Three Anthems, a Flag and a Tenor: Introduction

Notes

1. For a discussion of the ‘romantic’ history of the Belgian revolution, see e.g. Peter Rietbergen and Tom Verschaffel, Broedertwist: België en Nederland en de erfenis van 1830, Zwolle: Waanders, 2005 and Jeroen Janssens, De helden van 1830: alle feiten en mythes, Antwerpen: Meulenhoff, 2005. For an overview of early histories of the Belgian nation, see Jo Tollebeek, ‘Historical Representa- tion and the Nation State in Romantic Belgium’, The Journal of the History of Ideas, 59, 2 (1998), 329–353. On Auber’s opera and its relation to the Belgian revolution, see Sonia Slatin, ‘Opera and Revolution: La Muette de Portici and the Belgian Revolution of 1830 Revisited’, The Journal of Musicological Research, 3 (1979), 45–62 and Maribeth Clark, ‘The Body and the Voice in La Muette de Portici’, 19th Century Music, 27, 2 (2003), 116–131. 2. Both referred to a woman that personiﬁed the revolution through a liber- ating or liberated city and simultaneously represented the whole nation. Moreover, both songs shared the revolutionary language of bloody battle against the tyrant enemy. Jenneval’s real name was Hippolyte Louis Alexandre Dechet (1801–1830). The actor joined the revolutionary forces and died in a ﬁght with the Dutch in Lier in October 1830. 3. Two recent histories of Belgium are Els Witte, Jan Craeybeckx and Alain Meynen, Political History of Belgium from 1830 Onwards, Brussels: Brussels University Press, 2001 and Michel Dumoulin, Vincent Dujardin, Emmanuel Gerard and Mark van den Wijngaert (eds.), Nouvelle histoire de la Belgique. 1: 1830–1905, Brussels: Complexe, 2005. On the Belgian revolution, see Els Witte, De constructie van België 1828–1847, Leuven: Lannoo, 2006. 4. In the Dutch version of the adaptations made in 1860 (ascribed to Prime Minister Charles Rogier): ‘een man’lijk volk moet man’lijk durven zingen’. In the French version, the text links the masculinity of the nation to godly intervention:‘Dieu, qui protège la Belgique, sourit à tes mâles succes’. 5. See also Bruno Benvindo, ‘La masculinité au XXième siècle en Belgique’, Sextant. Revue du Groupe interdisciplinaire d’études sur les femmes, 19 (2003), 169–176 and Thomas Buerman, ‘Maten, makkers, masculiniteit! Historisch onderzoek naar mannelijkheid’, Mededelingenblad. Belgische vereniging voor nieuwste geschiedenis, 29, 1 (2007), 21–26. 6. Bruno Benvindo, Des hommes en guerre. Les soldats belges entre ténacité et désil- lusion 1914–1918, Brussels: Archives générales du Royaume, 2005; Benvindo, ‘La “normalité” hétérosexuelle et l’armée. Belgique 1900–1960’, in Catherine Deschamps, Laurent Gaissad and Christelle Taraud (eds.), Hétéros. Discours, Lieux, Pratiques, Paris: Epel, 2009, 169–180. 7. The concept of ‘differentiation’ is most clearly developed in Tine Van Osselaer, ‘ “Un oeuvre essentiellement virile”. De “masculinisering” van de Heilig Hart Devotie in België’, Tijdschrift voor Genderstudies, 3 (2008), 33–45

172 Notes 173

and in Van Osselaer, The Pious Sex. Catholic Constructions of Masculinity and Femininity in Belgium c. 1800–1940, Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2013. 8. Thomas Buerman, ‘Lions and lambs at the same time! Belgian Zouaves as examples of religious masculinity’, paper at Christian Feminisation and Masculinisation in Europe: Comparative Perspectives: ‘Dieu changea de sexe?’ international workshop at Ghent University, 4–5 January 2008. See also Tine Van Osselaer and Thomas Buerman, ‘Feminization Thesis: A Survey of Inter- national Historiography and a Probing of Belgian Grounds’, Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique, 103, 2 (2008), 497–544. 9. Wannes Dupont, ‘Les trous de Bruxelles: les lieux de rencontres homosexuelles au 19e siècle’, Les cahiers de la fonderie: revue d’histoire sociale et industrielle de la région bruxelloise, 44 (2011), 47–53; Dupont, ‘Pederasten op de Place royale: een fragment uit het vergeten verleden van Brussel’, Leidschrift: historisch tijdschrift, 26, 1 (2011), 79–91 and Dupont, ‘Modernités et homosexualités belges’, Cahiers d’histoire, 119 (2012), 19–34. 10. Henk de Smaele, ‘ “Excellents morceaux de nu”. Mannelijkheid, heterosek- sualiteit en het vrouwelijk naakt (1800–1970)’, in Kaat Wils (ed.), Het lichaam m/v, Leuven: Universitaire Pers, 2001, 165–182; de Smaele, ‘De onmachtigen. Mannelijkheid en de idealen van de literaire avant-garde in Vlaanderen’, in Hans Vandevoorde, Raf De Bont and Geraldine Reymenants (eds.), Niet onder één dak. Van Nu en Straks en de paradoxen van het fin de siècle, Ghent: Koninklijke Academie voor Nederlandse Taal- en Letterkunde, 2005, 183–196; de Smaele, ‘Een beeld van een man. Mosse en het moderne mannelijke stereotype’, Tijdschrift voor Genderstudies, 9, 3 (2006), 5–18. 11. George L. Mosse, The Image of Man. The Creation of Modern Masculinity, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996; Joanna Bourke, ‘Review: The Image of Man’, History in Focus, 8 (1997), http://www.history.ac.uk/ihr/Focus/Gender/ bourke.html. 12. Though not necessarily with national politics. The engagement with politics, the most ‘traditional’ elitist area of the historical discipline in the field of masculinity, remains rather limited. Stefan Dudink, Karen Hagemann and John Tosh (eds.), Representing Masculinity: Male Citizenship in Modern Western Culture, London: Palgrave MacMillan, 2007; Matthew McCormack (ed.), Public Men. Masculinity and Politics in Modern Britain, London: Palgrave MacMillan, 2007. 13. Martin Francis, ‘The Domestication of the Male? Recent Research on Nineteenth- and Twentieth-Century British Masculinity’, The Historical Journal, 45, 3 (2002), 637–652; Bryce Traister, ‘Academic Viagra: The Rise of American Masculinity Studies’, American Quarterly, 52, 2 (2000), 274–304; Karen Harvey and Alexandra Shepard, ‘What Have Historians Done with Masculinity? Reflections on Five Centuries of British History, ca.1500–1950’, Journal of British Studies, 44, 2 (2005), 274–280. 14. John Tosh, A Man’s Place. Masculinity and the Middle-Class Home in Victorian England, New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1998. 15. André Rauch, Le premier sexe. Mutations et crise de l’identité masculine,Paris: Hachette, 2000. 16. Ute Frevert, Ehrenmänner. Das Duell in der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft,München: C.H. Beck, 1991 [Men of Honour: A Social and Political History of the Duel,Polity Press, 1995]. 174 Notes

17. Stefan Dudink, ‘The Unheroic Men of a Moral Nation: Masculinity and Nation in Modern Dutch History’, in Cynthia Cockburn and Dubravka Zarkov (eds.), The Postwar Moment: Militaries, Masculinities and Interna- tional Peacekeeping, London: Lawrence and Wishart, 146–161; Ernst Hanisch, Männlichkeiten. Eine andere Geschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts, Vienna: Böhlau, 2005; David Tjeder, Power of Character. Middle Class Masculinities 1800–1900, Stockholm: Stockholm Universitet, 2003. 18. R.W. Connell, Masculinities, Berkely & Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1995. For an appraisal of Connell’s concepts of masculinity and hege- mony in historical research, see John Tosh, ‘What Should Historians Do with Masculinity? Reﬂections on Nineteenth-Century Britain’, History Workshop Journal, 38, 1 (1994), 179–202. See also Christopher E. Fort, Masculinity in the Modern West: Gender, Civilization and the Body, London: MacMillan, 2008, 5: ‘developments central to modernity at once reinforce and destabilize the representation of masculinity as an unproblematic quality of male anatomy’. 19. Although the model of hegemonic masculinity is used outside the ‘West’, it does not always seem to be very adaptable to other contexts; e.g. Mrinalini Sinha, Colonial Masculinity. The ‘manly’ Englishman and the ‘effeminate’ Bengali, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1995 and Kam Louie, Theorizing Chinese Masculinities: Society and Gender in China, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. 20. For the meaning and use of the terms manliness and masculinity in historical and scholarly discourse in Britain and America, see John Tosh, ‘Masculinities in an Industrializing Society: Britain, 1800–1914’, Journal of British Studies,44 (2005), 330–342, Michael Roper, ‘Between Manliness and Masculinity: The “War Generation” and the Psychology of Fear in Britain, 1914–1950’, Jour- nal of British Studies, 44 (2005), 343–362 and Gail Bederman, Manliness & Civilization. A Cultural History of Gender and Race in the United States, 1880–1917, London and Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1995, 16–19. 21. See, e.g., Alexandra Shepard, Meanings of Manhood in Early Modern England, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006; Christopher Fletcher, Richard II: Man- hood, Youth and Politics, 1377–99, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008; Alan Bray, ‘A History of Manliness?’ History Workshop Journal, 45 (1998), 301–312. 22. Martin Dinges (ed.), Männer, Macht, Körper. Hegemoniale Männlichkeit vom Mittelater bis heute, Frankfurt: Campus, 2005; Wolfgang Schmale, Geschichte der Männlichkeit in Europa (1450–2000), Vienna: Böhlau, 2003. 23. Rauch, Le premier sexe. and Alain Corbin (ed.), Histoire de la virilité XIXe siècle/Première guerre mondiale, tome 2, Paris: Le Seuil, 2009 and Jean Jacques Courtine (ed.), Histoire de la virilité XXe/XXIe siècles,tome3,Paris:Le Seuil, 2009; Robert Nye, Masculinity and Male Codes of Honour in Modern France, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993; Abigail Solomon-Godeau, Male Trouble. A Crisis in Representation, New York: Thames & Hudson, 1997. 24. See, e.g., Stefan Dudink, ‘Mannelijkheid en natie: Notities over hegemoniale mannelijkheid en geschiedenis’, Tijdschrift voor Genderstudies, 4 (2001), 2, 22–37; Henk de Smaele (ed.), Beelden van Mannelijkheid, special issue of Tijdschrift voor Genderstudies, 9 (2006); Mannelijkheid. Het beeld van de man in de populaire cultuur, special issue of Groniek, 190 (2012). Notes 175

25. P. Weiland, Groot Nederduitsch taalkundig woordenboek, Dordrecht: Blussé en Van Braam, 1859. 26. Ibid. P.J. van Mallsen Jr. (ed.), Van Dale’s Groot Woordenboek der Nederlandse taal, Den Haag: M. Nijhoff, 1914 and Albert Kluyver, Woordenboek der Nederlandsche taal, Gravenhage & Leiden: M. Nijhoff, 1913. 27. Donna J. Haraway, ‘A Cyborg Manifesto: Science, Technology and Socialist- Feminism in the Late Twentieth Century’, in Simians, Cyborgs and Women. The Reinvention of Nature, London & New York: Routledge, 1991, 149–183. 28. As also commented upon in Martina Kessel, ‘The Whole Man the Longing for a Masculine World in Nineteenth-Century Germany’, Gender & History, 15, 1 (2003), 1–31. 29. Judith Surkis, Sexing the Citizen. Morality and Masculinity in France 1870–1920, Ithaca & London: Cornell University Press, 2006, 8. 30. Compilation based on Albert Van Laar, Geschiedenis van het openbaar onderwijs te Antwerpen sedert 1872, Antwerpen: De Sikkel, 1939 and Henk Van Daele, Geschiedenis van het stedelijk lager onderwijs te Antwerpen van 1830–1872, Brussels: Pro Civitate, 1972. 31. P.P.R. 6 February 1895. 32. Margaret Kohn, Radical Space. Building the House of the People, Ithaca & London: Cornell University Press, 2003, 3. 33. Christine Riding and Jacqueline Riding (eds.), The Houses of Parliament: History, Art, Architecture, London: Merrell Publishers, 2000; Willy Van den Steene, Het paleis der natie, Brussel: Belgische Senaat, 1982, 91–131; Eric Moreel, Linda Van Sandvoort et al. Kunst en architectuur bij de Belgische kamer van volksvertegenwoordigers, Antwerp: Snoeck-Ducaju, 2007. For other institutions, a ‘Foucauldian’ perspective is often favoured, see, e.g., Thomas A. Markus, Buildings and Power: The Origin of Modern Building Types, London & New York: Routledge, 1993. 34. The military environment is, of course, larger than just its built structures: landscapes in which the army practices and moves are important as well. See, e.g., Rachel Woodward, Military Geographies, Oxford: Blackwell, 2004; Woodward, ‘Warrior Heroes and Little Green Men: Soldiers, Military Train- ing and the Construction of Rural Masculinities’, in Hugh Campbell, Michael Mayerfeld Bell and Margaret Finney (eds.), Country Boys. Masculinity and Rural Life, University Park: Penn State Press, 2006, 235–250; Woodward, ‘It’s a Man’s Life!: Soldiers, Masculinity and the Countryside’, Gender, Place and Culture, 5, 3 (1998), 277–300. 35. Ute Frevert, Die kasernierte Nation: Militärdienst und Zivilgesellschaft in Deutschland, München: C.H. Beck, 2001. 36. Odile Roynette, «Bons pour le service». L’expérience de la caserne en France à la ﬁn du XIXe siècle, Paris: Belin, 2000. 37. In the history of masculinity and schooling, the focus is often on higher education. See, e.g., Sonja Levsen, Elite, Männlichkeit und Krieg. Tübinger und Cambridger Studenten 1900–1929, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2006 and Paul R. Deslandes, Oxbridge Men: British Masculiniy and the Undergraduate Experience, 1850–1920, Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 2005. 38. Surkis, Sexing the Citizen, 17–68. 176 Notes

