative period is marked by a considerable increase in the number of sites located within the floodplain of the Red River (Girard 2010). An example is the Festervan site (16B0327) in the floodplain of Willow Chute Bayou in Bossier Parish, where Girard (1996:149) identified a Formative Caddo occupation with pottery characteristics of the Terminal Fourche Maline and a pre-A.D. 1000 radiocarbon date. Girard (1996) suggests that a contemporary occupation may have been present at the nearby Mounds Plantation site (16CD12) in Caddo Parish. The Early Caddo period in northwestern Louisiana contains the Gahagan phase, which is closely related to the Alto phase in Texas (Jeter et al. 1989). It has been suggested that mound building and the use of mound centers in Louisiana apparently continued from the Coles Creek culture, but the mounds are larger and shaft burial pits replace premound burials (Neuman 1984:235).

Middle Caddo (750-550 B.P.)

The Middle Caddo, or Caddo II, is known as the Haley phase in the Great Bend region. This phase is defined primarily by excavations at the Haley site (3MI1) reported by Moore (1912) and at 3LA35 reported by Taylor (1972). According to Schambach (1992a), the most significant development of the period is the appearance of true temple mounds with collapsed and burned structures on top. Research concentrating on this period throughout the region seems to suggest a proliferation of small ceremonial centers linked by some sort of sociopolitical network that may have been hierarchical (Schambach and Early 1994). This is indicated by nonlocal ceramics in mortuary context. Further research is needed, however, to explore this interaction and determine its extent into the Great Bend region. Ceramic wares diagnostic of this phase include Haley Engraved, Handy Engraved, Hickory Engraved, Haley Complicated-Incised, Pease Brushed-Incised, and Sinner Linear Punctated (Schambach 1994). Taylor's (1972) investigations were primarily at upland sites that date to around A.D. 1100 and represent the Cryer Manifestation. Cryer Manifestation ceramics are similar to the Haley phase with different types used in denoting burial status (Schambach 1982a). In nearby northwestern Louisiana, this period appears to include remains of both the Haley phase and the Bossier phase. The Haley phase, however, is apparently not as fully elaborated in northwestern Louisiana as it is farther to the northwest even though it is present at the Belcher site (16CD13) in Caddo Parish (Webb 1959:189-190). Therefore, the Haley phase in northeastern Louisiana is often associated with an elaboration of earlier Gahagan ceremonialism with the retention of much of the earlier period's settlement and subsistence orientation (Webb 1959:198 199). Girard (2008) counters that the Middle Caddo period in northeastern Louisiana (recognized as 750-450 B.P.) is characterized solely by the Bossier phase. Girard's (2008) Bossier phase temporal affiliation coincides with the Caddo II and Caddo III in the Great Bend region (Schambach 13 100018259/110073 13 Ill. Cultural Setting

and Early 1994). The Bossier phase was originally defined by Clarence Webb (1948), who conducted investigations at several Bossier phase sites in Bossier, Caddo, and De Soto parishes, Louisiana. Most of these sites were located on the Pleistocene and Tertiary upland deposits on the eastern edge of the Red River valley, leading to the early view that this was a period of population dispersal into small farming hamlets with a decline in regional social interaction (Girard 2008; see also Jeter et al. 1989). Continued investigation, however, revealed extensive occupations along Willow Chute Bayou suggesting population growth and people moving closer to the active channel of the Red River from Early Caddo times (Girard 1997, 2010). Furthermore, ceremonial items of nonlocal origin and ceramics of exceptional quality that have been recovered at the sites suggest extensive trade with nonlocal groups. Ceramic types identified in conjunction with Bossier phase deposits in this area include Pease Brushed-Incised, Belcher Ridged (nonshell tempered), Bossier Brushed, Dunkin Incised (late variant), Sinner Linear Punctated, Maddox Engraved, and Taylor Engraved (Webb 1948).

Late Caddo (550-270 B.P.)

