An Analysis of Turkish-Tunisian Relations in Light of Arab Spring
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Ennahda's Approach to Tunisia's Constitution
BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER ANALYSIS PAPER Number 10, February 2014 CONVINCE, COERCE, OR COMPROMISE? ENNAHDA’S APPROACH TO TUNISIA’S CONSTITUTION MONICA L. MARKS B ROOKINGS The Brookings Institution is a private non-profit organization. Its mission is to conduct high- quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s) and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its scholars. Copyright © 2014 THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20036 U.S.A. www.brookings.edu BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER Saha 43, Building 63, West Bay, Doha, Qatar www.brookings.edu/doha TABLE OF C ONN T E T S I. Executive Summary ............................................................................................................1 II. Introduction ......................................................................................................................3 III. Diverging Assessments .................................................................................................4 IV. Ennahda as an “Army?” ..............................................................................................8 V. Ennahda’s Introspection .................................................................................................11 VI. Challenges of Transition ................................................................................................13 -
[Tunisia, 2013-2015] Tunisia
Case Study Series Women in Peace & Transition Processes: [Tunisia, 2013-2015] December 2019 Name of process Tunisia Constituent Assembly (2013-2015) and National Dialogue Type of process Constitution-making The role of women in resolving Tunisia’s post-“Arab Spring” political crisis, which and political reform peaked in 2013, was limited, but not insignificant. Institutionalized influence Modality of women's was very limited: there was no formal inclusion of women’s groups in the main inclusion: negotiations of the 2013/2014 National Dialogue and the influence of organized • Consultations advocacy was also limited in the pre-negotiation and implementation phases. • Inclusive commission For example, the women’s caucus formed in the Tunisian National Constituent • Mass mobilization Assembly (Tunisia’s Parliament from the end of 2011 to 2014, hereafter NCA) Women’s influence could not prevail over party politics and was not institutionalized. However, in the process: individual women played decisive roles in all three phases: one of the four main Moderate influence due to: civil society mediators, who not only facilitated the main negotiations, but also • + The progressive legislation in initiated the dialogue process and held consultations to determine the agenda Tunisia on women's rights and in the pre-negotiation phase, was a woman, (Ouided Bouchamaoui President political participation of the Tunisian Union of Industry, Commerce and Crafts (UTICA), from 2011 • + The influential role and status to 2018). A small number of women represented political parties in the of individual women negotiations of the National Dialogue. And women were active in consultations • - The lack of organized and group-specific women's and commissions concerning the National Dialogue, before, in parallel or after involvement the main negotiation period, for example in the consensus committee of the • - The involvement of relatively National Constituent Assembly. -
Ansar Al-Sharia in Tunisia (AST)
Ansar al-Sharia in Tunisia (AST) Name: Ansar al-Sharia in Tunisia (AST) Type of Organization: Insurgent non-state actor religious social services provider terrorist transnational violent Ideologies and Affiliations: ISIS–affiliated group Islamist jihadist Qutbist Salafist Sunni takfiri Place of Origin: Tunisia Year of Origin: 2011 Founder(s): Seifallah Ben Hassine Places of Operation: Tunisia Overview Also Known As: Al-Qayrawan Media Foundation1 Partisans of Sharia in Tunisia7 Ansar al-Sharia2 Shabab al-Tawhid (ST)8 Ansar al-Shari’ah3 Supporters of Islamic Law9 Ansar al-Shari’a in Tunisia (AAS-T)4 Supporters of Islamic Law in Tunisia10 Ansar al-Shari’ah in Tunisia5 Supporters of Sharia in Tunisia11 Partisans of Islamic Law in Tunisia6 Executive Summary: Ansar al-Sharia in Tunisia (AST) was a Salafist group that was prominent in Tunisia from 2011 to 2013.12 AST sought to implement sharia (Islamic law) in the country and used violence in furtherance of that goal under the banner of hisbah (the duty to command moral acts and prohibit immoral ones).13 AST also actively engaged in dawa (Islamic missionary work), which took on many forms but were largely centered upon Ansar al-Sharia in Tunisia (AST) the provision of public services.14 Accordingly, AST found a receptive audience among Tunisians frustrated with the political instability and dire economic conditions that followed the 2011 Tunisian Revolution.15 The group received logistical support from al-Qaeda central, al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), Ansar al-Sharia in Libya (ASL), and later, from ISIS.16 AST was designated as a terrorist group by the United States, the United Nations, and Tunisia, among others.17 AST was originally conceived in a Tunisian prison by 20 Islamist inmates in 2006, according to Aaron Zelin at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. -