39. Robert Morrell, From Boys to Gentlemen: Settler Masculinity in Colonial Natal, 1880–1920, Pretoria: UNISA, 2001; Morrell, ‘Corporal Punishment and Masculinity in South African Schools’, Men and Masculinities, 4 (2004), 140–157. 40. Thomas Buerman, Katholieke mannelijkheden in België in de negentiende en twintigste eeuw, unpublished PhD dissertation, Ghent University, 2010, 117–224; Mark Depaepe, Herman Lauwers and Frank Simon, ‘The Fem- inization of the Teaching Profession in Belgium in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries’, in Regina Cortina and Sonsoles San Roman (eds.), Women and Teaching: Global Perspectives on the Feminization of a Profes- sion, New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2006, 155–183; Bart Hellinckx, Mark Depaepe and Frank Simon, ‘The Educational Work of Catholic Women Reli- gious in the 19th and 20th Centuries. A Historiographical Survey’, Revue d’Histoire Ecclésiastique, 104, 2 (2009), 529–549. 41. Nira Yuval-Davis, Gender and Nation, London: Sage, 1997; Joanne Nagel, ‘Masculinity and Nationalism: Gender and Sexuality in the Making of Nations’, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 21 (1998), 242–269; Tamar Mayer, ‘Gender Ironies of Nationalism. Setting the Stage’, in Tamar Mayer (ed.), Gender Ironies of Nationalism. Sexing the Nation, London & New York: Routledge, 2000. 42. On the concept of the soundscape, see Murray Schafer, The Tuning of the World, New York: Random House Inc, 1977. 43. Alain Corbin, Les cloches de la terre. Paysage sonore et culture sensible dans les campagnes au XIXième siècle, Paris: Albin Michel, 1994; John M. Picker, Victorian Soundscapes, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003. 44. On the ‘period ear’, see Gina Bloom, Voice in Motion. Staging Gender, Shap- ing Sound in Early Modern England, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007, 111–159. 45. Patrick Barbier, The World of the Castrati: The History of an Extraordinary Operatic Phenomenon, London: Souvenir Press, 1998. 46. Naomi André, Voicing Gender. Castrati, Travesti and the Second Woman in Early- Nineteenth-Century Italian Opera, Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 2006, 21; see also John Potter, Tenor: History of a Voice,New Haven: Yale University Press, 2010. 47. André, Voicing Gender, 103. 48. Ian Biddle, ‘Caught in the Silken Throat: Modernist Investments in the Male Vocal Fetish’, in Ian Biddle and Kirsten Gibson (eds.), Masculinity and Western Musical Practice, Surrey and Burlington: Ashgate, 2009, 259–278, 273. 49. Ibid., 260. 50. On the myriad dichotomies in which musical theory and gender intersect, see Ian Biddle and Kirsten Gibson, ‘Introduction’, in Ian Biddle and Kirsten Gibson (eds.), Masculinity and Western Musical Practice, 15–19. 51. Male choirs were especially popular in Germany, but the German example was eagerly copied in Belgium (see Jeroen Jannsens, De Belgische natie viert: de Belgische nationale feesten, 1830–1914, Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2001, 16). On the close relation between nationalism and the rise of the male choir in Germany, see Marcia J. Citron, ‘Gendered Reception of Brahms: Masculinity, Nationalism and Musical Politics’, in Ian Biddle and Kirsten Gibson (eds.), Masculinity and Western Musical Practice, 141–160, 147 and Ryan Minor, National Memory, Public Music: Commemoration and Consecration Notes 177

in Nineteenth-Century German Choral Music, unpublished PhD dissertation, University of Chicago, 2005. 52. A.E. Hubert, La Bruxelloise, suivie de l’ami du peuple et du soldat de la liberté. Chants Patriotiques, Paris: au bureau des souscriptions pour les Belges, 1830. 53. Ernest Closson, ‘Pourquoi la Brabançonne n’est pas devenue un chant populaire’, Revue Belge, 15, IX (1928), 533–542. 54. Ibid., 536. 55. The cultivation of the singing masses was part of an attempt to ‘civilise’ the lower classes, but also reﬂected romantic composers’ preference for large choral settings (and for amateur choruses rather than professional ensem- bles). See John Butt, ‘Choral Culture and the Regeneration of the Organ’, in Jim Samson (ed.) The Cambridge History of 19th Century Music, vol. 1, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002, 522–543. 56. In 1996, Michael Kimmel stated in his introduction to American Manhood that ‘masculinity is largely a homosocial enactment’, and many historians of masculinity seem to agree. The historiography on masculinity (especially in the 1990s) abounds with studies on Männerbünde. Taking my cue from Kimmel’s suggestion, I aim to draw attention to the enactment of masculinity in a homosocial space, rather than to homosociability as such, and pair the ‘enactment’ of masculinity to Judith Butler’s notion of the performa- tive nature of gender. Michael S. Kimmel, Manhood in America: A Cultural History, New York: The Free Press, 1996, 7. Judith Butler, Gender Trouble. Fem- inism and the Subversion of Identity, New York: Routledge, 1990 and Bodies that Matter: On the Discursive Limits of Sex, New York: Routledge, 1993. For a short introduction to Butler’s idea of performativity, see Undoing Gender, New York: Routledge, 2004, 204–231. 57. Roynette, Bons pour le service, 189–197; Frevert, Die kasernierte Nation, 106. 58. Or, to quote John Horne, ‘the levée en masse was important as a political myth because it sought to turn the coercive institution of conscription into the internalised duty of the citizen to serve the nation as a soldier’, in his introduction to Stefan Dudink, Karen Hagemann and John Tosh (eds.), Masculinities in Politics and War. Gendering Modern History, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004, 31. 59. Luc De Vos, Het effectief van de Belgische krijgsmacht en de militiewetgeving, 1830–1914, Brussel: Koninklijk Legermuseum, 1985.

1 Men in Space: The Construction of All-Male Spaces

1. On Gustaf Wappers and his involvement in Belgian and local politics, see J.F. Buyck, Gustaf Wappers en zijn school, Antwerp: Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten, 1976. 2. Especially the novel De leeuw van Vlaanderen, published in 1838 and dealing with the ‘Battle of the Golden Spurs’ of 1302 became a well-known source of (Flemish)-national consciousness. For a re-reading of the novel and its impact on the national and historical consciousness, see the contributions of J. Mertens and Rolf Falter in Edward Vanhoutte (ed.), De ene leeuw is de andere niet. Zeven maal De Leeuw van Vlaanderen herlezen, Antwerp: AMVC Letterenhuis, 2002. The reputation as the man who taught his people how 178 Notes

to read was launched at the centenary of Conscience’s birth, in 1912. Emiel Willekens, Hij leerde zijn volk lezen. Profiel van Hendrik Conscience, 1812–1883, Antwerp: ESCO, 1982, 101. 3. Hendrik Conscience, De omwenteling van 1830: herinneringen uit myne eerste jeugd, Antwerp: Van Dieren, 1858. 4. Arianne Baggerman, ‘Autobiography and Family Memory in the Nine- teenth Century’, in Rudolf Dekker (ed.), Egodocuments and History. Auto- biographical Writing in its Social Context since the Middle Ages,Hilversum: Verloren, 2002, 161–174. 5. In his narrative, the ‘discourses of gender and the nation’ can indeed be read as ‘symbiotic’: Conscience’s regular referrals to the process of being made into a man coincide with his own rhetorical effort of making his country into a nation, thus effectively showing that gender and the nation could be mutually constitutive on a personal level as well. See Mrinalini Sinha, ‘Gender and Nation’, in Sue Morgen (ed.), The Feminist History Reader, London & New York: Routledge, 2006, 321–338, 324. 6. The discourse of gaining independence has been imbued with metaphors of kinship, patriarchy and gender for other nations as well, most notably perhaps for the USA, whose Declaration of Independence, as Mathew McCormack notes, refers to a highly gendered understanding of independence that is simultaneously political and personal. Mathew McCormack, The Independent Man: Citizenship and Gender Politics in Georgian England, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005, 92–100. 7. Conscience, De omwenteling van 1830. 8. The celebration of comradeship and homo-sociability in the modern army has been documented extensively, e.g. by Thomas Kühne, Ute Frevert, Christof Dejung for German-speaking countries. Robert Nye, in a review article on the history of masculinity in the West, points to the importance of homo-social groups (military or otherwise) for the construction of masculinity in a more international context. Robert Nye, ‘Western Masculinities in War and Peace’, The American Historical Review, 112, 2 (2007), 417–438. Odile Roynette offers a different appreciation of the homo-social world of the barracks in France, insisting on the continu- ous presence of women and their role in the construction of a soldierly ‘group’ with specific, masculine, values. Roynette, Odile, «Bons pour le service». L’expérience de la caserne en France à la fin du XIXe siècle, Paris: Belin, 2000, 369–399. 9. Bethken appears not only as young Henry’s first romantic interest (and hence as an indication of his increasing maturity), but also as a female audience, observing and admiring his soldierly behaviour and thus acknowl- edging the masculine identity he is assuming. As Ute Frevert has noted, the transformation brought about by young men’s life in the barracks was also construed as the end of their life as a bachelor: military service supposedly made young men more attractive to women, as well as making them mature. In order to guarantee this transformation, however, army life could not be completely free of women: ‘Die Männlichkeit des Soldaten bedurfte, das stand ausser Frage, der Bestätigung durch Frauen. Sie wurde in einem reinen Männerraum geformt, musste aber ausserhalb dieses Raums bewiesen und verteidigt werden.’ Ute Frevert, Die kasernierte Nation: Notes 179

Militärdienst und Zivilgesellschaft in Deutschland, Münche: C.H. Beck, 2001, 232–237. 10. Margaret Kohn, Radical Space. Building the House of the People, New York: Cornell University Press, 2003, 13–26; Thomas A. Markus, Buildings and Power: The Origin of Modern Building Types, London & New York: Routledge, 1993. 11. On the permeability of buildings and the power-relations it can engender and convey, see Thomas Widlok, ‘Mapping Spatial and Social Permeability’, Current Anthropology, 40, 3 (1999), 392–400. 12. Both nation and masculinity have been argued to be ‘performances’, con- tinually repeated and therefore historically changing activities rather than stable givens. Members of the nation sustain the life of the nation not only through nationalist ideology, but also through regular, even repet- itive, exercises of solidarity. Tamar Mayer, ‘Gender Ironies of Nationalism. Setting the Stage’, in Tamar Mayer (ed.), Gender Ironies of Nationalism. Sexing the Nation, London & New York: Routledge, 2000, 3. 13. As, among others, Peter Jackson has pointed out, ‘patterns of masculinity are highly place-speciﬁc’, Peter Jackson, ‘The Cultural Politics of Masculin- ity: Towards a Social Geography’, Transactions of the Institutes of British Geographers, 16, 2 (1991), 199–213, 207. 14. William Whyte, ‘How Do Buildings Mean? Some Issues of Interpretation in the History of Architecture’, History and Theory, 45 (2006), 153–177, 170. 15. Kunst en architectuur bij de Belgische kamer van volksvertegenwoordigers, Antwerp: Snoeck-Ducaju, 2007, 110–111. 16. On the different functions of the building during the French period (1794– 1815), see Willy Van den Steene, Het paleis der natie, Brussel: Belgische Senaat, 1982, 91–131. 17. Kunst en architectuur, 12–15 and Van den Steene, Het paleis der natie, 132–183. 18. The genre of the pantheon was popular in nineteenth-century Belgium. Throughout the century, and most notably between 1840 and 1875, the historical pantheon became ‘almost omnipresent’ in the new nation. On the selection of ‘great men’, and the composition of pantheons, see Jo Tollebeek and Tom Verschaffel, ‘Group Portraits with National Heroes: The Pantheon as an Historical Genre in Nineteenth-Century Belgium’, National Identities, 6, 2 (2004), 91–106. 19. Van den Steene, Het paleis der natie, 187. 20. Ibid., 188. The renovation and re-conception of the Palace of the Nation coincided with the rise of the press as a ‘fourth estate’ throughout Europe. Nevertheless, the Belgian parliament seems to have been at the forefront in ensuring transparency of its proceedings, as its debates were tran- scribed and published from 1831 onward. Marnix Beyen, ‘De Parlementaire Handelingen en andere bronnen voor de studie van de taal van de negentiende-eeuwse politicus’, in Wim Van den Bussche (ed.), Terug naar de bron(nen): taal en taalgebruik in de 19de eeuw in Vlaanderen, Ghent: Koninklijke Academie voor Taal en Letterkunde, 2004, 11–18. On the similarly growing importance of the strangers’ gallery in the UK House of Commons, see Andrew Sparrow, Obscure Scribblers, A History of Parliamentary Reporting, London: Politico’s Publishing, 2003, 39–53. 180 Notes

21. Van den Steene, Het paleis der natie, 190. 22. Ibid., 193–214. 23. For a detailed architectural history of the building and its renovations, see Raf Meert, Bouw van de Raad en Kanselarij van Brabant. Van plan tot oplevering, Leuven, unpublished MA thesis, 2003. 24. On the ambiguous meaning of the term ‘representation’ in a political context in general, and in Belgian politics in particular, see Henk de Smaele and Jo Tollebeek, ‘Politieke representatie. De geschiedenis van een begrip’, in Henk de Smaele and Jo Tollebeek (eds.), Politieke representatie,Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2002, 9–34. 25. R. Hellebuick, ‘Beschrijving van het schoolreisje naar Brussel’, (S.A.: M 223/19–22). 26. Felix Augusteyns, ‘schoolreisje naar Brussel op maandag 9 juli 1877’, (S.A.: M 223/19–22). 27. According to Tollebeek and Verschaffel, the pantheon could serve as a reminder of the nation’s debt to its heroes. Depicting a ‘family album’ of forefathers, ‘the pantheons reminded people [ ...] that the legacy of the nation’s benefactors also imposed a heavy duty: their example had to be followed’, Tollebeek and Verschaffel, ‘Group Portraits with National Heroes’, 95. Moreover, as Ian Biddle and Kirsten Gibson have pointed out, pantheons ‘explicitly demonstrate that nations collect their male heroes under the rubric of originality, creativity and virility’, Ian Biddle and Kirsten Gibson, ‘Introduction’, in Ian Biddle and Kirsten Gibson (eds.), Masculinity and Western Musical Practice, Surrey: Ashgate, 2009, 2. 28. P.P.S. 17 March 1846. 29. A speciﬁc deﬁnition was given to ‘dignity’ within parliament, as rules of behaviour were expressed through their compatibility with ‘parliamentary dignity’. Marnix Beyen and Rik Röttger, ‘Op zoek naar waardigheid. Zelfbeelden en gedragscodes van Belgische Kamerleden’, in Emmanuel Gerard et al. (ed.), Geschiedenis van de Belgische Kamer van Volksvertegenwoordigers, Brussels: Kamer van Volksvertegenwoordigers, 2003, 336–383. 30. P.P.S. 8 May 1846. 31. P.P.R. 18 June 1873. 32. Ibid. 33. Ibid. 34. As Matthew McCormack has shown, independence and autonomy played an important role in the representation of (political) masculinity, especially in the context of parliamentary politics. Although Belgium’s parliamentary traditions differ from the Georgian ones McCormack describes, the association between political independence (on a national as well as an individual level) and individual autonomy (in the home and the public world) is present in speeches in the Belgian House of Representatives as well. Matthew McCormack, The Independent Man: Citizenship and Gen- der Politics in Georgian England, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005. Du Mortier’s discourse, moreover, also dovetailed with a more general fear of dirt and infection, a ‘fantasma of cleanliness’ that, according to Philip Sarasin, functions as a ‘basic code of political language’. Philip Sarasin, ‘Anthrax’. Bioterror als Phantasma, Frankfurt a.M.: Suhrkamp, 2004, 150–158. Notes 181

35. Du Mortier’s speech made use of what Marnix Beyen has called a topos of ‘ﬁdelity to Belgian liberties’ in parliamentarians’ interpretation of the concept of representation. The ‘constitutional work of the National Congress’, Beyen observes, was interpreted as a recreation of an already existing, historical nation, and thus political representation was understood in its most literal sense, as ‘making’ the nation that had existed in the past ‘present’ again. This deﬁnition of political representation also offered, according to Beyen, a way out of the ‘mandate-independence controversy’, as politicians’ mandate was seen as one bestowed upon them by generations past and therefore, on the one hand, a sacred one but, on the other, open to wide interpretations. Du Mortier’s simultaneous insistence on independence and the need to respect national traditions seems indeed to appeal to a mandate from the past. See Marnix Beyen, ‘1830 in de Belgische parlementaire geschiedenis. Het vertegenwoordigde verleden’, in Henk de Smaele and Jo Tollebeek (eds.), Politieke representatie, Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2002, 187–206, 187–189. On the ‘mandate-independence controversy’, see Hanna Fenichel Pitkin, The Concept of Representation, Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1967, 144–167. 36. P.P.R. 17 June 1873. 37. Ibid., 18 June 1873. 38. Interestingly, the Palace of the Nation is now no longer a lieu de mémoire. It is notably absent from Jo Tollebeek et al. (eds.), België, een parcours van herinnering, Amsterdam: Bert Bakker, 2008. 39. Linda Van Santvoort, ‘Als een feniks uit haar as verrezen: Henri Beyaert en de herinrichting van de vergaderzaal van de kamer van volksvertegenwoordigers na 1883’, in Kunst en architectuur bij de Belgische kamer van volksvertegenwoordigers, Antwerp: Snoeck-Ducaju, 2007, 69–98, 76. The statue was copied in multiple versions, not only as sculpture, but also on tin cans and other trinkets. 40. Van Santvoort, ‘Als een feniks’, 75–76. 41. Ibid., 76–81. 42. Projet de règlement pour la chambre des représentants, 1831, chapter XII. 43. P.P.R. 18 July 1895. 44. Although political practice was mainly represented as acting toward the ‘common good’, and party politics would only gain legitimacy by the end of the nineteenth century, parliamentary politics was imagined as a matter of ‘representation’, in which representatives spoke for (the middle-class men of) the whole nation. Henk de Smaele, ‘Politiek als hanengevecht of cerebraal systeem. Ideeën over politieke representatie en de invoering van de evenredige vertegenwoordiging in België (1899)’, BMGN-Low Countries Historical Review, 114, 3 (1999), 328–357. 45. The three categories were consistently interwoven, as gender, nation and the state were necessarily simultaneously constructed. Kristin L. Hoganson, Fighting for American Manhood. How Gender Politics Provoked the Spanish- American and Philippine-American Wars, New Haven & London: Yale Uni- versity Press, 1998, 71. See also Anna Clark, ‘The Rhetoric of Masculine Citizenship. Concepts and Representations in Modern Western Politi- cal Culture’, in Stefan Dudink, Karen Hagemann and Anna Clark (eds.), Representing Masculinity. Male Citizenship in Modern Western Culture, London: Palgrave MacMillan, 2007, 3–24, 5. 182 Notes