In the Great Bend region, the Late Caddo period is recognized as the Caddo III and the Caddo IV with its associated Texarkana and Belcher phases. The Caddo III, which dates from 550-450 B.P., is generally considered an intermediate or transitional period in Caddo cultural chronology in the Great Bend region. In northwestern Louisiana, the contemporary Bossier phase to the Caddo III is still .prevalent based on small sites reported by Webb (1948) and Kelley (1991) and may have encroached into southwestern Arkansas and into the Great Bend area (Schambach 1982a:9). The lack of general knowledge of the Caddo III period in the Great Bend region, however, prevents further description or determination of an actual associated phase. Schambach (1994) suggests that this lack of knowledge does not mean there was an abandonment of the area, but assumes that the area was heavily occupied, with most of the major sites in use at the time (Schambach and Early 1994). As previously stated, the Caddo IV portion of the Late Caddo period is associated with the Texarkana and Belcher phases. Texarkana phase sites have been identified to the north and west of Texarkana (Davis 1970), while Belcher phase sites extend from Fulton, Arkansas, at the confluence of the Little River and the Red River, reaching almost to Shreveport, Louisiana (Schambach 1982a). The Texarkana phase is based primarily on excavations at the Hatchel Mound (41BW3), Mitchell (41BW4), and Moores (41BW2 and 41BW7) cemetery sites located along the Red River north of Texarkana. The major Texarkana phase pottery types are Avery Engraved, Barkman Engraved, Simms Engraved, Nash Neck Banded, and McKinney Plain. Red filming or red slipping is considered a major and distinctive attribute of this phase, with shell tempering being a minor trait (Schambach and Early 1994). The Belcher phase is based largely on excavations at Belcher Mound (16CD13) with components recognized at major mound sites such as Crenshaw (3MI6), Moore (3MI30), Foster (3LA27), Friday (3LA28), McClure (3MI29), and Battle (3LA1) (Schambach and Early 1994).

The primary difference between these two possibly contemporaneous phases is in the ceramic types, with the Belcher phase recognized by Belcher Engraved, Hodges Engraved, Glassell 14 100018259/110073100018259/110073 14 Ill. Cultural Setting

Engraved, Foster Trailed-Incised, Belcher Ridged, and Karnack Brushed-Incised (Webb 1959). In the East Texas Pineywoods to the southwest between the Sabine and Sulphur rivers, Late Caddo is associated with the Titus phase. This phase is considered socially akin to the Caddo groups along the Red River with elite-controlled and hierarchically ranked societies (Barker and Pauketat 1992; Perttula 2004). In addition, there are considerable archeological similarities between the Titus phase in Texas and the Texarkana and Belcher phases along the Red River in regard to patterns of mound construction, mortuary behavior, and inferred sociopolitical organization (Perttula 2004). Unfortunately, the Titus phase Caddo groups in this area were only cursorily described in early historic times before they disappeared, likely due to exposure to European epidemic disease and/or assimilation into well-known Cadohadacho and Hasinai groups to the north, east, and south (Perttula 2004; Perttula and Black 2010).

Overall, the Caddo IV portion of this period represents the final prehistoric cultural development of the Caddo culture and includes initial European contact. This contact, however, is sporadic and begins with the remnants of De Soto's expedition led by Luis de Moscoso (following De Soto's death along the Mississippi) in the Caddo region in 1542 (Perttula 1992). Although the Caddo IV is generally referenced as extending to 250 B.P. (Schambach and Early 1994), Story (1990b) places the end of the Late Caddo period at 270 B.P. (or A.D. 1680) just before the beginning of long-term European contact around the time of La Salle's expeditions in 1685. This ending date was chosen because soon thereafter the European invasion began to cause major, irreparable changes to Caddo societies (Perttula and Black 2010).

Historic Caddo (270-90 B.P.)

The Historic Caddo period is somewhat contemporaneous with the Caddo V period and the Chakanina phase in the Great Bend region. This period is regarded by Schambach as ". . . the least known, least studied period in Caddo history" (Schambach and Early 1994:124). In the Great Bend region, Chakanina phase components have been identified south of Fulton, Arkansas, and are associated with the remains of the historic Caddo group Kadohadacho, or Cadodaquiro [Cadohadacho], depending on the source (Perttula and Black 2010; Schambach 1982a). What is known about the Caddo during this period is based on a cluster of sites in northeast Texas that includes the Roseborough Lake site (41BW5) and Hatchel-Mitchell-Moore complex made up of the Hatchel mound and cemetery (41BW3), the Mitchell site (41BW4), the Eli Moores site (41BW7), the Hargrove Moores site (41BW2), and the Tillson site (41BW14) (Schambach and Early 1994).