Tunisia on Razor's Edge After Assassination of Chokri Belaid
Summary: The assassination of leftist leader Chokri Belaid on February 6, apparently by Islamists, has brought into the open the long-simmering conflict that has pitted the ruling Islamist Ennahda Party against leftists, trade unionists, and secularists, who have staged the first general strike in 40 years and the largest street demonstrations since the 2011 revolution - - Editors Tunisia on Razor’s Edge after Assassination of Chokri Belaid Kevin Anderson February 13, 2013 February 6, a Day of Infamy The cowardly assassination of Chokri Belaid has thrown Tunisia into its biggest crisis since the overthrow of the Ben Ali regime in 2011. Gunned down as he left his home on the morning of February 6, apparently by Islamist militants, Belaid was one of the country’s most famous labor lawyers and leftist leaders. Known for having defended the Gafsa phosphate miners against state repression after their 2008 strike under the old regime, Belaid had been a prominent member of the secular left for decades. He was a lifelong Marxist who was a leading figure in the Popular Front, founded last summer as a potentially large grouping of leftist and secular forces. Having already served time under the old regime, Belaid was not intimidated by the death threats he constantly received from Islamists, with some imams openly calling for his assassination in their sermons. Within hours of Belaid’s death, crowds of youths gathered to protest in the center of Tunis outside the Interior (Police) Ministry, calling for the government to resign. The response was less verbal but more direct among the working classes. -
Islam and Politics in Tunisia
Islam and Politics in Tunisia How did the Islamist party Ennahda respond to the rise of Salafism in post-Arab Spring Tunisia and what are possible ex- planatory factors of this reaction? April 2014 Islam and Politics in a Changing Middle East Stéphane Lacroix Rebecca Koch Paris School of© International Affairs M.A. International Security Student ID: 100057683 [email protected] Words: 4,470 © The copyright of this paper remains the property of its author. No part of the content may be repreoduced, published, distributed, copied or stored for public use without written permission of the author. All authorisation requests should be sent to [email protected] Table of Contents 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................. 3 2. Definitions and Theoretical Framework ............................................................... 4 3. Analysis: Ennahda and the Tunisian Salafi movements ...................................... 7 3.1 Ennahda ........................................................................................................................ 7 3.2 Salafism in Tunisia ....................................................................................................... 8 3.3 Reactions of Ennahda to Salafism ................................................................................ 8 4. Discussion ................................................................................................................ 11 5. Conclusion -
Ambigouos Endings: Middle East Regional Security in the Wake Of
DIIS REPORT 2011:03 DIIS REPORT AMBIGUOUS ENDINGS MIDDLE EAST REGIONAL SECURITY IN THE WAKE OF THE ARAB UPRISINGS AND THE SYRIAN CIVIL WAR Helle Malmvig DIIS REPORT 2013:23 DIIS REPORT DIIS . DANISH INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL STUDIES 1 DIIS REPORT 2013:23 © Copenhagen 2013, the author and DIIS Danish Institute for International Studies, DIIS Østbanegade 117, DK-2100 Copenhagen, Denmark Ph: +45 32 69 87 87 Fax: +45 32 69 87 00 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.diis.dk Cover photo: © Polfoto / Karam Alhamad Layout: Allan Lind Jørgensen Printed in Denmark by Vesterkopi AS ISBN 978-87-7605-601-8 (print) ISBN 978-87-7605-602-5 (pdf ) Price: DKK 50.00 (VAT included) DIIS publications can be downloaded free of charge from www.diis.dk Hardcopies can be ordered at www.diis.dk This publication is part of DIIS’s Defence and Security Studies project which is funded by a grant from the Danish Ministry of Defence Helle Malmvig, Senior Researcher [email protected] 2 DIIS REPORT 2013:23 Contents Executive Summary in Danish 4 Executive summary 5 1. Introduction, aim and structure 7 2. Middle East regional security from 2001 to 2010 9 3. The Arab Uprisings and regional order 2011- 14 3.1 Changing state-society dynamics 14 3.2 Neither ally nor enemy: the weakening of foreign policy posturing and the pro- anti-Western divide 17 3.3 The weakening of the resistance front and the conservative-radical divide 20 3.4 Into the fray: the Sunni-Shia rift 23 3.5 The end of pragmatist foreign policy and the emergence of a Salafi-Muslim Brotherhood divide 26 4. -