46. P.P.R. 12 August 1880, session extraordinaire. 47. Judith Surkis has drawn attention to a similar development in France, where the turn toward the imagination of the citizen as a heterosex- ual, married man coincided with universal male suffrage: ‘autonomy now appeared to be not an attribute of some wealthy or talented men, but as a trait of masculinity itself’. In the French Third Republic, independence was thus firmly lodged in the sexualized man, rather than the patriarchal privi- leged. In Belgium a shift in the interpretation of concepts of autonomy and independence seems to have occurred at roughly the same time. Judith Surkis, Sexing the Citizen. Morality and Masculinity in France, 1870–1920, Ithaca & London: Cornell University Press, 2006, 2. 48. P.P.R. 1 August 1895. 49. The reverse logic, however, gained importance: men’s domestic authority was attached to their identity as citizens, who represented the state and its authority in their families. Anna Clark likewise observes that the nineteenth-century concept of citizenship was ‘a privilege to be earned’ and that the citizen became ‘independent, self-controlled, courageous, enterprising and thrifty’. A tight relationship between fatherhood and citizenship thus remained important throughout the nineteenth century. Clark, ‘The Rhetoric of Masculine Citizenship’, 12–13. See also Ben Griffin, The Politics of Gender in Victorian Britain. Masculinity, Political Culture, and the Struggle for Women’s Rights, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012, 164–200. 50. P.P.R. 3 August 1895. 51. For an introduction to the main issues of the first Belgian school struggle, see e.g. Nathalie Schiffino, Crises politiques et démocratiques en Belgique,Paris: Harmattan, 2003, 43–88; or Els Witte, ‘The Battle for Monasteries, Ceme- teries and Schools: Belgium’, in Christopher Clark and Wolfgang Kaiser (eds.), Culture Wars: Secular-Catholic Conflict in Nineteenth-Century Europe, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009, 102–128. 52. The Dutch term, schoolstrijd, refers to ‘combat’; the French term guerre sco- laire even suggests a ‘war’. I will use the term ‘school struggle’ throughout the text. 53. The Antwerp City Archives contain a collection of letters of protest concerning the new law on primary education, signed by concerned ‘family fathers’ and addressed to the municipality of Antwerp, (S.A.: MA 236/16). 54. Maurits De Vroede, Aspecten van het volksonderwijs in België in de negentiende eeuw, Dossiers Geschiedenis, 5–6, Leuven, 1972, 11. For similar views on citizenship and primary education in the Netherlands (scene of a similar school struggle): Angelique Jannsens, Rudolf Dekkers and Nelleke Bakker (eds.), Tot Burgerschap en deugd. Volksopvoeding in de negentiende eeuw, Amsterdam: Verloren, 2006, 11–34. 55. The school struggle – between catholic and (secular) liberal politicians, schools and educational philosophies – was represented as a battle for children’s ‘soul’ (de schone ziel van ‘t kind). For an overview of the conflict and its character, see Jeffrey Tyssens, Om de schone ziel van ‘t kind ...Het onderwijsconflict als breuklijn in de Belgische politiek, Ghent: Provinciebestuur Oost-Vlaanderen & Liberaal Archief, 1998. Notes 183

56. See also Surkis, Sexing the Citizen, 17 on the goals of public education in France at the end of the nineteenth century: ‘The formation of proper men and citizens was integral to their educational project.’ 57. 1818–1894. Het Stedelijk onderwijs in Antwerpen, vijf en zeventigjarig jubelfeest. Historisch overzicht, Antwerpen: Drukkerij Jos. Roeder & co., 1894, (S.A.: MA 234/9). Jan Van Rijswijck, a wildly popular Antwerp politician, had been alderman for education before he became the city’s mayor. Through- out his career, he was known as a gifted public speaker. 58. In the 1870s, Catholic as well as Liberal groupings made it a point to raise money for their own network of schools. Both founded an organisation called De schoolpenning (Literally: ‘school penny’) to gather funds for the construction and upkeep of schools, and both a Catholic and a Liberal schoolpenning were active in Antwerp. Whereas the Catholic version counted on the lower middle class to take part in what seemed like a national offertory, the Liberal schoolpenning was largely dependent on the Masonic lodge. On the Catholic schoolpenning, see Walter Nauwelaerts, Inventaris van het archief van de Schoolpenning voor Katholiek Vlaamsch Onderwijs te Antwerpen, 2de-12de wijk 1890–1963, Leuven: KADOC, 1981. On the Liberal society, see Pol Defosse (ed.), Dictionnaire historique de la laïcité en Belgique, Brussels: Fondation Rationaliste, 2005, 114. 59. Schoolpenning. Verslag voorgedragen in naam van den bestuurraad door den heer A. Van Camp in de algemene vergadering van 15 juli 1875, Antwerpen: Mees, 1875, (S.A.: MA 234/9C). 60. The nineteenth-century anti-clerical discourse in Belgium was character- ized by a consistent use of the image of effeminacy, especially for priests (but also for, for example, Jesuit teachers). Jan Art and Thomas Buerman, ‘Is de katholieke man wel een echte vent? Suggesties voor onderzoek naar mannelijkheid, katholicisme en antiklerikalisme’, Historica, 30, 2 (2007), 27–29 and Art and Buerman, ‘Anti-cléricalisme et genre au XIXe siècle. Le prêtre catholique, principal déﬁ à l’image hégémonique de l’homme’, Sextant. Revue du groupe interdisciplinaire d’études sur les femmes et le genre,27 (2009), 323–337. 61. Letter by Jacques Beunis to the alderman of education, 15 October 1882, (S.A.: MA 223/4). 62. The goal of state-controlled primary education was, indeed, ‘at once eman- cipatory and regulatory’, geared toward the creation of men who acted independently, yet in compliance with society’s norms. The prime task of the school was to create citizens who would aspire to the model of bourgeois sociability, without acquiring too much social mobility. Surkis, Sexing the Citizen, 17–22. ‘Verslag van inhuldiging van de twee nieuwe gemeentescholen, 10 juni 1879’, De Koophandel, 13 June 1879. 63. On the ‘school as masculinity-making device’, see also R.W. Connell, The Men and the Boys, Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2000, 155–156; Robert Morrell, From Boys to Gentlemen: Settler Masculinity in Colonial Natal, 1880–1920, Pretoria: UNISA, 2001 and Mairtin Mac an Ghaill, The Making of Men: Masculinities, Sexualities and Schooling, Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1994. 64. The archive of the Antwerp schools contains a number of letters from parents complaining that their child has to walk too far to reach the school, 184 Notes

some of which show explicit concern over the dangers of the road, (S.A.: MA 223/2). 65. ‘Father’s chair’ played a role in a number of stories and poems, e.g. ‘In vaders grote zetel’, in Weyler, Hetopzeggenenzingenindelagereenmid- delbare scholen, Antwerpen: De Vreese, 1905, 23. On men’s place in the nineteenth century home, and their mobility, see John Tosh, A Man’s Place. Masculinity and the Middle-Class Home in Victorian England, New Haven & London: Yale University Press, 1998. 66. Inge Bertels, Building the City. Antwerp 1819–1890, Leuven, unpublished PhD dissertation, 2008. 67. Markus, Buildings and Power, 69–92. 68. Marc Depaepe, Maurits De Vroede and Frank Simon (eds.), Geen trede meer om op te staan. De maatschappelijke positie van onderwijzers en onderwijzeressen tijdens de voorbije eeuw, Kapellen: Pelckmans, 1993. 69. Ministère de l’intérieur, Instructions ministérielles concernant la Construction des maisons d’écoles primaire communales suivies d’une instruction spéciale sur le chauffage et la ventilation des salles d’école et d’une série de plans modèles. Avec devis et texte explicatif des planches, Bruxelles: imprimerie et lithographie de J. Heger, 185, 7 (P.A.A., Schoolgebouwen: algemeen, II, Dossier 12). 70. Several lists enumerating all necessary items for a classroom were drawn up to pass to the communalities, the provincial architects and the building contractors who were hired to construct the schools. (P.A.A. Schoolgebouwen: algemeen, III & IV). 71. On the Antwerp municipal and provincial architects and their inﬂuence on the city’s layout, see Dirk Laureys, Bouwen in beeld. De collectie van het architectuurarchief van de provincie Antwerpen, Antwerp: Brepols Publishers, 2004, 26–32. 72. Letter by Céléstine Kramp to the municipal government of Antwerp, 18 April 1839, (S.A.: MA 223/1). 73. Letter from the alderman for education, 10 July 1867, (S.A.: MA 223/1). 74. Letters between Mr Rotsaert and the city government, 17 June and 1 July 1873, (S.A.: MA 223/2). 75. Letter of the local to the provincial inspector, 20 January 1866. (P.A.A. Schoolgebouwen: Antwerpen, Sint Elisabeth straat, Dossier 4). According to the law organising primary education (voted in 1842, in a ‘liberal’ climate), the amelioration of school buildings and the uniformity of education was to be carried out – and to be controlled by a centralized system of inspectors at local, provincial and national levels. Karl Catteeuw, Als de muren konden spreken. Schoolwandplaten en de geschiedenis van het Belgisch lager onderwijs, Leuven, unpublished dissertation, 2005, 83–90. 76. Letter from the Antwerp branch of the teachers’ association to the city aldermen, 1 March 1877, (S.A.: MA223/17). 77. Gender separation was deemed important once the children reached a certain age (one letter to the city’s engineer hinted at the necessity of gender separation because some boys were eight years old). Before that age, boys could be raised by their mothers and female teachers. Once they started ‘education’, however, a homo-social space headed by a male teacher was required. On the difference in gendered expectations towards little versus older boys in the ﬁrst half of the nineteenth century, and the move towards Notes 185

a complete separation between boys and girls from a very young age at the end of the century, see Julia Grant, ‘A “real boy” and Not a Sissy: Gen- der, Childhood and Masculinity, 1890–1940’, Journal of Social History, 37, 4 (2004), 829–851. 78. Letter by C. Caers Dirkcks (headmistress) to the school inspector, 29 December 1882, (S.A.: MA 223/4). 79. Letter by Carl Willems to the mayor, 25 December 1882, (S.A.: MA 223/4). 80. The Antwerp City Archives contain multiple letters of complaints, by mothers as well as fathers, over teachers’ physical abuse of their sons. (MA 223/2, Varia). Provincial and ministerial regulations on the maintenance of discipline and punishment likewise suggest that the use of physical violence as a means to teach ‘boys to be tough and uncomplaining’ was not encouraged in Belgian schools, as seems to have been the case in English public school settings, or those modelled after their example, see Robert Morrell, ‘Corporal Punishment and Masculinity in South African Schools’, Men and Masculinities, 4 (2004), 140–157, 142 and Heather Ellis, ‘Corporal Punish- ment in the British Public School in the Nineteenth Century’, in L. Brockliss and H. Montgomery (eds.), Childhood and Violence in the Western Tradition, Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2010, 141–146. 81. Letter to the city government, 25 November 1861, (S.A.: MA 223/1). 82. Letter by Mr Mulder to the city government, 9 November 1873, (S.A.: MA 223/17–18). 83. A number of applications by male and female teachers for a position in the city schools is held at the Antwerp City Archives, (S.A.: MA 223/1). 84. ‘Instructors should use paternal affection as an exemplar and guide. And yet, the instructor, as an auxiliary, also replaced fathers’. Surkis, Sexing the Citizen, 27. 85. Jozef Blockhuys and Karel Weyler, Goed lezen en verstaan. Leesboekjes voor lager en middelbaar onderwijs, Antwerpen: Kockx & co, 1891, 50. 86. Prudens Van Duyse, Gedichtjes voor kinderen, Gent: Busscher Fr., 1849, 38. 87. T. Grein, Zinnelyk en zedelyk aanschouwings-onderwys, leesboek voor lagere scholen. Naer het hoogduitsch, Antwerp: Van dieren, 1853, 35. 88. Ibid., 13. 89. A. Le Roy, L’ami des enfants ou livre de lecture spécialement destiné aux écoles primaires (division supérieure), aux écoles moyennes et aux classes professionnelles des Athenées et des Collèges, Liège: Dessain, 1860, 1. 90. Hieronymus Van Alphen, Kleine gedichten voor kinderen, Liège: Collardin, 1824, 4. 91. Theodore Dirkx, Rekenkunde ten gebruike der leerlingen van de lagere scholen, Lier: Van In, 1889, 36 and 51. 92. Ibid., 27. 93. André Rauch has noted that the street has long served as a place for women’s rebellion, suggesting that the nineteenth-century tendency to ‘imprison them at the hearth’ betrayed men’s fear of a possible popular uprising organised by women. André Rauch, Le premier sexe. Mutations et crise de l’identité masculine, Paris: Hachette, 2000, 36–38. The almost obsessive attention to boys’ movements in the streets points in a similar direction: although boys – as future men – were expected to claim a certain degree of mobility, their status as ‘children’ made their presence in the 186 Notes

public sphere in general and on the street in particular, problematic: the street could, for boys as well, be a space of exaggerated emancipation and corruption. It could also be, as Louise Bienvenue and Christine Hudon have argued, a place to reclaim a masculinity that was more in touch with the boys’ working class background than the regime within the school walls, see Louise Bienvenue and Christine Hudon, ‘ “Pour devenir homme, tu transgresseras ...”: quelques enjeux de la socialisation masculine dans les colleges classiques québécois (1880–1939)’, The Canadian Historical Review, 86, 3 (2005), 485–511, 503. 94. Schooling was one of the ways in which boys were introduced to ‘civil society’. It helped them to recognise ‘the split between the public and the private’ and accommodated a ‘contest between two definitions of masculinity’: instead of fully outlawing ‘warrior masculinity’ (a construction that was upheld in the streets), schools taught boys that ‘if they behave like citizens in the classroom, they can become warriors on the sports oval’, thus referring to a corporeal, sexualized construction of masculinity that supposedly came ‘naturally’ to lower class boys in order to encourage them to fit their bodies and behaviour to the mould of civil society. Ellen Jordan and Angela Cowan, ‘Warrior Narratives in the Kindergarten Classroom: Renegotiating the Social Contract?’ Gender and Society, 9, 6 (1995), 727–743. 95. Letter to Mr De Nave, chef de bureau of education, 27 April 1883, (S.A.: MA 230/1). 96. Letter from Mr Kenis to Mr Mertens, 9 October 1856, (S.A.: MA 223/1). 97. For example ‘De man die voor huismoeder wou spelen’, P. De Mont and F. van Cuyck, Mijn leesboek. Poëzie en proza voor de lagere school, Hasselt: Klock, 1889, 102. 98. In this respect, public schools might well have differed from the more common (and often more prestigious) Catholic schools, as especially in the collèges boys were educated by priests (or ‘men in frocks who had renounced sexuality and paternity’), Bienvenue and Hudon, ‘Pour devenir homme’, 491. 99. Letter from a teacher to the city government, 6 July 1885, (S.A.: MA 222/5). 100. Surkis, Sexing the Citizen, 18. 101. Ibid., 34–41. On the continued importance of the figure of the family father despite the so-called ‘flight from domesticity’ at the end of the nineteenth century, see also Stephanie Olsen, ‘Daddy’s Come Home: Evangelicalism, Fatherhood and Lessons for Boys in Late Nineteenth-Century Britain’, Fathering, 5, 3 (2007), 174–196. Olsen supports her claim that fathers remained central in the family discourse at the end of the nineteenth century by pointing to the returning motive of the ‘surrogate father’, which underscored the necessity of a men in the family to fill ‘the traditional evangelical role of the father’, 189. 102. A Dutch manual based on Pestalozzi’s method, published in 1809 by P.J. Prinsen was used in the Antwerp schools, and an adaption of the Dutch work to the Flemish context was published in 1820. P.J. Prinsen, Leerwijze van H. Pestalozzi: bevattende de drie aanvangspunten van zijn onderwijs,Leiden: du Mortier, 1809. F. Delin and J.F. Van de Gaer, Eerste Oefeningen in de klankenmethode van P.J. Prinsen aen de brabantsche spelwyze toegepast tot gebruyk der schoolen, Antwerp: Schoesetters, 1820. Notes 187