Artifacts at these sites included diagnostic pottery types of the Caddo V such as Natchitoches Engraved, Keno Trailed, and other types that originate in the Late Caddo period, or Caddo IV (Schambach and Early 1994). Eighteenth-century trade goods are also diagnostic of the time period but have not been present at all associated sites. The Historic Caddo occupation (or Caddo V period) in the Great Bend region ended with the abandonment of the area by the Kadohadacho in 1790 due to Osage raids (Williams 1974). Story (1990b) extends the Historic Caddo period to approximately

15 100018259/110073 100018259/110073 15 111. Cultural Setting

90 B.P. (or A.D. 1860) with the removal of the "Caddo Nation" in Texas to the Indian Territory and the Wichita agency in western Oklahoma in August of 1859 (Perttula 1992).

EUROPEAN CONTACT AND SETTLEMENT

Although European contact with indigenous tribes in the Great Bend area (whether directly or indirectly) extends as far back as the Late Caddo (Caddo IV), long and continuous contact did not occur until the mid to late seventeenth century (Schambach and Early 1994). Therefore, the following section focuses on the indigenous contact with European explorers and eventual European settlement of the area during what is considered the Contact period from 1500 to 1840. For this section, dates are represented in Gregorian calendar format as opposed to the B.P. time scale used for the prehistoric section.

Contact Period (1500-1840)

It is widely accepted that the first documented Europeans to reach the upper Red River valley in the vicinity of the Great Bend region were the remnants of Hernando De Soto's exploration party (entrada) under the direction of Luis de Moscoso in 1542 (Swanton 1942). The entrada chronicles provide the first evidence of Caddo contact with European explorers as Moscoso and his men made their way throughout the Caddo lands in search of an overland route to Mexico City (Brain 1985; Perttula 1992). John R. Swanton (1939), a noted historian with the Bureau of American Ethnology of the Smithsonian Institution, placed De Soto's party crossing the Red River just above present-day Shreveport, Louisiana (Swanton 1939). Perttula, however, places the crossing near Ogden, Arkansas, north of Texarkana in the vicinity of the Northwest Texarkana project, and characterizes the area as "... the foremost sociopolitical centers of Caddoan life ca. 1540" (1992:24).

Between 1520 and 1685, only a handful of explorers ventured into contact with the Caddo after the De Soto-Moscoso entrada (Perttula 1992). These included the Hernando Martin and Diego del Castillo expedition in 1650 and the Mendoza-L6pez expedition in 1683, both of which reached the western boundaries of the east Texas Caddo country (Perttula 1992). The next European to visit the area was Rene Robert Cavelier, Sieur de La Salle. La Salle reached the mouth of the Mississippi River in 1682 from the Illinois colony to claim all of the land drained by the Mississippi for the French crown (Davis 1970:29). He returned in a colonizing effort 3 years later in 1685, overshot the Mississippi River, and landed on the Texas coast where he established Fort Saint Louis (Perttula 1992). Two years later in 1687, La Salle abandoned the colony and attempted to reach the Mississippi River. La Salle was subsequently murdered by several of his men, and portions of the expedition party remained behind to live with Hasinai natives (Perttula 1992). Several survivors continued on to the Illinois colony and reported meeting the Kadohadacho and Cahinnio Caddo along the Red and Ouachita rivers (Perttula 1992; Swanton 1946:142).

The second phase of European contact occurred between 1685 and 1800 with continued exploration by the French and Spanish (Perttula 1992). Another Frenchman, Jean-Baptiste Le