Siposjános Angol Karacsáj.Indd
János Sipos – Ufuk Tafkul KARACHAY-BALKAR FOLKSONGS János Sipos – Ufuk Tafkul KARACHAY-BALKAR FOLKSONGS Institute for Musicology of the Research Centre for the Humanities of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences – L’Harmattan Budapest, 2015 The fi eldwork lasting 10 years were supported by the Stein-Arnold Exploration Fund of the British Academy (2010), the Mellon Fellowship for Research in Turkey (2005, 2011) and the Hungarian Scientifi c Research Fund (OTKA K-42461, K-67997) The publication of the book was supported by the Hungarian Scientifi c Research Fund (OTKA PUB 113373) Photos made by: János Sipos and Ufuk Tavkul English translation by Judit Pokoly © János Sipos, 2015 © Institute for Musicology of the Research Centre for the Humanities, the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, 2015 © L’Harmattan, 2015 ISBN 978-963-414-083-2 L'Harmattan France 5-7 rue de l'Ecole Polytechnique 75005 Paris T.: 33.1.40.46.79.20 Email: [email protected] L'Harmattan Italia SRL Via Degli Artisti 15 10124 TORINO Tél : (39) 011 817 13 88 / (39) 348 39 89 198 Email: [email protected] L’Harmattan Hungary: L’Harmattan Könyvesbolt Párbeszéd Könyvesbolt 1053 Budapest, Kossuth L. u. 14–16. 1085 Budapest, Horánszky utca 20. Tel.: 267-5979 www.konyveslap.hu [email protected] www.harmattan.hu Editor in chief: Ádám Gyenes Design: Gábor Kardos, cover design: László Kára Printed and bound by Séd Nyomda, general director: Szilvia Katona CONTENTS PREFACE . 7 INTRODUCTION . 7 IN THE WAKE OF THE EASTERN CONNECTIONS OF HUNGARIAN FOLK MUSIC . 11 Report on my fi eldwork series in researching folk music . -
Orthographic Transparency and the Ottoman Abjad Maithili Jais
Orthographic Transparency and the Ottoman Abjad Maithili Jais University of Florida Spring 2018 I. Introduction In 2014, the debate over whether Ottoman Turkish was to be taught in schools or not was once again brought to the forefront of Turkish society and the Turkish conscience, as Erdogan began to push for Ottoman Turkish to be taught in all high schools across the country (Yeginsu, 2014). This became an obsession of a news topic for media in the West as well as in Turkey. Turkey’s tumultuous history with politics inevitably led this proposal of teaching Ottoman Turkish in all high schools to become a hotbed of controversy and debate. For all those who are perfectly contented to let bygones be bygones, there are many who assert that the Ottoman Turkish alphabet is still relevant and important. In fact, though this may be a personal anecdote, there are still certainly people who believe that the Ottoman script is, or was, superior to the Latin alphabet with which modern Turkish is written. This thesis does not aim to undertake a task so grand as sussing out which of the two was more appropriate for Turkish. No, such a task would be a behemoth for this paper. Instead, it aims to answer the question, “How?” Rather, “How was the Arabic script moulded to fit Turkish and to what consequence?” Often the claim that one script it superior to another suggests inherent judgement of value, but of the few claims seen circulating Facebook on the efficacy of the Ottoman script, it seems some believe that it represented Turkish more accurately and efficiently. -
The Political Salience of Corruption: the Politics of Corruption During the Arab Spring
The Political Salience of Corruption: The Politics of Corruption During the Arab Spring Eric Freeman Department of Political Science McGill University October 2015 A thesis submitted to McGill University in partial fulfillment of the requirement of the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science Copyright © Eric Freeman 2015 I Table of Contents Abstract Acknowledgements Figures and Tables Chapter 1: Introduction The Puzzle of Corruption’s Destabilizing Effect Literature Review Corruption and Authoritarian Stability in the MENA Literature Framing Effects Literature Post-Arab Spring Corruption Literature The Argument The Dependent Variable Independent Variable Intervening Variables Methodology Chapters to Follow Chapter 2: Tunisia Introduction The Politics of Corruption in Tunisia Type of Corruption Elite-Level Cronyism, Intermediate-Level Patronage, and Low-Level Bribery Cronyism and the Framing of Corruption The Limitations of Intermediate-Level Patronage in Tunisia Making Matter Worse: Intervening Variables that Frame Corruption Macroeconomic Conditions Conspicuous Consumption Regime Type The Political Salience of Grievances about Corruption in Tunisia Chapter 3: Morocco Introduction The Politics of Corruption in Morocco Type of Corruption: Elite-Level Cronyism Intermediate-Level Patronage and the Dense Web of Patron-Client Relations in Morocco The Efficacy of Intermediate-Level Patronage in Morocco Intervening Variables: A mixed bag of effects Macroeconomic Conditions Conspicuous -
Turkic Toponyms of Eurasia BUDAG BUDAGOV