103. Removing the pupil from his original environment and from the malicious influences of the streets was considered the only way to immerse him in the scholarly world and allow him to acquire a ‘second culture’, as was schools’ ambition from the 1870s onwards. See Bienvenue and Hudon, ‘Pour devenir homme’, 488. Whereas, in the case of the boarding schools in Bienvenue’s and Hudon’s history, the ‘rupture’ was made as complete as possible, the Antwerp primary schools did not fully sever the ties between school and home, as boys were supposed to carry the values they acquired in school to their parents at home. 104. A. De Priester, ‘Verband tusschen de opvoeding in huis en school’, De Toekomst, (1870), 489–492. 105. Similarly, soldiers’ stories became ‘the most common metaphorical expression of a man’s life’. Carolyn Steedman, The Radical Soldier’s Tale: John Pearman, 1819–1908, London & New York: Routledge, 1988, 37–39. 106. Journal De Toekomst published a series of articles on the relation between school and army in the 1860s. 107. Swagers and Finet, La vie de tous les jours. Méthode générale de français pratique à l’usage des écoles flamandes basée sur les principes de la méthode Gouin et sur les dernières données de la psychologie expérimentale, Antwerp: De Backer, 1904, 1. 108. Roynette, Bons pour le service, 315–401 and Frevert, Die kasernierte Nation, 103–120. 109. ‘Le banquet du directeur des manœuvres’, Belgique Militaire, (1895), 296–300. 110. On the evolution of the Belgian army’s recruitment methods and the per- centage of young men drafted, see Luc De Vos, Het effectief van de Belgische krijgsmacht en de militiewetgeving, 1890–1914, Brussels: Royal Museum of the Armed Forces and Military History, 1985. 111. Odile Roynette, ‘Discipline, patriotisme, virilité ...Quand la vie de caserne forgeait les hommes’, L’histoire, 259 (2001), 6065, 62. 112. Liesbet Nys, ‘De grote school van de natie. Legerartsen over drankmisbruik en geslachtsziekten in het leger, 1850–1950’, in Jo Tollebeek, Geert Vanpaemel and Kaat Wils (eds.), Degeneratie in België, 1860–1940. Een geschiedenis van ideeën en praktijken, Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2003, 79–118. The image of the army as a place where boys would acquire all sorts of bad habits has a long history (and, to a certain degree, still exists). Historians of martial masculinity tend to present the beginning of the nineteenth century in particular as a time of military mischief, after which a period of regeneration, purification or moralisation follows. See Frevert, Die kasernierte Nation, 44–46, Roynette, Bons pour le service, 28–54, Karen Hagemann, ‘Mannlicher Muth und Teutsche Ehre’. Nation, Militär und Geschlecht zur Zeit der Antinapoleonischen Kriege Preussens, München et al.: Schöningh, 2002, 92–97. As Peter Beattie has shown, distrust of the army could also translate into a repudiation of the barracks as a space that was considered as the antithesis of the home (a place of virtue and honour instead of a ‘school of delinquency’). Peter M. Beattie, ‘The House, the Street and the Barracks: Reform and Honourable Masculine Social Space in Brazil, 1864–1945’, The Hispanic American Historical Review, 76, 3 (1996), 439–473, 446. 188 Notes

113. Letter to Mr De Nave, 4 June 1889, on military noises entering the school (S.A.: MA 223/10); letter to the commander of the regiment at the Place d’Anvers, 23 November 1904, (S.A.: MA 234/14); letter from the Minister of Education to the Antwerp Governor, 15 April 1865, voicing concern over the ‘voisinage de la caserne’, (P.A.A. Schoolgebouwen: Antwerpen, Kapucienerstraat). 114. ‘La caserne’, Belgique Militaire, (1901), 333–551. 115. Roynette, Bons pour le service, 107–163, Bruno Benvindo, Deshommesen guerre. Les soldats belges entre ténacité et désillusion 1914–1918, Brussels: Archives générales du Royaume, 2005, 126–131. 116. The shift from the acquisition of ‘mechanical’ routines to the development of individual rationality and courage can be most clearly observed in changing definitions of military discipline, Stefan Dudink and Karen Hagemann, ‘Masculinity in Politics and War in the Age of Democratic Revolutions’, in Stefan Dudink, Karen Hagemann and John Tosh (eds.), Masculinities in Pol- itics and War. Gendering Modern History, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004, 5. 117. See, e.g., Frevert, Die kasernierte Nation, 248–273, Kathrin Däniker, ‘Die Truppe: ein Weib? Geschlechtsspezifische Zuschreibungen in der Schweizer Armee um die Jahrhundertwende’, in Christine Eifler and Ruth Seifert (eds.), Soziale Konstruktionen – Militär und Geschlechterverhältnis, Münster: Westfälisches Dampfboot, 1999, 110–134. 118. The ideology of comradeship at the beginning of the twentieth century was ideally a matter of ‘familienähnliche Geborgenheit’ based not on men’s potential fatherhood, but on a ‘zärtliche, ja mütterliche Männlichkeit’, Christof Dejung, ‘Sozialpolitischer Ausgleich, militärische Kameradschaft und Geschlechterordnung in der Schweiz der 1930er und 1940er Jahre’, Paper read at Geschlechterkonkurrenzen: Männer – Männer, Männer – Frauen, Frauen – Frauen, Akademie der Diözese Rottenburg-Stuttgart, 2–4 February 2006. See also Thomas Kühne, Kameradschaft. Die Soldaten des nationalsozialistischen Krieges und das 20. Jahrhundert, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2006. On the disappearance of women from the barracks, see Gil Mihaely, ‘L’effacement de la cantinière ou la virilisation de l’armée française au XIXe siècle’, Revue d’histoire du XIXe siècle, 30 (2005), http://rh19.revues .org/1008 ; DOI : 10.4000/rh19.1008. 119. For an overview of interpretations of the changes in the nature of the inter- sections between constructions of masculinity and the military in the nineteenth and twentieth century, see Robert A. Nye, ‘Western Masculinities in War and Peace: Review Essay’, The American Historical Review, 112, 2 (2007), 417–438. 120. See Bruno Benvindo’s analysis of family metaphors in the figura- tion of friendship in the trenches, Benvindo, Deshommesenguerre, 141–144. 121. ‘Correspondance particulière de l’Echo du Parlement’, Belgique Militaire (1872), 96. 122. ‘Camp de Beverloo: période de manœuvres de 1873 – notes d’un observa- teur’, Belgique Militaire, (1873), 82. 123. [Response to ‘Echo du Parlement’], Belgique Militaire, (1875), 104. 124. ‘La caserne’, Belgique Militaire, (1888), 476. Notes 189

125. ‘Au camp’, Belgique Militaire, (1881), 18; ‘Camp de Beverloo: période des manœuvres de 1877’, Belgique Militaire, (1877), 298; ‘sur la plaine d’Etterbeek’, Belgique Militaire, (1890), 381. 126. ‘Un écho des marches-manœuvres’, Belgique Militaire, (1901), 928. 127. Karen Hagemann notices, in a similar vein, that one’s ‘patriotic virtue’ became dependent of one’s qualities as a family father. As the ideals of fatherhood changed throughout the nineteenth century, Hagemann argues, patriotism and citizenship became more and more tied to a sen- timental, bourgeois family model while, simultaneously, the nation and the nation’s men were militarized as well. See Karen Hagemann, ‘The First Citizen of the State: Paternal Masculinity, Patriotism and Citizenship in Early-Nineteenth Century Prussia’, in Stefan Dudink, Karen Hagemann and Anna Clark (eds.), Representing Masculinity. Male Citizenschip in Mod- ern Western Culture, London: Palgrave McMillan, 2007, 67–88, 83; Karen Hagemann, ‘Celebrating War and Nation: Gender, Patriotism and Festi- val Culture during and after the Prussian Wars of Liberation’, in Karen Hagemann, Gisela Mettele and Jane Rendall (eds.), Gender, War and Politics. Transatlantic Perspectives, 1775–1830, London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010, 284–306. 128. ‘De la discipline’, Belgique Militaire, (1905), 341. 129. ‘Correspondance particulière de l’Echo du Parlement’, Belgique Militaire, (1872), 93. 130. ‘Rapport sur le projet d’un camp d’infanterie communiqué par dépêche ministérielle du 10 Avril 1846, quatrième division’, (R.M.A. Fonds Versterkingen, Beverloo, 73/5). 131. ‘Rapport sur le projet d’un camp d’infanterie communiqué par dépêche ministérielle du 10 Avril 1846, quatrième division’, (R.M.A. Fonds Versterkingen, Beverloo, 73/5). 132. ‘Camp d’infanterie’, letter from the Minister of War to the director of the camp, 28 July 1844, (R.M.A. Fonds Versterkingen, Beverloo, 73/5). 133. ‘Note descriptive des travaux à exécuter pour la construction des nouveaux logements de deux bataillons d’infanterie’, (R.M.A. Fonds Versterkingen, Beverloo, 73/5). 134. James C. Scott, Seeing Like a State. How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed, New Haven & London: Yale University Press, 1998, 4. 135. Letter from the Minister of War to the director of the camp, 10 July 1856, (R.M.A. Fonds Versterkingen, Beverloo, 73/5). The same numbers would also be used on a general map of the camp. 136. ‘Construction d’une prison cellulaire à l’usage de la troupe au camp de Beverloo, 1856’, (R.M.A. Fonds Versterkingen, Beverloo, 73/5). 137. ‘Achèvement de l’hôpital, 1861’, (R.M.A. Fonds Versterkingen, Beverloo, 73/5). 138. Le camp de Beverloo, guide avec plan, Brussels: Falk, 1907, 47. 139. Ibid., 57. 140. Règlement provisoire sur l’entretien du casernement par les corps occupants, (R.M.A., Ae-VI-1555). 141. Jo Verdeyen, Hygiëne in het Belgisch leger (1848–1914), Leuven, unpublished MA thesis, 2010. 190 Notes

142. Armand Meynne, De la construction des casernes au point de vue de l’hygiène, Brussels: J.B. Tircher, 1847. A second, revised edition was published in 1856. Meynne was also the director of the Archives Belges de médicine militaire. 143. Meynne, De la construction des casernes,5–6. 144. Ibid., 35. 145. Ibid., 3, 8, 35 and 40. 146. Félix Putzeys, La construction des casernes, Liège: Marcel Nierstrasz, 1892, 1. 147. Ibid., 104–105. 148. Ibid., 67. 149. Ibid., 68. 150. Ibid., 104–105. 151. Ibid., 66. 152. Letter from head of combat engineering to the minister of war, 28 January 1874, ‘Bâtiments militaires’, (R.M.A. Fonds Versterkingen, Beverloo, 73/5). 153. The chronology that suggests itself through the camp’s archives dovetails with the more general discourse on alcoholism and venereal diseases in the army in the nineteenth century: as Liesbet Nys has shown, the rising fear of degeneracy in the second half of the century led to the speciﬁc targeting of soldiers’ sexual and alcoholic (mis)behaviour as it interfered with the barracks’ intended role as a ‘school of nation’. Nys, ‘De grote school van de natie’, 79–118. 154. ‘Les recrues de 1865 au camp de Beverloo’, Archives de medicine militaire, (1866), 237. 155. ‘La caserne’, Belgique Militaire, (1888), 476. 156. On the army as a ‘melting pot’ of Flemish and Walloon young men, see Luc Devos, ‘De smeltkroes. De Belgische krijgsmacht als natievormende factor, 1830–1885’, Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Nieuwste Geschiedenis, 15 (1984), 421–460 and Richard Boijen, ‘Het leger als smeltkroes van de natie?’ Cahiers d’histoire du temps présent, 3 (1997), 35–70. 157. ‘La caserne’, Belgique Militaire, (1901), 335. 158. As André Rauch has suggested, it was often ‘removed from the maternal hearth’ that youngsters were expected to learn to carry out ‘masculine roles’. Initiations into manhood, according to Rauch brought about by the experience of ‘separation’, were ‘not only symbolical, they really introduced boys in the society’. André Rauch, Le premier sexe, 13. 159. As for other visitors, most of the camp was simply not accessible to the king, who could not experience the camp by walking its lanes (or experience it from what Thomas Widlok would call a ‘carrier’s’ perspective). Thomas Widlok, ‘Mapping Spatial and Social Permeability’, Current Anthropology, 40, 3 (1999), 392–400. 160. Due to a general lack of source material on the Belgian army in the ﬁrst half of the nineteenth century, it is impossible to compare the representation of women in early and late-nineteenth century sources in Belgium. Gil Mihaely and Odile Roynette’s work on the French army suggests a gradual disappearance of women from the barracks throughout the nineteenth century. Mihaely, ‘L’éffacement de la cantinière’ and Roynette, ‘Discipline, patriottisme, virilité ...Quand la vie de caserne forgeait les hommes’, L’histoire, 259 (2001), 60–65. See also Rauch, Le premier sexe, 59. 161. Meynne, De la construction des casernes, 58. Notes 191

162. ‘Camp de Beverloo: période de manœuvres de 1873 – notes d’un observa- teur’, Belgique Militaire, (1873), 79. 163. ‘La caserne’, Belgique Militaire, (1901), 396. 164. On the instrumentality of the public sphere for nineteenth-century constructions of masculinity and the interplay of public space and public sphere in the creation of (liberal) citizens, see Madeleine Hurd, ‘Class, Masculinity, Manners and Mores. Public Space and Public Sphere in Nineteenth-Century Europe’, Social Science History, 24, 1 (2000), 75–110. 165. Carol Pateman, ‘The Fraternal-Social Contract’, in John Keane (ed.), Civil Society and the State. New European Perspectives, London: Verso, 1998, 101–128 and John Remy, ‘Patriarchy and Fratriarchy as Forms of Androcracy’, in Jeff Hearn and David Morgan (eds.), Men, Masculinities and Social Theory, London e.a.: Unwin Hyman, 1990, 43–54. 166. ‘Manœuvres de cavalerie’, Belgique Militaire, (1891), 259. 167. ‘A propos des grandes manœuvres et de la réserve nationale’, Belgique Militaire, (1882), 823.