100018259/110073 16 IllI. Cultural Setting

Moyne, Sieur de Bienville, accompanied by Louis Juchereau de Saint-Denis, as well as a party of soldiers and Native Americans, conducted an expedition up the Red River in 1700. In 1714, Saint Denis returned to select the site for a trading post among the Natchitoches, and a short time later Fort Jean-Baptiste was established there (Swanton 1942). Upon hearing of the French encroachment into their lands, the Spanish increased their missionary efforts in the area. In 1717, Mission San Miguel de Linares de los Adaes was established among the Adaes people near the present city of Robeline, Louisiana, and in 1721, the Presidio Nuestra Senora del Pilar de los Adaes was added. The French response to the Spanish expansion was to move farther up the Red River. In 1717, Jean-Baptiste Benard de la Harpe established a trading post along the Red River in what is now Caddo Parish (Perttula 1992). A second post was established at Poste du Rapides, near the present city of Alexandria, Louisiana, in 1723. These remote posts served to bond the relationship between the French and Kadohadacho, as well as maintain political control over the area; however, the post at Natchitoches remained the trading center for the area (Swanton 1942:319). During this time, Euro-American settlement in the Great Bend region was sporadic consisting primarily of French trappers, hunters, and traders who interacted with the Kadohadacho Caddo. The Kadohadacho were in an excellent geographical position to act as the facilitators for trade between the various native cultural groups and the Europeans.

In the late 1700s, the Kadohadacho found themselves in constant confrontations with the Osage, who had moved west from the Ohio River valley to establish trade with Euro-Americans (Sundemeyer et al. 2008). The Kadohadacho eventually were forced to relocate to Caddo Lake along the Texas/Louisiana border, roughly 25 miles northwest of Shreveport, Louisiana (Smith 1995). In 1806, Thomas Jefferson sent Thomas Freeman and Peter Custis up the Red River to locate the river's headwaters (Sundemeyer et al. 2008). The Freeman and Custis expedition was halted after a brief confrontation with the Spanish at the Spanish Bluff in what is modern-day Bowie County, Texas. The journals of Freeman and Custis contain information similar to that recorded by La Harpe, although many of the native localities noted by La Harpe had been abandoned (Williams 1964).

Despite continued boundary disputes, Anglo-American settlement in the new territory began shortly after its acquisition by the U.S. government as part of the 1803 Louisiana Purchase. In 1803, an expedition led by Thomas Freedman and Peter Custis traveled up the Red River and reported on the vast acres of fertile land along the river banks. However, throughout the early 1800s, settlement in the area consisted of trading posts along overland trading routes to the Red River valley, known as the Southwest Trail (Akridge 2010). Trade along the Red River was hindered by the Great Raft of the Red River, an enormous logjam that clogged the lower part of the river and extended more than 130 miles at one point (Lancaster 2010). The Great Raft virtually blocked all large-scale river traffic from continuing up the Red River north of Shreveport, Louisiana. In 1828, the U.S. Congress set aside funds that allowed for the removal of the raft. Captain Henry Miller Shreve was assigned the task of clearing the raft in 1832 and completed the task in 1838 (Lancaster 2010). This led to a great wave of new settlement during the antebellum period (Kelley and Coxe 1998; Key 2009).

100018259/110073 17 IIl. Cultural Setting

MAJOR HISTORIC PERIOD THEMES AND DEVELOPMENTS

Plantations in the Great Bend Region

Settlers arriving during the antebellum period included many planters with established plantations in states east of the Mississippi. They brought with them the plantation system and culture that had developed in the southern states, and by the mid-nineteenth century, the region had a sizable enslaved African American population concentrated in the Red and Little River valleys where rich bottomlands were ripe for cotton and corn production (Beasley 1975; Hanson and Moneyhon 1989).

Tenant Farming

Following the Civil War, tenancy and sharecropping arrangements gained popularity, and this system, along with landowners' increased reliance on day laborers, replaced the enslaved labor relied upon during the antebellum period. Landowners typically provided tenants with 40 acres on which they were responsible for the planting, cultivating, and harvesting of crops and generally received 25 to 50 percent of a tenant's crops or the equivalent in cash rent. Many large landholders with multiple tenant families established commissaries on their land, and often required tenants to purchase supplies there, usually at marked-up prices (Hawkins 2008).

This arrangement often resulted in tenants living in a state of debt peonage, forced to remain on their landlord's property until they repaid their debt. Tenant farming was a well-established system in the current project area and in the states of Texas and Arkansas as a whole. The system of renting land to cultivate along with the employment of day laborers is still prevalent in the area today including areas near the project location; however, it generally operates at a corporate level. Cotton continues to be the most productive crop in the Great Bend region along with rice and soybeans (Hawkins 2008).