BUDAG BUDAGOV Turkic Toponyms of Eurasia BUDAG BUDAGOV Turkic Toponyms of Eurasia © “Elm” Publishing House, 1997 Sponsored by VELIYEV RUSTAM SALEH oglu T ranslated by ZAHID MAHAMMAD oglu AHMADOV Edited by FARHAD MAHAMMAD oglu MUSTAFAYEV Budagov B.A. Turkic Toponyms of Eurasia. - Baku “Elm”, 1997, -1 7 4 p. ISBN 5-8066-0757-7 The geographical toponyms preserved in the immense territories of Turkic nations are considered in this work. The author speaks about the parallels, twins of Azerbaijani toponyms distributed in Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Altay, the Ural, Western Si beria, Armenia, Iran, Turkey, the Crimea, Chinese Turkistan, etc. Be sides, the geographical names concerned to other Turkic language nations are elucidated in this book. 4602000000-533 В ------------------------- 655(07)-97 © “Elm” Publishing House, 1997 A NOTED SCIENTIST Budag Abdulali oglu Budagov was bom in 1928 at the village o f Chobankere, Zangibasar district (now Masis), Armenia. He graduated from the Yerevan Pedagogical School in 1947, the Azerbaijan State Pedagogical Institute (Baku) in 1951. In 1955 he was awarded his candidate and in 1967 doctor’s degree. In 1976 he was elected the corresponding-member and in 1989 full-member o f the Azerbaijan Academy o f Sciences. Budag Abdulali oglu is the author o f more than 500 scientific articles and 30 books. Researches on a number o f problems o f the geographical science such as geomorphology, toponymies, history o f geography, school geography, conservation o f nature, ecology have been carried out by academician B.A.Budagov. He makes a valuable contribution for popularization o f science. -
Language Use in the Ottoman Empire and Its Problems
LANGUAGE USE IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE AND ITS PROBLEMS (1299-1923) by Yelda Saydam Dissertation submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree M. Phil. in the Faculty of Humanities (Department of Greek and Centre for Islamic Studies) at the University of Johannesburg Supervisor: Prof. B. Hendrickx Co-supervisor: Dr A. Dockrat Johannesburg 2006/7 Abstract The Ottoman Empire, an imperial power that existed from 1299 to 1923, was one of the largest empires to rule the borders of the Mediterranean Sea. Ottoman Turkish was used especially between the 16th and 19th centuries during the Ottoman Empire. This ornamented, artificial language separated the general population from intellectual and palace elite and a communication problem followed. Although the minorities of the Ottoman Empire were free to use their language amongst themselves, if they needed to communicate with the government they had to use Ottoman Turkish. This thesis explains these language differences and the resulting problems they created during the Empire. Examples of original correspondence are used to highlight the communication differences and the difficulties that ensured. From this study, the author concludes that Ottoman Turkish was not a separate language from Turkish; instead, it was a variation of Turkish in inexistence for approximately 600 years. I Preface My family and I came to South Africa from Turkey during August 2002 for my husband’s sabbatical as a post-doctoral fellow at University of The Witwatersrand. We both took a years leave from our jobs when we came to South Africa. I was working for Havva Özişbakan High School in İzmir, Turkey as a Turkish Language and Literature teacher. -
Tunileaks, Les Documents Dévoilés Par Wikileaks Concernant La Tunisie
Les documents sont reproduits à lʼissue de cette Il est important ici de signaler quʼil sʼagit donc des présentation. câbles du pouvoir civil par opposition aux instances militaires. Pour le cas des documents auxquels nous TuniLeaks, les documents dévoilés par avons eu accès, en lʼoccurrence ceux concernant la Tunisie, il est frappant de relever la place des Wikileaks concernant la Tunisie : préoccupations américaines relatives aux droits de Quelques réactions à chaud. lʼHomme. Ce qui pour nous a été une surprise, dʼautant plus quʼil ne sʼagit pas de communiqués publics destinés à calmer des ONG, mais des Nawaat relaye, en exclusivité, une partie des échanges privés entre des diplomates. Sans aucun documents secrets qui concernent la Tunisie doute, l'ensemble des documents mis en ligne par dévoilés par Wikileaks. Le site qui a déjà été à Wikileaks révélera-t-il, s'agissant d'autres pays, des l'origine de la fuite de milliers de documents sur éléments qui heurtent des principes de droit de l'engagement américain en Irak et en Afghanistan. l'Homme. Mais pour le cas de la Tunisie, cela ne Les documents sont issus du réseau SIPRNet semble pas avoir été le cas au sein des documents (Secret Internet Protocol Router Network) de dont nous avons disposés. lʼadministration américaine utilisé pour la transmission de mémos diplomatiques et autres Nos premières appréciations sur le contenu sont des documents secrets. Tous les documents relatifs à la appréciations à chaud. Mais nous aurons lʼoccasion Tunisie sont classés secrets : (Classification de revenir dessus après plusieurs lectures SECRET//NOFORN). « Noforn », qui est une approfondies, seules à même de permettre de saisir restriction supplémentaire, signifie « Not releasable des détails qui pourraient sembler anodins à to Foreign Nationals », autrement dit « non diffusable première vue.