2 Movements in Space: Choreographies of Masculinity

1. ‘Les manœuvres de 1883’, Belgique Militaire, (1883), 418. In Dutch as in French, the terms klein and petit canmean‘young’aswellas‘short’. 2. On the recruitment-process and its nineteenth-century history in Belgium, see Luc De Vos, Het effectief van de Belgische krijgsmacht en de militiewetgeving, 1830–1914, Brussels: Koninklijk Legermuseum, 1985 and Luc De Vos, De legerdienst in België, 1830–1848. De gedecentraliseerde loting-vervanging en het leven van de soldaat, Leuven, unpublished MA thesis, 1980. 3. ‘Camp de Beverloo: période des manœuvres de 1875’, Belgique Militaire, (1875), 776. 4. ‘Notre opinion sur les grandes manœuvres exécutées cette année dans le Condroz’, Belgique Militaire, (1882), 321. 5. ‘Notre opinion’, Belgique Militaire, (1882), 321–359. 6. Eugène Tardieu, Les grandes manœuvres de 1883, Brussels : Ofﬁce de public- ité, Lebègue et cie, (1884), 67. 7. Betty Eggermont, ‘The Choreography of Schooling as a Site of Struggle: Belgian Primary Schools, 1880–1940’, History of Education, 30, 2 (2001), 129–140. 8. Ibid., 130. 9. Ibid., 135–136. 10. J.B. Harley, ‘Deconstructing the Map’, Cartographica. The International Jour- nal for Geographic Information and Geovisualization, 26, 2 (1989), 1–20. 11. On the history of geography and mapmaking in Belgium in the nineteenth- century, see Jan Vandersmissen, Koningen van de wereld. Leopold II en de aardrijkskundige beweging, Leuven: ACCO, 2009. 12. In France, a similar evolution towards a concept of the nation as a mosaic consisting of various regions was evident in geography manuals. Anne-Marie Thiesse, Ils apprenaient la France. L’exaltation des régions dans le discours patriotique, Paris: Editions de la maison des sciences de l’homme, 1997. 192 Notes

13. P.P.S. 18 June 1885. Crocq taught medicine, mineralogy and geology at the liberal Université Libre de Bruxelles. 14. André-Hubert Dumont, Carte géologique de la Belgique et des contrées voisines représentant les terrains qui se trouvent au dessous du limon Hesbayen et du sable Campinien, Brussels: Etablissement géographique de Bruxelles fondé par Ph. Vandermaelen, 1849, on the history of the geological map, see Frédéric Boulvain, ‘Une historique de la carte géologique de Belgique’, Professional Paper Belgian Geological Survey, 262 (1993), 1–63. 15. P.P.S. 7 June 1883; P.P.S. 5 April 1881; P.P.R. 20 May 1885; P.P.S. 5 April 1881. 16. P.P.R. 20 May 1885. 17. P.P.R. 25 January 1876. 18. P.P.S. 3 March 1882. 19. P.P.S. 18 June 1885. 20. Ibid. 21. P.P.S. 24 April 1884 and P.P.R. 20 May 1885. 22. P.P.S. 5 April 1881. 23. P.P.S. 5 April 1881. 24. P.P.S. 7 June 1883. 25. Ibid. 26. As Madeleine Hurd has observed, the ‘public sphere’s deﬁnition of the public citizen’ was one based on competences: ‘Those who were rational, capable of disinterested argument, whose mental processes were autonomous and free, belonged. Others did not.’ Questioning one’s detachedness was therefore, indirectly, excluding him from the arena of public debate. Madeleine Hurd, ‘Class, Masculinity, Manners, and Mores. Public Space and Public Sphere in Nineteenth-Century Europe’, Social Science History, 24, 1 (2000), 75–110, 77. 27. P.P.R. 20 May 1885. 28. P.P.R. 11 February 1881. 29. A.J. Germain’s Handboek voor aardrijkskunde ten dienste der lagere scholen, Brugge: Cuypers, 1883, for example, stated that the explanation of how maps work, could only begin with maps of the classroom. 30. ‘Nos cartes règlementaires’, Belgique Militaire, (1897), 730. 31. Although marching and manoeuvring always occupied a place in the ‘art of war’, the practice of manoeuvring changed considerably in the nineteenth century (with the Napoleonic wars, but also under the inﬂuence of military theorists such as Antoine de Jomini). The manoeuvring exercise was therefore seen as inherently ‘modern’. On the history of manoeuvring, see Christian Malis (ed.), Guerre et manœuvre – héritages et renouveau,Paris: Economica-Fondation Saint-Cyr, 2009. 32. Referring to the recent revolution and the independence gained from the Netherlands. 33. E.g. Tardieu, Les grandes manœuvres, (1883), 40. 34. A committee for the revision of the manoeuvring regulations was established in 1882. Their ‘provisory’ text was published in 1884 (Règlement provisoire sur l’exercice et les manœuvres de l’infanterie. Ecole du soldat, Brussels: E. Guyot, 1884). On the different maps used for the exercises, see Lemoine-Isabeau, Claire, La cartographie du territoire belge de 1780 à 1830: Notes 193

entre Ferraris et le Dépot de la Guerre de Belgique, Brussels: Royal Museum of the Armed Forces and of Military History, 1997, 81, 107. 35. On eighteenth-century methods of teaching geography and the interplay between landscape and identity building in a school context, see Finola O’Kane, ‘ “Nurturing a Revolution” – Patrick Pearse’s School Garden at St. Enda’s, Rathfarnham, Co. Dublin, Ireland’, The Journal of Garden History Society, 28, 1 (2000), 73–87. 36. E. Soudan, Petite description géographique du globe au point de vue Belge, Gent: Snoeck-ducaju, s.d. 37. A.J. Germain, Beknopte aardrijkskunde, Brugge: J. Cuypers, 1870, 1. 38. A number of poems and songs referred to the blood that was being shed for the fatherland and on its earth, and to the patriotic that were buried in national soil. On the erotic nature of patriotism and sacriﬁce, see also Julie Mostov, ‘sexing the Nation/desexing the Body. Politics of National Identity in the Former Yugoslavia’, in Tamar Mayer (ed.), Gender Ironies of Nationalism. Sexing the Nation, London & New York: Routledge, 2000., 89–113. 39. Germain, Beknopte aardrijkskunde. 40. 1818–1894. Het Stedelijk onderwijs in Antwerpen, vijf en zeventigjarig jubelfeest. Historisch overzicht, Antwerpen: Drukkerij Jos. Roeder & Co., 1894, (S.A.: MA 234/9). 41. F.A. Robyns, Methodische denk- en stylleer ten gebruike der Nederduitsche scholen. Handboek des leerlings. (Tweede deel of eigenlijke stylleer),StTruiden: Van West- Pluymers, 1864, 178. 42. ‘Vaderlandsch gebed’, in G.D. Minnaert, Nederlandsch leesboek. Proza en poëzy der beste nederlandsche schrijvers met eene schets van de geschiedenis onzer letterkunde, Gent: Rogghé, 1872. On the representation of the national landscape as the burial site for historical national heroes in texts aimed at children, see Josephine Hoegaerts, ‘Op ‘t bloedig oorlogsveld, is ied’re man een held. Hoe kinderen het slagveld verbeeldden en beleefden aan het eind van de negentiende eeuw’, Volkskunde, 113, 3 (2012), 306–324. 43. A. Le Roy, L’ami des enfants ou livre de lecture spécialement destiné aux écoles primaires (division supérieure), aux écoles moyennes et aux classes professionnelles des Athenées et des Collèges, Luik: Dessain, 1860, 387. ‘Vaderlandsliefde’, in F. Kenis, Deugd en braefheid. Keus van geschiedkundige verhalen doormengd met kleine gedichten en zedelyke bemerkingen geschikt om het hart te vormen en de deugd beminnelyk te maken, Antwerpen: Peeters, 1852, 2. 44. A code for the Antwerp primary public schools, drawn up in 1906, stipu- lated instruction in ‘love for the fatherland’, ‘Reglement der lagere gemeentescholen’, Stad Antwerpen. Jongens- en meisjesgemeentescholen. Reglement en programma, Antwerp: Drukkerij De Vos & Van der Groen, 1906, (S.A.: MA 234/9C). 45. ‘Kan Vaderlandsliefde op de lagere school onderwezen worden’, Ons Woord, (1896), 120–121. 46. Ons Woord, (1896), 120–121. The journal designated was the vehicle of the Antwerp teachers’ society ‘Diesterweg’. The society, named after progressive German educator Adolph Diesterweg, gathered the staff of all of the city’s 194 Notes

municipal schools, and was concerned both with teachers’ interests and charity for the schools’ poorer pupils. 47. The school excursions were not only funded by the city council: the mayor and aldermen also took an active interest in their organisation and often took charge of the correspondence with their counterparts in the cities visited. 48. Ons Woord, (1896), 120–121. 49. J.J. Steylaert, Een speelreisje in België. Behelzende schilderachtige en geschiedkundige beschryvingen der landstreken en nationale gedenkstukken, zeden, gebruiken en instellingen, levensschetsen van beroemde Belgen, enz., Ghent: Van Doosselaer, 1858. 50. The book roughly follows the pattern of the classic nineteenth century narrative of the grand tour. Patrick Cabanel, Le Tour de la Nation par des enfants. Romans scolaires et espaces nationaux (XIXe–XXe siècles), Paris : Belin, 2007. 51. G. Haegens, ‘schoolreisjes’, De koophandel van Antwerpen, jg 14(1877) 196–197. 52. Ibid., 196. 53. MAX, ‘schoolreisjes’, De kleine gazet, 27 June 1877. 54. Haegens, ‘schoolreisjes’, 196–197. 55. Ibid. 56. On the organisation of the Antwerp school trips, and the conditions for participation, see Nina Neyrinck, Kinderen en natievorming in België in de negentiende eeuw. De invloed en betekenis van schoolreizen,Leuven, unpublished MA thesis, 2013, 10–11. 57. Allewaert, ‘bericht over de schooluitstapjes, 7 August 1882’, (S.A.: MA 223/21 B). 58. Maria Grimbers, ‘verslag van de reis naar Namen en Dinant, 7 Oktober 1882’, (S.A.: MA 223/21 C). 59. Message on the organisation of school excursions of the municipal school to Brussels, Namur and Dinant, (S.A.: MA 223/21 B). 60. Message of Allewaert to the head teachers on the subject of school excursions to Liège, 1882, (S.A.: MA 223/21 A). 61. Tim Creswell, On the Move. Mobility in the Modern Western World, London & New York: Routledge, 2006, 4. 62. Ofﬁcial statement, 28 July 1884, (S.A.: MA 223/22 B). 63. Marten Preym, ‘Verslag schoolreisje naar Brussel, Namen en Dinant, 1882’, (S.A.: MA 223/21 C). 64. August van Rensberg, ‘Verslag schoolreis naar Luik, 30 september 1881’, (S.A.: MA 223/21 C). 65. Jan Cool, ‘Verslag schoolreis naar Brussel, 1884’, (S.A.: MA 223/22 B). 66. Haegens, ‘schoolreisjes’. 67. This interpretation of the nation as a unity by virtue of its history and timeframe, consisting of various regions that are appreciated for their dis- tinctiveness, runs counter to the common assumption that the spread and democratisation of domestic tourism led to the ‘erosion of local distinc- tiveness’, Tim Cresswell, On the Move. Mobility in the Modern Western World, London & New York: Routledge, 2006, 6. Notes 195

68. Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Geschichte der Eisenbahnreise. Zur Industrialisierung von Raum und Zeit im 19. Jahrhundert, Frankfurt a.M.: Fischer Verlag, 2007 (4th ed.), 37. 69. Dionijs Spies, ‘schoolreisje naar Brussel op maandag 9 juli 1877’, (S.A.: MA 223/19). 70. Ibid. 71. R. Hellebuick, ‘Beschrijving van het schoolreisje naar Brussel’, (S.A.: MA 223/19). 72. Frederik Gaukemd, ‘Verslag van de reis naar Luik, 1881’, Lodewijk Cramm, ‘Verslag van de reis naar Namen en Dinant, 1882’, (S.A.: MA 223/21 A & C). 73. The bucolic views that were pointed out to children dovetailed with the nation state’s identiﬁcation with its farming industry, picturing the country as a collection of different ‘species’ of soil. See Leen Van Molle, ‘ “Le sol, c’est la patrie”. Boeren in de Belgische natiestaat’, in Els Witte Ginette Kurgan- Van Hentenryck, Emiel Lamberts, Herman Balthazar and Gita Deneckere (eds.), Natie en democratie – Nation et democratie 1890–1921, Acta van het interuniversitair colloquium, Brussel 8–9 juni 2006, Brussels: KVAB, 2007, 171–184, 176. 74. Lodewijk Peeters, ‘Verslag schoolreis naar Namen’, (S.A.: MA 223/19). 75. Constant De Kinder, ‘schoolreisje naar Dinant en Namen’, (S.A.: MA 223/19). 76. R. Hellebuick, ‘Beschrijving van het schoolreisje naar Brussel’. 77. Juffrouw Rijsheuvels, ‘Verslag van de reis naar Namen, Dinant en Villers, 1880’, (S.A.: MA 223/20 C). 78. Elisa De Hondt, ‘Verslag van de reis naar Namen en Dinant, 1882’, (S.A.: MA 223/21 C). 79. Alfons Wuyts, ‘Verslag van de reis naar Luik, 1881’, (S.A.: MA 223/21 A). 80. Victor Daelmans, ‘Verslag van de reis naar Luik, 1881’, (S.A.: MA 223/21 A). 81. Karel De Bom, ‘Verslag schoolreis naar Luik, 1881’, (S.A.: MA 223/21 A). 82. The overview of possible destinations in an early publication on travelling for school children shows a remarkable overlap with the list of important or notable characteristics of regions in geography manuals. J.J. Steylaert, Een speelreisje in België. Behelzende schilderachtige en geschiedkundige beschryvingen der landstreken en nationale gedenkstukken, zeden, gebruiken en instellingen, levensschetsen van beroemde Belgen, enz., Ghent: Van Doosselaer, 1858. According to the title, ‘picturesque and historical descriptions of regions and national memorabilia, mores, habits and structures’ are central to the work. Josef Meuwissen and Karel De Bom, ‘Verslag schoolreis naar Namen en Dinant’, 1881, (S.A.: MA 223/21 A). 83. August van Ronsenberg, ‘schoolreisje naar Brussel op maandag 9 juli 1877’, (S.A.: MA 223/19). 84. Ibid. 85. Peeters, ‘Verslag schoolreis naar Namen’. 86. Maria Van Hove, ‘schoolreisje naar Dinant en Namen’, (S.A.: MA 223/19). 87. Peeters, ‘Verslag schoolreis naar Namen’. 88. On the interplay between travelling and travel-writing, see Charles Withers, ‘Voyages et crédibilité: vers une geographie de la conﬁance’, Geographie et culture, 33 (2000), 3–17. 196 Notes

89. Susan Stanford Friedman, Mappings. Feminism and the Cultural Geographies of Encounter, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998, 153–154. 90. August van Ronsenberg, ‘schoolreisje naar Brussel op maandag 9 juli 1877’. 91. Frederik Gaukend, ‘Verslag van de reis naar Luik, 1881’, (S.A.: MA 223/21 A). 92. Alfons Wuyts, ‘Verslag van de reis naar Luik, 1881’, (S.A.: MA 223/21 A). 93. ‘Géographie et topographie’, Belgique Militaire, (1897), 276. 94. Ibid., 277. 95. The history of the grandes manœuvres, as these exercises were termed, is largely unknown. Military historians tend to focus on life in the barracks or on war, and military geographers focus mainly on actual combat as well. Rachel Woodward, ‘From Military Geography to Militarism’s Geographies: Disciplinary Engagements with the Geographies of Militarism and Military Activities’, Progress in Human Geography, 6 (2005), 718–740. When the history of manœuvres is studied at all, it is often in the context of applied military science (e.g. Robert Leonhard, The Art of Maneuver. Maneuver- warfare Theory and Airland Battle, New York and Toronto: Presidio Press, 1991 and Richard D. Hooker, Maneuver Warfare. An Anthology,NewYork and Toronto: Presidio Press, 1993); and as a part of maneuver warfare – rather than as ‘exercises’. For an exploratory history of representations of the manœuvres in nineteenth-century Belgium, see Bram Dierckx, ‘Ensem- ble – En avant’. Representaties van Belgische militaire manœuvres (1830–1914), Leuven, unpublished MA thesis, 2012. 96. Belgium declared independence on 4 October 1830; King Leopold swore allegiance to the constitution on 21 July 1831 and thus became the ofﬁcial commander of the Belgian army. Within military circles, he was heralded for his participation in the battle at Leuven in August 1831 and for his ongoing interest in the army. For a general introduction to the Belgian revolution and independence, see J.C.H. Blom and Emiel Lamberts, History of the Low Countries, New York & Oxford: Berghahn, 2006 (2nd ed.), 319–337. 97. Journal de l’armée Belge, 3 (1836), 269–284 and 5 (1838), 129–177. 98. H. Jamar, Beknopte geschiedenis van de dorpen der Zuiderkempen: Leopoldsburg, s.l., 1939. 99. By this time, the manœuvres would last up to several weeks, and reports and hypothèses would refer to a périodedemanœuvres(identifying a speciﬁc exercising plot through the time in which it was rehearsed). Usually, the manoeuvres took place in the early autumn (end of August, beginning of September), and grandes manœuvres were organised every two years. 100. On the history of military training in Belgium, especially concerning strat- egy, see e.g. Bruno Colson, ‘La première traduction française du “Vom Kriege” ’, Revue Belge d’Histoire Militaire, 26 (1985), 345–364. 101. Belgique Militaire, [Review of a publication by général Trochu], 3. 102. The national military training camp had been built right after declaring independence from the Netherlands, and was built near the Dutch bor- der in order to ‘defend’ the country from future attacks from the north. Until well into the nineteenth century, the imagined enemy in the autumn manœuvres was presented as ‘coming from the north’. 103. Henry B. Harvey, A Visit to the Camp of Beverloo, London: Parker, Furnivall and Parker, 1852, 37–38. Notes 197