The Timber Industry in the Great Bend Region

During Reconstruction, the development of the railroads and improved transportation allowed people in the lumber industry to access the virgin forests of southern and western Arkansas and northeast Texas. The pine forests of the Gulf Coastal Plains and the beech and cypress trees that grew along the river bottoms made the area attractive to those in the lumber industry (Balogh 2008; Berry 2007). Many of the forests in this region and farther north in the Ozarks were clear cut, and the growth of the industry prompted the construction of sawmills in existing towns and the development of new logging communities throughout the region. Upon witnessing the effects of clear cutting and the ensuing depletion of timber by the 1920s, the lumber industry made some efforts to promote sustainability, including the redevelopment of forests and development of planted pine plantations. As a result, the lumber industry continues to thrive, and several large forest-product manufacturers provide employment across the region (Berry 2007). 18 100018259/110073 100018259/110073 18 IV. METHODS

The purpose of the survey was to (1) locate and record all archeological resources that may be at the structure location nearest to the Red River and historic-age structures within mile of the structure location, (2) assess their significance and eligibility for listing in the NRHP and for designation as a State Archeological landmark (SAL), and (3) provide site-specific recommendations for additional research, as appropriate.

RECORDS REVIEW

The files at the Texas Archeological Research Laboratory and the Texas Historical Commission were examined for the location of previously unrecorded archeological sites, NRHP-listed and determined eligible properties, and SAL-designated properties within the proposed right of way (ROW). All previously recorded sites were recorded on USGS 7.5-minute quadrangle maps. None were located within the proposed ROW.

Eight previously recorded sites and one National Register District (Texarkana Phase Archeological District) are located within 1 km of the project area (Table 1). The northwestern corner of the Texarkana Phase Archeological District is approximately 0.5 km south of the proposed transmission line structure on the south bank of the Red River. The district consists of a Nasoni Caddo village. Two of the previously recorded sites within 1 km of the project area are within the district. The Hatchel site (41BW3) is a SAL that is located approximately 900 meters (m) southeast of the project's trenching locations. The site was first recorded in 1691 by a Spanish expedition and is featured on the map of the village, drawn by Don Domingo Ter n de los Rios. Excavated in 1938 and 1939 by the Works Progress Administration led by researchers at The University of Texas, the Hatchel site is considered to be one of the most important Caddo sites in Texas (Perttula 2005). Additional excavations were conducted by Bo Nelson and Tim Perttula in 2003 in five areas of the village, which consists primarily of a large temple mound, a cemetery, and a few scattered houses that measure about 10 m in diameter (Perttula 2005). The Barkman site (41BW693) is a Caddo cemetery located about 140 m northwest of the Hatchel site. The site was never properly excavated and was extensively looted. Perttula and Nelson (2003) recorded some of the burial vessels, but it is unknown how much of the data has been lost.

The remainder of the previously recorded sites are not within the National Register District. Site 41BW135 is a stratified Archaic, Caddo, and Historic-age site recorded by Geo-Marine in 1996 as part of the Bowie County Levee Project for the USACE, Tulsa District. Another site recorded during that project is 41BW600, a Caddo hamlet or village. LopezGarica Group conducted the Bowie County Levee Realignment survey in 2002. This project resulted in recording 5 of the 10 sites within 1 km of the project area. Three of the sites (41BW685, 41BW686, and 41BW687) are remnants of historic farmsteads. Site 41BW582 is an early Ceramic period site that was first recorded by Espey, Huston and Associates in 1994, and revisited by LopezGarcia in 2002.