104. ‘Les grandes manœuvres’, Belgique Militaire, (1883), 334–335 and ‘Les manœuvres en terrain varié à Arlon’, Belgique Militaire, (1887), 226–227. In 1900, a German visitor’s report of his participation in the manœuvres was translated and published as part of the comments on the manœuvres: ‘Les grandes manœuvres belges de 1900 voyées par un Allemand’, Belgique Militaire, (1901), 689. 105. ‘Manœuvres de 1884’, Belgique Militaire, (1884), 286. 106. H.C. Fix, Aide-mémoire de manœuvres et de campagne, à l’usage des officiers de toutes les armes et de tous les services, Brussels: Librairie militaire C. Muquardt 1895, 40. 107. ‘Correspondance particulière de l’Echo du Parlement’, Belgique Militaire, (1872), 95. 108. ‘Grandes manœuvres’, Belgique Militaire, (1882), 362. 109. ‘Manœuvres de 1884 – coup d’œil critique’, Belgique Militaire, (1884), 328. The journal included long topographical descriptions of the regions in which manœuvres would be held as well, pointing out ecological features and economic as well as tactical possibilities, often contrasting the region chosen with the terrain of the camp of Beverloo. 110. Tamar Mayer, ‘From Zero to Hero. Masculinity in Jewish Nationalism’, in Tamar Mayar (ed.), Gender Ironies of Nationalism, 283–308, 289. 111. Rachel Woodward, ‘ “It’s a Man’s Life!”: Soldiers, Masculinity and the Coun- tryside’, Gender, Place and Culture, 5, 3 (1998), 277–301, Woodward, ‘From Military Geography to Militarism’s Geographies’, 728. 112. Eugène Tardieu, Les grandes manœuvres de 1882, Brussels : Office de public- ité, Lebègue et cie 1882, 82. 113. ‘Manœuvres de 1884’, Belgique Militaire, (1884), 287. 114. ‘Camp de Beverloo: periode de manœuvres de 1877’, Belgique Militaire, (1877), 298. 115. Tom Verschaffel, ‘Leren sterven voor het vaderland. Historische drama’s in het negentiende-eeuwse België’, Bijdragenenmededelingenbetreffendede geschiedenis der Nederlanden, 113 (1998), 145–176, 145. 116. Rather than providing a background for a rite of passage, the exercising grounds functioned as ‘intelligible fields of subjects’. Judith Butler, Undoing Gender, London & New York: Routledge, 2004, 48. 117. Manœuvres exécutées au camp de Beverloo en 1845, texte, 1845, 94, (R.M.A.: Ad-VI-1100/GF). 118. For example ‘Manœuvres de 1882’, Belgique Militaire, (1882), 281. The article recommended a booklet entitled ‘Grandes manœuvres de l’armée Belge, guide du touriste’. 119. ‘La mobilisation et les manœuvres de 1894’, Belgique Militaire, (1894), 383. 120. ‘Les manœuvres en terrain varié’, Belgique Militaire, (1887), 300. 121. Letter from Queen Marie Henriette to Félix Chazal, 1862, lundi matin, (R.M.A., fonds Chazal: Correspondence 39/1, 417). 122. Règlement provisoire sur l’exercice et les manœuvres de l’infanterie. École du soldat, Brussels, 1884, 9–10. 123. Victoria Watts, ‘History of Notation’, ballet.magazine, http://www.ballet.co .uk/mar98/notation_history.htm, March 1998, ‘Everybody knew how to stand and carry the body when dancing, in the same way that all ballet 198 Notes

students, at whatever level, know that legs should be turned out and toes should be pointed. No need then to write it down.’ 124. Susan Leigh Foster, ‘Choreographies of Gender’, Signs, 24/1 (1998), 7. 125. Règlement sur l’exercice et les manœuvres de l’infanterie Belge du 26 avril 1833, Bruxelles, 1833 and Règlement sur l’exercice et les manœuvres de l’infanterie, Bruxelles, 1859. 126. Matthew McCormack has noted this similarity between dance and drill for the eighteenth-century British army as well. Matthew McCormack, ‘Dance and Drill: Polite Accomplishments and Military Masculinities in Georgian Britain’, Cultural and Social History, 8, 3 (2011), 315–330. 127. Règlement provisoire sur l’exercice et les manœuvres de l’infanterie. École du soldat, Brussels, 1884, 7. 128. ‘Vue d’ensemble sur les grandes manœuvres de 1896’, Belgique Militaire, (1896), 375. 129. ‘Manœuvres de cavalerie’, Belgique Militaire, (1885), 773; ‘Manœuvres de cavalerie au camp de Beverloo’, Belgique Militaire, (1888), 619. 130. ‘Correspondance particulière de l’Echo du Parlement’, (1872), 96; ‘Derniers échos de la période des manœuvres de 1880’ and ‘Manœuvres exécutées au camp de Beverloo en 1880’, Belgique Militaire, (1880), 148; ‘Manœuvres de 1881’, Belgique Militaire, (1881), 382; ‘Manœuvres du cavalerie au camp de Beverloo’, Belgique Militaire, (1889), 211; ‘Manœuvres en terrain varié’, Belgique Militaire, (1890), 378. 131. ‘Vue d’ensemble sur les grandes manœuvres de 1896’, Belgique Militaire, (1896), 41 and ‘Les manœuvres de la 4ième division d’armée au camp de Beverloo’, Belgique Militiare, (1899), 100. 132. ‘Les grandes manœuvres’, Belgique Militaire, (1883), 322. 133. ‘Manœuvres de 1889’, Belgique Militaire, (1889), 1100. 134. The practice of duelling, too, presents an apt example of ofﬁcers’ dis- play of corporeal qualities and agility as a way to cement a non-physical ideal of courage and honour. Josephine Hoegaerts, ‘L’homme du monde est obligé de se battre. Duel-vertogen en -praktijken in en rond het Belgische parlement, 1830–1900’, Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis, 124, 2 (2011), 190–205; Ute Frevert, Ehrenmänner. Das Duell in der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft, München: C.H. Beck, 1991 and Robert Nye, Masculinity and Male Codes of Honor in Modern France, New York: Oxford University Press USA, 1993. 135. ‘De la discipline’, Belgique Militaire, (1905), 342. 136. See also Kathrin Däniker’s work on the Swiss army for soldiers’ ‘feminine’ tasks and behaviour in the barracks. Kathrin Däniker, ‘Die Truppe – ein Weib? Geschlechtliche Zuschreibungen in der Schweizer Armee um die Jahrhundertwende’, in Christiane Eiﬂer and Ruth Seifert (ed.), Soziale Konstruktionen. Militär und Geschlechterverhältnis, Münster: Westfälisches Dampfboot, 1999, 110–134. 137. As Gail Bederman has noted, ‘anatomy, identity and authority have no intrinsic relationship. Only the process of manhood – of the gender system- allow each to stand for the others’. Gail Bederman, Manliness & Civilization. A Cultural History of Gender and Race in the United States, 1880–1917, London and Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1995, 8. The rhetorical join- ing of discipline and autonomy plays on this system of stand-ins, even Notes 199

allowing for a disappearance of one of its elements without destabilising the system per se. 138. ‘Des manœuvres d’été en 1876’, Belgique Militaire, (1876), 144; ‘Derniers échos de la période des manœuvres de 1880’, Belgique Militaire, (1880), 152. 139. ‘Revue et déﬁlé du 22 juillet’, Belgique Militaire, (1875), 111. 140. ‘Au camp’, Belgique Militaire, (1881), 17–19.

3 Singing the Nation, Singing the Self

1. P.P.S. 9 December 1881. 2. On cohabitation and conflict of religious persuasions, monarchy, constitution and political ideologies during various moments of national celebration, see Jeroen Jannsens, De Belgische natie viert: de Belgische nationale feesten, 1830–1914, Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2001. 3. The Te Deum was sung at the occasion of the king’s birthday, but also for that of the queen or for the birth of princes. As is apparent in the afore- mentioned invitation, the early celebrations of the king’s birthday were discursively tied to the gaining of independence. The celebration of the birthday of the reigning king was maintained until the 1880s, after which, in 1887 at the latest, the birthday of the inauguration of Leopold I on 21 July became the main date of celebration accompanied by the Te Deum. In 1890, this date became the official National Day. 4. P.P.S. 16 November 1880. Lammens was initially barred from the conserva- tive Catholic candidate list because of his ultramontanist leanings. 5. The laws of 1879 and 1881, emerging during the ‘school struggle’ between Liberals and Catholics, were particularly resented by the clergy. 6. For example, P.P.R. 1 February 1853 and P.P.S. 16 November 1880. 7. P.P.S. 16 November 1880. 8. For an appreciation of the changing relation between voice and power throughout history, and more specifically between the singing voice and class, see John Potter, Vocal Authority. Singing Style and Ideology, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. 9. Suzanne G. Cusick, ‘Feminist Theory, Music Theory and the Mind/Body Problem’, Perspectives of New Music, 32, 1 (1994), 8–27, 14. 10. Gina Bloom, Voice in Motion. Staging Gender, Shaping Sound in Early Modern England, Philadelphia: University of Pennsilvania Press, 2007, 15. 11. The role of music in the development of nationalism has been researched for most of Western Europe. See, e.g., Philip V. Bohlmann, The Music of European Nationalism: Cultural Identity and Modern History, Santa Barbara: ABC Clio, 2004. 12. On the relation between (historical) musical scores, their performance, and the possibility to ‘read’ performance from scores, see, e.g., Mark Delaere, ‘De toekomst van de muziekwetenschap: wat is een partituur?’ Tijdschrift voor Muziektheorie, 11, 1 (2006), 31 and Michael Chanan, Musica Practica. The Social Practice of Western Music from Gregorian Chant to Postmodernism, London & New York: Verso, 1994, 23–59. 13. Or, as Daniel Barenboim put it more eloquently: ‘The score is not the truth. The score is not the piece. The piece is when you actually bring it into 200 Notes

sound.’ Daniel Barenboim and Edward W. Said, ExplorationinMusicand Society, London: Bloomsbury, 2002, 33. On the relation between score and performance, see also Nicholas Cook, Beyond the Score. Music as Performance, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013, 3–8. 14. ‘Redevoering uitgesproken door burgemeester Jan Van Rijswijck op het vaderlandsch feest van 21 juli 1904, ingericht door het gemeentebestuur in de handelsbeurs’, (S.A.: MA 234). 15. ‘Redevoering Van Rijswijck’. 16. Julia Kristeva, Alice Jardine and Harry Blake, ‘Women’s Time’, Signs,7,1 (1981), 13–35, 16–17. 17. ‘Redevoering Van Rijswijck’. 18. As many musicologists and music-historians have pointed out, songs we now perceive as ‘traditional’ or ‘genuine’ folk-songs are mostly nineteenth- century compositions or adaptations of older musical material. On folklorists’ interest in and handling of folk-songs, see, e.g., David Gregory, Victorian Songhunters. The Recovery and Editing of English Vernacular Ballads and Folk Lyrics, 1820–1883, Lanham and Oxford: Scarecrow Press, 2006. On nineteenth century musical folklore in Belgium, see Pieter Moelans, Handgeschreven Liederen. Wereldlijke liedcultuur in liedhandschriften (Zuidelijke Nederlanden, ca.1600–ca.1800) uit de Gentse Universiteitsbibliotheek,unpublished PhD thesis, Leuven, 2010. 19. ‘Redevoering Van Rijswijck’. The Algemeen Nederlandsch Verbond consisted of Belgian and Dutch members keen to ‘protect’ the Dutch language and anchor it in popular education. It was established in Brussels in 1895, by champions of a movement striving for the ‘Greater Netherlands’, a political union of Flanders and the Netherlands on the basis of their shared language. 20. According to Regina Sweeney, unison singing was thought to be particularly effective in that regard. Regina M. Sweeney, Singing Our Way to Victory. French Cultural Politics and Music during the Great War, Middletown: Wesleyan University Press, 2001, 55–57. 21. Philip Alperson and Noël Carroll, ‘Music, Mind and Morality: Arousing the Body Politic’, The Journal of Aesthetic Education, 42, 1 (2008), 1–15. 22. ‘Enseignement du chant. Rapport de Mr Huberti: 24 January 1880’, (S.A.: MA 235/14, Varia). 23. ‘Enseignement du chant. Rapport de Mr Huberti: 24 January 1880’, (S.A.: MA 235/14, Varia). 24. Huberti was known as a Flemish composer, despite his Francophone background, and had strong ties to the nineteenth-century Antwerp school of music and poetry (with member such as the famous Benoit and Jan Blockx). He also regularly collaborated with Flemish poet Emmanuel Hiel. 25. Composer Edouard Gregoir even edited a manual entitled Aanschouwelijk onderwijs der muziek (Intuitive music education), in 1885. 26. ‘Redevoering Van Rijswijck’. 27. ‘Rapport de Mr Huberti’. 28. As Gail Bederman has shown, late nineteenth century scientists tended to project the theory of ‘evolution’ onto individuals’ coming of age, thus associating childhood (and, more speciﬁcally, boyhood) to savagery and – through association – the lower classes to childishness. The conﬂation of Notes 201

racial savagery, lower class misbehaviour and boyish ‘primitivism’ lead to a re-interpretation of schooling as a way to civilise the men of the future, but also extended the goal of education to those other ‘savages’ who had not evolved into manly maturity yet. Gail Bederman, Manliness & Civilization. A Cultural History of Gender and Race in the United States, 1880–1917, London and Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1995, 77–120. 29. ‘Rapport de Mr Huberti’. 30. Letter by the committee of public instruction to Huberti, 16 January 1882, (S.A.: MA 235/14, Varia). 31. Dave Russell, Popular Music in England 1840–1914. A Social History, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1997 (2nd ed.), 52. 32. Several authors have commented upon singing (and particularly the singing of national hymns) as ways to create unanimity through unisonor- ity (Philip V. Bohlman, Music, Nationalism and the Making of the New Europe, New York: Routledge, 2011, 35–47). Judith Butler and Gayatri Spivak have commented upon the difference between the singing of an ‘untranslatable’ anthem and singing as an ‘articulation of plurality’, taking place in the streets and satirising ‘ofﬁcial’ scores Judith Butler and Gayatri Spivak, Who Sings the Nation-State. Language, Politics, Belonging, Kolkata: Seagull Books, 2007, 59. 33. Sight singing and sol-faing refers to ‘methods of teaching people to sing music at sight without recourse, at least initially, to the complexities of traditional musical notation’, see Russell, Popular Music in England, 28. The terms were not used in Belgium, but a number of new methods to facilitate the reading of music were introduced in the nineteenth century. 34. Letter by the committee of public instruction to Huberti, 16 January 1882. 35. Russell, Popular Music in England, 53. Sweeney, Singing Our Way to Victory, 30–46. 36. See Chapter 2. 37. Tim Cresswell, On the Move. Mobility in the Modern Western World, London & New York: Routledge, 2006, 85–122. 38. ‘Rapport de Mr Huberti’. 39. N.P. Rotsaert, Kinderliederen voor school en haard naar Schäublin, Antwerpen: Mees, 1886; Rotsaert, Practische en theoretische handleiding bij het zangonderwijs in de lagere school naar F.F. Schäublin, Antwerpen: Mees, 1876; J. De Bom, Keus van zangen voor de school en het leven. Volks en kunstliederen, Antwerpen: Faes, 1890; De Bom, De kleine zanger en anderen kinderliederen, Antwerpen: Faes, s.d.; idem, Liederen voor school en haard, s.l., 1902. 40. Gregoir was not highly regarded or appreciated as a composer or an intel- lectual in his own time, but he did contribute substantially to educational reform in primary schools. 41. Gregoir, Aanschouwelijk onderwijs der muziek, 12; Gregoir, Le chant en choeur, 1882, 3. 42. ‘Vaderland’, in Gregoir, àlanationBelge, Antwerp: Passoz, s.d., 2. 43. Emmanuel Hiel, Liederen en gezangen voor groote en kleine kinderen, Brussel: J. Lebègue, s.d., 32, ‘Guldensporenslag’; C. Boudolf and H. Defoort, Vlaamsche liederverzameling voor school en thuis, Brugge: Beyaert, 1903, 19–20, ‘De slag der gulden sporen’ and ‘Groenighe’; Joris De Bom, Keus 202 Notes