100018259/110073 19 IV. Methods

Table 1: Previously Recorded Sites within 1 Kilometer of Project Area

NRHP Eligibility Trinomial Type Artifacts Depth (cmbs) Soil Series Status 41BW3 Hatchel Site; Caddo ceramics, lithics, 0-40 Severn silty State Nasoni Caddo unrelated historic debris clay loam Archeological village, part of Landmark Texarkana Phase Archeological District 41WB135 Multicomponent Gary dart point, Perdiz Unknown Severn silt Unknown (Archaic and point; ceramics loam Caddo) village or include polished, incised, base camp and black sherds; incised, red historic artifact slipped sherds; and plain, scatter sand-tempered sherds 41BW582 Early Ceramic Grog-tempered ceramics, 0-40 Billyhaw clay Potentially biface fragment, point base eligible var. Bonham. shell pendant 41WB600 Late Caddo hamlet 26 debitage, 94 potsherds, 5 0-80 Severn silt Potentially or village bone fragments, and 1 piece loam eligible of charcoal 41WB685 Historic farmstead Cobalt, manganese, clear, 0-30 Billyhaw clay Not eligible aqua, green, milk and brown glass; stoneware; whiteware ceramics, some with blue/green transfer print; metal machine parts 41WB686 Historic artifact Clear, aqua, and manganese 0-30 Roebuck clay Not eligible scatter glass; whiteware ceramic; sewer tile fragment; stoneware 41WB687 Historic artifact Whiteware and stoneware 0-30 Roebuck clay Not eligible scatter ceramics; aqua, clear, brown, green, light blue, opaque white, and manganese glass; metal 41BW693 Barkman Site, Recordation of looted burial unknown Alluvium and Unknown Caddo village vessels colluvium cemetery, part of Texarkana Phase Archeological District

cmbs = centimeters below the surface.

20 100018259/110073 100018259/110073 20 IV. Methods

EXPLORATORY TRENCHING

Exploratory trenching consisted of three backhoe trenches (BHTs) excavated at the transmission structure's location on the south bank of the Red River (Figure 2). The purpose of the backhoe trenching was to identify deeply buried sites in deep alluvial soils in proximity to the river. The trenches were excavated to a depth of 4 feet (ft), per Occupational Safety and Health Administration regulation, and examined for indications of cultural deposits. A representative segment of the trench was profiled and photographed. The trenches were then excavated to a depth of approximately 6 ft and a length of approximately 12 ft in order to examine deeper deposits beyond 4 ft below the surface.

VISUAL IMPACTS SURVEY

Historians examined accessible portions of a visual area of potential effect (VAPE) extending mile in all directions from the proposed structure location (see Figure 2). The purpose of the survey was to identify historically significant resources (including buildings, structures, object, districts, etc.) 50 years of age or older that could be adversely affected by the construction of the proposed transmission line structure, including previously designated NRHP-listed resources and those that appear to meet NRHP eligibility under Criterion C. For the purposes of this survey, historians used a 1960 cutoff date for identification of historic-age resources. The visual effect survey was conducted in coordination with the archeological survey of the project ROW.

21 100018259/110073 21 Arkansas

. '

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ll 41

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Circa 1945 Outbuilding

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1s L Jo p f I $t R ATKINS

______1 AR 0 ATKINS

- - 0 Trenching Location Figure 2 6~ Red River Trenching, Texas Side 1/4 Mile Area AEP - NW Texarkana rV 0- Proposed Alignment 345-kV Transmission Line TX Bowie County, Texas

Prepared By: PBS&J/15490 Scale: 1" = 1000' 0 500 1,000 1,500 Job Feet No.: 100018529 Date: Apr 7, 2011 N \Clients\AB\AEP\Turk_Northwesi\geo\figs\NWTEXRedriv_txtrench mxd I

22 V. RESULTS

EXPLORATORY TRENCHING RESULTS

Backhoe trenches A, B, and C were excavated for the proposed transmission line structure located on the south bank of the Red River (see Figure 2). The structure's three poles parallel one another east to west at an approximate distance of 10 m. The pole locations are situated on the north side of a slough, on a level first terrace between the slough and the river. The area is a pecan orchard with thick grass and no ground surface visibility. The trenches were excavated from north to south at each pole location.