van zangen voor de school en het leven. Volks- en kunstliederen, Antwerpen: Faes, 1890, 36. The Battle of the Golden Spurs of 1302 was popularised as a moment of Flemish resistance against the French king in the nineteenth century, mainly by virtue of Hendrik Conscience’s depiction of the battle in his 1838 novel De Leeuw van Vlaanderen. On the battle and its historical representations in Flanders, see Paul Trio, Dirk Heirbaut and Dirk Van den Auweele (eds.), Omtrent 1302, Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2002. 44. ‘Gelofte’, P. Rutten, Liederkrans. Een, twee- en driestemmige kinderliederen voor de lagere school, Roermond: H. van der March, 1893, 7. ‘Ons land’, N.P. Rotsaert, Kinderliederen voor school en haard naar Schäublin, 30. ‘Vlaanderland’, De Bom, Keus van zangen, 38. 45. According to the Nederlandsche liedbank it was ﬁrst recorded in 1864. 46. ‘Krijgslied’, in Recueil de chants patriotiques pour les écoles. Verzameling vaderlandsche schoolzangen, Brussel: Schott frères, s.d., 50; ‘sint Nikolaasliedje’, in P. Rutten, Liederkrans. Een, twee- en driestemmige kinderliederen voor de lagere school, Roermond: H. van der March, 1893, 16. In the ﬁrst half of the twentieth century, countless versions of the song cir- culated in different languages, one of which was picked up by Mong Rosseel and his folk-band in 1974, who released yet another version entitled ‘The monkeycage’ (Het Apekot). 47. ‘Heideroosje’, in P. Rutten, Liederkrans. Een, twee- en driestemmige kinderliederen voor de lagere school, Roermond: H. van der March, 1893, a literal translation of the text by Goethe was included. Rotsaert’s adaptation of Schäublin’s collection contained a rewritten version in which the little boy does not destroy but rescues the rose, Rotsaert, Kinderliederen, 15, and in Willem’s collection for Catholic schools, a translation of Friedrech Adolf Krummacher’s text of a girl watering a dying rose was used, probably taken from a German songbook such as F.W. Sering, Lieder für die Unter- und Mittelklassen höherer Mädchenschulen, den Forderungen eines planvoll gegliederten Unterrichts entsprechend geordnet und den Stimmen der Schülerinnen angemessen gesetzt, Lahr: Mauritz Schauenburg, 1902 (9th ed.). 48. ‘Mijn Vaderland’ and ‘Mijn Belgenland’, in Rotsaert, Kinderliederen, 45–46. 49. Nicholas Cook and Nicola Dibben, ‘Emotion in Culture and History. Per- spectives from Musicology’, in Patrik N. Juslin (ed.), Handbook of Music and Emotion: Theory, Research, Applications, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010, 45–72. 50. Vijftien schoolliederen, met uitgelezen en gemakkelijke zangwijzen voor eene, twee of drie stemmen, Lier: J. Van In, 1866, 1. 51. Franz Andelhof and J. Moreels, Heidebloempjes. Patriotieke liederen voor groote en kleine kinderen. Chants patriotiques à l’usage des écoles, s.l., 1896, 1. Andelhof was a pupil of Benoit’s and spread his master’s ideas on the importance of the mother tongue in (musical) education in his published work, as well as in his teaching and performing practice (e.g. by organising mass events of singing at the national celebrations of 1905 in Turnhout, in the north of the country). 52. Andelhof and Moreels, Heidebloempjes. Notes 203

53. The presence of a handful of song collections for schools in the military archives is telling in this regard. 54. ‘Manœuvres exécutés au camp de Beverloo en 1880’, Belgique Militaire, (1880), 102. 55. ‘Le chant du soldat’, La défense nationale, (1891), 53–54. 56. Ibid. 57. Apparently, the publication was not very successful. Three decades later, the collection’s principal goal of moralising the soldiers through song was ridiculed, and the introduction of cheerful, entertaining rather than educational songs encouraged. ‘Les chants du soldat belge’, Carnet de la fourragère,1e série, (ca. 1927), 1–5. 58. Verzameling van zangen ten gebruike van het leger/Recueil de chants à l’usage de la troupe, Brussels: Schott, 1898, 6. 59. See also Sweeney, Singing Our Way to Victory, 52. 60. ‘Hoera’, in Gregoir (ed.), à la nation Belge. 61. ‘Heil den vorst’, in Franz Andelhof and Jos. Moreels (eds.), Soldatenliederen met begeleiding van claroen (ad lib.) voor noten en cijfermuziek, Door het ministerie van oorlog aangeboden, s.l., s.d., 2–3. 62. ‘Ten Strijd’ and ‘soldaten marschlied’, in Andelhof and Moreels (eds.), Soldatenliederen, 4–5, 10–11. 63. ‘Jongens van ons land’, in Recueil de chants patriotiques pour les écoles. Verzameling vaderlandsche schoolzangen, Brussel: Schott frères, s.d., 38–39. 64. For example in the song ‘soldaatje spelen’, in C. Boudolf and H. Defoort (eds.), Vlaamsche liederverzameling voor school en thuis, Brugge: Beyaert, 1903, 43. 65. ‘Ik ben nog klein’, in P. Rutten (ed.), Liederkrans. Een, twee- en driestemmige kinderliederen voor de lagere school, Roermond: H. van der March, 1893. 66. ‘Voor vorst en vaderland’, in Verzameling vaderlandsche schoolzangen, 21–23. 67. ‘Roi et patrie’, in Moulckers, Bundel vaderlandsche zangen. 68. ‘Hymneàlavictoire’,inLe chansonnier patriotique Belge et Français, Brussels: Odignon, 1831, 71–73. 69. ‘Le chant du Belge’, in Le chansonnier patriotique, 59–61. 70. ‘L’ouvrier’, in Le chansionnier patriotique, 21–22. 71. ‘Le Garde-Bourgeois’, in Le chansionnier patriotique,7. 72. ‘Aux mânes des héros morts pour la liberté’, in Le chansonnier patriotique, 96–98; ‘La marche Belge’, in Le chansonnier patriotique, 16–18. 73. A similar pattern occurred in songs on the draft, see Daniel Droixhe, ‘La chanson wallonne de conscript au pays de Liège (XVIIIe–XIXe siècles)’, in Le cri du public. Culture populaire, presse et chanson dialectale au pays de Liège (XVIIIe-XIXe siècles), Brussels: Académie royale de lange et de littérature françaises, 2003, 191–248, 223–228. 74. Musical templates were, for example, ‘Amis, la matinée est belle’ from La muette de portici, songs dedicated to allegorical women such as ‘La Marianne’ and ‘La Parisienne’, older revolutionary songs such as ‘J’ai pris goùt de la Répubique’ and military tunes like ‘Te souviens-tu soldat’, ‘la Sentinelle’, ‘Air des Hussards de la garde’, and ‘air du Chien du régiment’. 75. The indication of a melody by simple referral to the title of a supposedly known ‘air’ was a long-standing tradition. Early modern broadside ballads usually mentioned the ‘tune’ to which they were set, see Bruce 204 Notes

Smith, The Acoustic World of Early Modern England. Attending to the O-factor, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1999, 112, 168–205 or the ‘English Broadside Ballad Archive’. The practice was continued until well into the twentieth century, as is evident from the use of popular tunes in the creation of soldier songs in the trenches. Sweeney, Singing Our Way to Victory, 204. Many of the tunes indicated in the Belgian revolutionary texts refer to tunes recorded in the French Clé du Caveau. 76. ‘Chant Belge’, in Antoine Clesse, Chansons nouvelles, Mons: Lelouchier, 1848, 125–127. 77. ‘La liègoise’, in Le chansonnier patriotique, 11–12; ‘Hymne des Belges’, in Le chansionnier patriotique, 50–52. 78. ‘à la Belgique’, in Paul Dérouledé, Chants du soldat, Paris: Fayard, 1908. 79. ‘Mijn liefje’, in La Flamme, Quelques chansons pour nos soldat/ Eenige liederen voor onze soldaten, Brussels: Sermon, s.d., 8–9. 80. La Flamme, Quelques chansons pour nos soldats. 81. ‘Aan mijne moeder’, in La Flamme, Quelques chansons. 82. A number of folkloric articles on the subject have been published, e.g. R. Thisse-de Rouette, ‘Anciennes chansons de soldats en wallonie de l’est’, Belgische tijdschrift voor militaire geschiedenis, 21, 4 (1975), 315–360; R. De Roeck, ‘Lotelingsliedjes’, Eigen schoon en de Brabander, 37 (1954), 130. For a more extensive overview of songs on the draft, see ‘La chanson wallonne de conscrit au XIXe siècle’, in Daniel Droixhe, Le cri du public. Culture populaire, presse et chanson dialectale au pays de Liège (XVIIIe-XIXe siècles), Brussels: Académie royale de langue et de littérature françaises de Belgique, 2003, 191–248; Luc De Vos, ‘Liederen in verband met loting en plaatsvervanging’, Militaria Belgica, XIII (1984), 35–40 and Luc De Vos, Het effectief van de Belgische krijgsmacht en de militiewetgeving, 1830–1914, Brussel: Koninklijk legermuseum, 1985, 400–414. It is hard to trace when or how these songs originated and how they were used. De Vos differentiates between the ‘playful’, supposedly spontaneous, folk- songs that would be ‘bellowed rather than sung’ and the ‘proletarian’s songs’ written by socialist intellectuals and critical of the draft which they saw as a form of social abuse. The stylistic differences between these two types of song are indeed overly clear, however, the ‘bellowed’ folk-songs were hardly neutral and expressed their own kind of critique. 83. De Vos, Het effectief van de Belgische krijgsmacht, 404. 84. Ibid., 402. 85. Ibid., 410. 86. ‘La Plata’, Belgique Militaire, (1877), 334. 87. On the one hand, folklorists and classical composers were interested in the conservation of ‘authentic’ folktunes as a part of their countries’ cultural heritage, on the other hand, the recurrence of musical phrases heightened the recognisability and therefore the readability of songs. 88. During a public meeting of the city council in 1875, for example, complaints were reported on the spread of ‘political songs’ (politieke liedekens) among the children in front of one particular school. ‘Openbare zitting gemeenteraad’, 11 December 1875, (S.A.: MA 223/17–18). See also John M. Picker, Victorian Soundscapes, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003, Notes 205

62–63 on the deﬁnition of music of the streets (or urban lower class music in general) as noise by middle-class authors. 89. Frans Swagers, Een tweede bundel lustige liederen voor oud en jong. Studentenwijzen en muziek van vreemde meesters in noten en cijferschrift, s.l., s.d. 90. Jos. Moulckers, Receuil de chants patriotiques pour lécole et le foyer des maîtres de l’art musical Belge/Bundel Vaderlandsche zangen van de meesters der Belgische toonkunst voor school en haard, s.l., 1905. 91. Moulckers, Bundel vaderlandsche zangen. 92. Lydia Goehr, The Imaginary Museum of Musical Works. An Essay in the Philosophy of Music, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994, 2. 93. Ian Biddle and Kirsten Gibson (eds.), Masculinity and Western Musical Practice, Surrey and Burlington: Ashgate, 2009, 2. 94. Ibid., 7. 95. On the interpretation of the composer as ‘fathers’ of their works, see also Beatrix Borchard, ‘Beethoven: Männlichkeitskonstruktionen im Bereich der Musik’, in Martina Kessel (ed.), Kunst, Geschlecht, Politik. Männlichkeitskonstruktionen und Kunst im Kaiserreich und in der Weimarer Republik, Frankfurt and New York: Campus, 2005, 65–84, 70. 96. The conservatories of Brussels, Ghent and Liège were equally represented with a number of key ﬁgures, and various military composers were included as well. 97. His prominent place in the national repertoire was due to his work as a pedagogue at least as much as to his reputation as a composer. Karlijn Deene, in her analysis of the relation between Benoit and the Antwerp city government, points to Benoit’s awareness of and involvement with the educational ideals of pedagogues such as Pestalozzi, the central place he accorded to the folk-song in his educational project and his attempts to use music education as a way to transform children into ‘thinking men’. Karlijn Deene, ‘Peter Benoit en het Antwerpse stadsbestuur (1867–1898). De houding van het Antwerpse stadsbestuur tegenover Peter Benoit en het beleid in de Antwerpse muziekschool’, Wetenschappelijke tijdingen op het gebied van de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging, 64, 1 (2005), 3–22. 98. Jan Blockx’ ‘A celebration in the country’ (Feest in den lande)waspart of an elogy written for the 1905 jubilee, as were a fragment of the children’s cantata by Wambach and the ‘chunks’ of Walpot’s patriotic cantata. Timmermans’ ‘Patriotic musical poem’ (Vaderlandsch zangdicht) had been written for the national celebrations of 1904. See also Deene, ‘Peter Benoit en het Antwerpse stadsbestuur’, 15–17, on Benoit’s position as a national and local composer. 99. The verse was famously written by poet and composer Antoine Cless, whose work was also represented in the collection. 100. As Tollebeek and Verschaffel point out, ‘it was not so much the individual heroes who embodied the nation, but rather all the heroes collectively’, who would ideally be gathered in the pantheon as an ‘egalitarian com- munity’, Jo Tollebeek and Tom Verschaffel, ‘Group Portraits with National Heroes: The Pantheon as an Historical Genre in Nineteenth-Century Belgium’, National Identities, 6, 2 (2004), 91–106, 96–97. 101. The possibility of identifying a work as a ‘piece of music’, is, according to Marc Delaere, at least partly the consequence of the practice of composing 206 Notes

through the medium of score-production, in which the condensation of music onto paper – allowing for repetition and the compilation of a repertoire – helps to establish a canon of several pieces of music that are each considered unique. Mark Delaere, ‘De toekomst van de muziekwetenschap: wat is een partituur?’ Tijdschrift voor Muziektheorie, 11, 1 (2006), 31–35, 32–33. 102. Composers such as Peter Benoit, Jan Blockx, Karel Miry or Edgar Tinel have served as subjects for a range of scientiﬁc papers and MA theses, dealing with their lives, their relations to each other and their work. A good starting place for an overview of the work of many of these composers is the website of the Study Centre for Flemish Music (Studiecentrum voor Vlaamse muziek). Thierry Levaux, Dictionnaire des compositeurs de Belgique du moyen âge à nos jours, Ohain-Lasne: Editions Art in Belgium, 2006 provides biographical and bibliographical information on both Flemish and Francophone composers. 103. On (gendered) duality in the theories and histories of early music, and of medieval interpretations of ancient music and Gregorian chant in particular, see Leo Treitler, ‘Gender and Other Dualities of Music History’, in Ruth Solie (ed.), Musicology and Difference: Gender and Sexuality in Music Scholarship, Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1993, 23–45. 104. Kirsten Gibson, ‘Music, Melancholy and Masculinity in Early Modern England’, in Biddle and Gibson (ed.), Masculinity and Western Musical Practice, 41–66, 57. 105. Susan McClary, Feminine Endings: Music, Gender and Sexuality, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1991; Irene Suchy, ‘Herrlich-Dämlich. Vom Sprechen über Musik. Über Musiksprache, die vorgibt, Musikerklärung zu sein, jedoch Einweisung in geschlechtergemäßes Rollenverhalten ist’, in Maria Buchmayr (ed.), Geschlecht lernen. Gendersensible Didaktik und Pädagogik, Innsbrück: Studienverlag, 2007, 237–248. 106. Peter Benoit, ‘Krijgsmarsch uit: De Wereld In’, in Moulckers (ed.), Bundel vaderlandsche zangen, 50–56. 107. Jan Blockx, ‘slothymnus uit “De Klokke Roeland”. Kantate voor gemengd koor en kinderstemmen’, in Moulckers (ed.), Bundel vaderlandsche zangen, 69–72. 108. Jan Blockx, ‘De liefde voor het vaderland’, in Moulckers (ed.), Bundel vaderlandsche zangen, 73–75. 109. As Bruce Smith’s insistence on the score’s function as a collection of graphemes referring to experiences suggests, composers only had to provide detailed instructions for unfamiliar themes: the predictable and the recog- nisable did not need to be written down, as singers were expected to be capable of ﬁlling in these ‘blanks’ spontaneously. Bruce Smith, The Acoustic World of Early Modern England, 129. ‘The score’, as Michael Chanan has noted, acts as a ‘skeleton of performance’, not as a completely controllable blueprint. Michael Chanan, Musica Practica. The Social Practice of Western Music from Gregorian Chant to Postmodernism, London and New York: Verso, 1994, 70. 110. Lodewijk Mortelmans, ‘Ze liggen lang begraven’, in Moulckers (ed.), Bundel vaderlandsche zangen, 153–154. Notes 207