No cultural material was observed or recovered from these trenches, due to several factors. The locations are near a large, active river that meanders frequently and actively creates new deposits. Furthermore, cultural material that has not been washed downriver during avulsion is likely to be deeply buried, beyond the depths of practical exploratory trenching. Finally, these locations may simply be absent of cultural material because they are not situated on landforms, i.e., natural levees, that may contain cultural material. A representative trench profile description is shown on Figure 3 and Table 2.

~~~~~~TjMY ' ~ js~'

",- YJ'aLj , sA lf

'I.,~j ,^gOri'7 :- W" b?1', & yrS Tyt -, .,( sYtt «t

Figure 3: BHT A profile.

23 100018259/110073 100018259/110073 23 V. Results

Table 2: Representative Backhoe Trench (BHT A) Profile Description

Zone Depth (cmbs) Description 1 0-83 7.5YR 4/3 brown clay; thick bed; smooth, clear boundary; strong, medium, subangular, blocky structure; firm; many medium and fine roots II 83-105 7.5YR 5/4 brown silty clay loam; medium bed; smooth, clear boundary; weak, fine, subangular blocky structure; friable; few fine roots 111 105-120+ SYR 4/6 yellowish red clay; strong, medium, subangular, blocky structure; friable; boundary unknown

VISUAL IMPACT SURVEY RESULTS

The proposed structure location is immediately south of the Red River on a partially wooded parcel. Historians observed one historic-age standing structure outside the VAPE during the survey, a circa 1945 agricultural outbuilding (see Figure 2). This resource has a low-pitched, front-gabled roof clad in corrugated metal and exposed rafter tails. There are hinged entry doors in each gable end composed of timber framing and corrugated metal. The exterior facades are clad in a variety of materials including corrugated metal, vertical wooden siding, and horizontal wooden siding. It appears that the resource has been reclad several times, and several of the interior framing pieces appear to have been recently replaced. This structure is of common design and lacks any known historic associations or architectural merit. Additionally, the exterior recladding detracts from its integrity of materials, design, and workmanship. A nonhistoric-age pole barn is located adjacent to the resource, detracting from its integrity of setting (Figure 4). Thus, this resource is not recommended for inclusion in the NRHP under Criterion A, B, or C.

During the survey efforts, project historians also sought to identify and record any designated or potentially historic agricultural landscapes within or extending into the VAPE. The existing landscape features differ significantly from those evident on a 1936-1937 aerial photograph of the area (Tobin international 1936). This source indicates that the course of the Red River has changed in the vicinity of the proposed structure location, that the land-use patterns have shifted, and previously wooded areas have been cleared for agricultural use. Several historic-age structures apparent on the historic aerial photographs are no longer extant. Therefore, this area does not appear to possess sufficient historic integrity to merit consideration as a historic landscape.

24 100018259/110073 24 V. Results

.,T E,sv ~ ~ 1 c' X4rSIif4 'Cy; ~hod

- was.Figur 4: Cra 14 Outuiling Outid ofV' Visual APEx .. ,e rY

100018259/110073 25 VI. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATION

AEP is constructing a transmission line from the Northwest Texarkana Substation northeast of the City of Leary in Bowie County, Texas, to the Red River near Texarkana, where it will connect to the portion of the line proposed in Arkansas. AEP has prioritized construction of the sections of the line that span the Red River. There is a crossing structure in Bowie County near the Red River that would be associated with this construction. The cultural resources investigation for this structure consisted of background research, exploratory backhoe trenching, and a historic resources visual impacts survey within the VAPE.

BACKHOE TRENCHING RECOMMENDATIONS

No archeological sites were located as a result of the trenching effort. Although the density of archeological sites in the area is high, no cultural material was observed or recorded in the three backhoe trenches. This is likely due to the fact that the location of the crossing structure is on the level floodplain and not on a featured landform considered to have potential for containing archeological sites, such as a natural levee or a mound. No further work is recommended at this crossing structure location. If archeological materials are observed during the course of the project, all work should cease, and the Texas Historical Commission should be contacted.

VISUAL IMPACT SURVEY RECOMMENDATIONS

Historians did not encounter any NRHP-listed resources within the VAPE, and none of the historic age resources, landscapes, or districts observed in the VAPE appear to meet NRHP eligibility criteria. Consequently, it appears that no historic (NRH P-listed or -eligible) resources located in the ROW or in the VAPE will be adversely impacted by the proposed project. Much of the project area's setting has been altered substantially in recent years. Examples of alterations to the landscape include the presence of nonhistoric-age buildings, a loss of former structures in the area, course shifts in the path of the Red River, and changes in land-use patterns. Therefore, no further consideration of this project for visual impacts is recommended.

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35 100018259/ 110073 100018259/110073 35 Appendix

Locations of Previously Recorded Sites within 1 km of the Project Area (not for public disclosure) I I I I I I

600. S 0 I I I I I I I I I I I I