111. The choral history of Belgium has not been researched extensively. For a brief overview: Kamiel Cooremans, ‘Vlaamse koormuziek in de negentiende eeuw’, Berichtenblad van de Vlaamse Federatie van Jonge Koren, 13, 8 (1979), http://www.svm.be/content/vlaamse-koormuziek-de-negentiende-eeuw. 112. Around the turn of the century, musical culture was an aural as well as a reading culture: composers could therefore count upon a double ‘musical literacy’: people could read music, and had a ‘well-honed ear’ and a strong musical memory. Sweeney, Singing Our Way to Victory,6–23. 113. On the different groups that were explicitly present at national celebrations, see the chapter on ‘the mise-en-scene of power’ in Jeroen Janssens, De Belgische natie viert: de Belgische nationale feesten, 1830–1914,Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2001, 135–164. Janssens calls particular attention to the organisation of banquets and military parades. 114. Letter of the alderman of education to school inspector Haegens on the inauguration of the Conscience memorial stone, 3 October 1888, (S.A.: MA 223/4); schedules for the funeral of Jan Van Beers and for the mourning parade for Evarist Allewaert, (S.A.: MA 223/9) and (S.A.: MA 223/10). 115. See Mr. Lhoest’s letter to the city government, 3 July 1899, (S.A.: MA 223/14) and a letter by the members of the schoolcomiteit, 6e kring, 26 June 1882, (S.A.: MA 223/4). 116. ‘sur la plaine d’Etterbeek’, Belgique Militaire, (1890), 674. 117. Advertisement for a manual by Leo Van Heck, referring to the patriotic celebrations of 1905, (S.A.: MA 234). 118. See e.g. the planned list of events for the opening of a new school for pau- pers in 1879: ‘omzendbrief van schoolhoofden mr en mevr Van Noyen’, (S.A.: MA 222/5). 119. There are virtually no records of middle-class male singers in the archives consulted. The act of singing seems to have been associated entirely with infantilised groups (children, ‘the people’ and women). 120. As John Picker has observed, the nineteenth century saw ‘a rise in close listening’, Picker, Victorian Soundscapes,6. 121. On civilians’ disruptive interactions with the manoeuvring army, see Chapter 2, on the behaviour of the lower classes during music performances that was perceived as disruptive, see Russell, Popular Music in England, 35. No similar condemnations of the people’s behaviour during concerts were recorded concerning the performances of the Antwerp schoolchildren. Nevertheless, politicians’ and musicians’ statements on the goal of music education show that they aimed to create proper audience knowledge and behaviour as well. 122. Especially when considering the opposition between silence and noise, silence appears, according to Peter Bailey, as ‘the sound of authority’, and as an act rather than as the absence of sound. Peter Bailey, ‘Break- ing the Sound Barrier’, in Mark M. Smith (ed.), Hearing History, a Reader, Athens & London: The University of Georgia Press, 2004, 23–35, 26. Donna Haraway, Modest_Witness@second_millennium. FemaleMan©_Meets_ OncoMouseTM . Feminism and Technoscience, London & New York: Routledge, 1991, 25. 123. As James Cook has suggested, the ‘quietude’ resulting from the ‘aural self control’ serving as ‘a marker of elite status’, was not ‘equivalent to quiet’. 208 Notes

James W. Cook, ‘Towards a History of Sound’, Reviews in American History, 31 (2003), 47–52, 48; Haraway, Modest_Witness, 24. 124. Mladen Dolar, A Voice and Nothing More, London and Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 2006.

4 Men’s Sounds and Silences

1. Mladen Dolar, A Voice and Nothing More, London and Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 2006, 11 and 60. 2. Ibid., 59 and 73. 3. Ibid., 80. 4. Judith Butler and Gayatri Spivak, Who Sings the Nation-State. Language, Politics, Belonging, Kolkata: Seagull Books, 2007, 66. 5. The Belgian parliament was in fact strikingly transparent in the beginning of the nineteenth century, choosing to publish (near) verbatim transcripts from its very inception. See Marnix Beyen, ‘De Parlementaire Handelingen en andere bronnen voor de studie van de taal van de negentiende- eeuwse politicus’, Verslagen en mededelingen van de Koninklijke Academie voor Nederlandse taal en letterkunde, 114 (2004), 11–18. 6. De Puydt had been active mainly as a military engineer, from the revolution onwards, and would later play an important role in the construction of the country’s network of canals. 7. P.P.R. 22 December 1838. 8. See also Josephine Hoegaerts, ‘La Voix du Pays. Masculinity, Vocal Author- ity and the Disembodied Citizen in the Nineteenth Century’, in Kathleen Starck and Birgit Sauer (eds.), Political Masculinities, Cambridge Scholars Publishing, in press. 9. P.P.R. 25 March 1833. 10. P.P.R. 29 March 1833. 11. P.P.R. 10 March 1840. 12. Anonymous utterances were often attributed to ‘une voix’ or ‘plusieurs voix’. 13. Beyen, ‘De Parlementaire Handelingen’, 12. 14. P.P.R. 21 November 1901. 15. Beyen, ‘De Parlementaire Handelingen’, 18. 16. P.P.R. 3 August 1895. 17. P.P.R. 27 April 1897, P.P.R. 18 August 1893, P.P.R. 3 May 1900. 18. P.P.R. 21 December 1900. On the performativity of political speech and the creation of categories of the (un)speakable by the state, see Judith Butler, ‘Sovereign Performatives in the Contemporary Scene of Utterance’, Critical Inquiry, 23, 2 (1997), 350–377, 356. 19. P.P.R. 19 March 1864. 20. ‘Louis Hymans, the Journalist’, The New York Times, 15 June 1884. Appar- ently, Hymans was ‘always droll, even when he wanted to be serious’. 21. P.P.R. 18 August 1893. 22. P.P.R. 3 August 1895. 23. P.P.R. 29 April 1897 and P.P.R. 21 November 1901. 24. P.P.R. 5 April 1865. Notes 209

25. Dolar, A Voice and Nothing More, 21–22. 26. For an overview of the regulations of the chamber of representatives, see R. Buyse, Règlement de la chambre des représentants. Receuil des textes de 1831 à 1957, Brussels: greffe de la chambre des représentants, 1959. Regulations for the senate have been issued in 1831, 1863, 1885, 1898 and 1904. 27. On the notion of parliamentary dignity, see Marnix Beyen, ‘De eerbiedwaardige onderbrekers. Ironie en pastiche in de Franse kamer van Afgevaardigden, 1890’, in Marnix Beyen and Johan Verberckmoes (eds.), Humor met een verleden, Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2006, 253–272, 254. 28. P.P.R. 3 August 1895. 29. Projet de règlement pour la chambre des représentants, 1831, chapter II, art. 10. 30. Ibid., chapter I, art. 1. 31. Ibid., chapter II, art. 9. 32. Upon a request by Maximilian I of Mexico, Leopold I and the Belgian government sent a ‘Belgian Legion’ of volunteers to participate in the second Franco-Mexican war. They were engaged as the bodyguards of Leopold’s daughter Charlotte (who was Maximilian’s wife), and were crushed in the Battle of Tacambaro. 33. P.P.R. 5 April 1865. 34. Projet de règlement, chapter III, art. 20; Règlement de la chambre des représen- tants de Bruxelles, 1902, chapter IV, art. 34; Règlement pour le sénat, 1831, chapter XII, art. 79. 35. P.P.R. 12 August 1880, P.P.R. Séance solennelle 12 August 1880. 36. P.P.R. 30 April 1897. 37. P.P.R. 5 April 1865 and P.P.R. 18 June 1873. 38. As Douglas Kahn has suggested, sound was imagined – especially toward the end of the nineteenth century – as something transmitted in ‘vibrational space’. ‘Actual acoustic space’, however, ‘included bodies and objects rarely positioned in harmonic relationship with one another’, thus cluttering the theoretical model of vibration and sound transmission. Douglas Kahn, ‘Art and Sound’, in Mark M. Smith (ed.), Hearing History. A Reader, Athens and London: University of Georgia Press, 2004, 36–50, 45. 39. P.P.R. 4 April 1865 and P.P.R. 2 May 1900. 40. P.P.R. 27 June 1899. 41. P.P.R. 3 August 1895. 42. On metaphors and practices of song in parliament, see Hoegaerts, ‘La Voix du Pays’. 43. P.P.R. 27 June 1899. 44. Phrases such as ‘rires ironiques’ and ‘hilarité’ could be added to the proceedings in italics, while speakers or the chairman of the chamber regularly complained about ‘rires inconvenants’. 45. P.P.R. 28 August 1895. Those who were familiar with the quote, moreover, knew that the silent thunder was still ‘announcing his presence’. 46. Beyen, ‘De eerbiedwaardige onderbrekers’, 269. 47. P.P.R. 6 February 1895. 48. P.P.R. 12 August 1880. 49. Adriana Cavarero, For More than One Voice. Toward a Philosophy of Vocal Expression, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2005, 165–172. 210 Notes

50. J. Pietersz, Eerste leesboek voor de hoogste klas eener lagere school in dicht en ondocht, Mechelen: Kops-Suetnes, 1847, 18. 51. J. Pietersz, Leerwyze om aan kinderen het lezen zonder spellen te leeren, Mechelen: P.J. Hanicq, 1838. 52. P.J. Prinsen, Leerwyze om kinderen te leeren lezen, Amsterdam: Van der Hey, 1821. 53. P.J. Prinsen, Leerwijze van H. Pestalozzi, bevattende de drie aanvangspunten van zijn onderwijs, Leyden: D. du Mortier & zoon, 1809, 4. 54. Ibid., 20. 55. He introduced a speciﬁc piece of furniture for that purpose as well: the leestafel, a device that allowed the teacher to show his pupils acoustic fragments of words (vowels and syllables) and encourage them to associate their sounds to their symbols. 56. F. Delin and J.F. Van de Gaer, Eerste Oefeningen in de klankenmethode van P.J. Prinsen aen de brabansche spelwyze toegepast tot gebruyk der schoolen, Antwerpen: Schoesetters, 1820. 57. Jan Van Beers, Nederduitsche spraekleer ten gebruike van hooge-, middelbare en normale scholen, onderwyzers, meergevorderden enz., Antwerpen: Peters, 1854, 1. 58. A.J. Germain, Grondbeginselen der Nederlandsche spraakkunst: naar de grond- stellingen der beroemde volksonderwijzers opgesteld ten gebruike der lagere scholen, Brugge: Tanghe, 1876, 1. 59. Based on the work of German psychologist Friedrich Eduard Beneke (1798– 1854). Ph. De Coster, Leesonderrigt naer Dr. Beneke’s zielleer. Lessen van methodologie gegeven in s’Ryks Normaelschool van Lier, Lier: Van In, 1856. 60. A.J. Germain, Oefeningen op de grondbeginselen der Nederlandsche spraakkunst, Brugge: Cuypers, 1876, 17 and 24. 61. H. Kern, Handleiding bij het onderwijs der Nederlandsche tael, De Haan: Krommenie, 1864, 116 and 118. 62. The Antwerp City Archives contain a number of application letters to the municipal government from potential music teachers, most of whom were professional musicians, (S.A.: MA 223/2). 63. K. Miry, Muziek en gymnastiek: formulen en kinderliederen voor het aanleeren van de grondbeginselen der toonuitgalming (intonatie), Gent: s.n., 1880; G. Bols, Zangmethode voor de scholen volgens het cijferstelsel Galin – Paris – Chevé, Antwerpen: Vanos-Dewolf, 1885; F. Aerts, Muziek-leerboek inhoudende de volledige grondbegiselen dezer kunst en nieuwe zang-oefeningen, Brussel: Schott, 1863, and E. Gregoir, Aanschouwelijk onderwijs der muziek bijzonder ingericht voor lagere scholen, normaal-gestichten voor onderwijzers en onderwijzeressen, Antwerpen: Possoz, 1885. 64. The archives of the city schools also contain a handful of letters exchanged between Peter Benoit and his Ghent counterpart Karel Miry, both active musicians and music pedagogues involved in their city’s primary school’s music education, but despite mutual interest between both cities in each others’ educational system, teachers do not seem to have borrowed the Ghent methods. 65. Letter by the municipal school inspector to the municipal government of Antwerp, (S.A.: MA 223/6). Notes 211

66. N.P. Rotsaert, Practische en theoretische handleiding bij het zangonderwijs in de lagere school naar F.F. Schäublin, Antwerpen: Mees, 1876, 1. 67. Edouard Gregoir, Aanschouwelijk onderwijs der muziek bijzonder ingericht voor lagere scholen, normaal-gestichten voor onderwijzers en onderwijzeressen, Antwerpen: Possoz, 1885. 68. Rotsaert, Practische en theoretische handleiding. 69. As school inspector Haegens commented ironically in a letter to the city government, ‘pour enseigner le chant sans accompagnement d’un instru- ment, il faut au moins savoir le ton’, letter by Haegens, 26 October 1862, (S.A.: MA 223/1). 70. Gregoir, Le chant en choeur et l’enseignement de la musique dans les écoles primaires en Belgique, Antwerpen: Dela Montagne, 1882, 4. 71. Gregoir, Aanschouwelijk onderwijs, 31. 72. Ibid., 5. 73. Gregoir, Le chant en chœur. 74. This reiterates the general discourse on gender in primary schools, which positioned masculinity not as the counterpart or opposite of femininity, but rather presented men as equally far removed from children as they were from women. Male teachers were to voice these differences by emit- ting a sound that was considered to be natural for the ‘unaltered male voice’ which, as Naomi André has pointed out, was perceived as ‘virile’ in the second half of the nineteenth century. Naomi André, Voicing Gender. Castrati, Travesti and the Second Woman in Early-Nineteenth-Century Italian Opera, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2006, 21. 75. Gregoir, L’enseignement du chant dans les écoles primaires en Belgique, 1884, 4. 76. Ibid. 77. The use of both keyboard instruments and the problems related to them were touched upon in the letter the Antwerp City Council sent to Huberti as an answer to his report on music education in the Antwerp primary schools, on 16 January 1882, (S.A.: MA 235/14). 78. A programme for the examinations in the Antwerp conservatory shows that girls only took classes in piano and singing. See ‘openbare examen muziekschool 1874’, (S.A.: MA 223/217). In France, a strong association between women and keyboard instruments such as the organ existed as well. Ingrid Sykes, Women, Science and Sound in Nineteenth-Century France, Frankfurt a.M.: Peter Lang, 2007. 79. P. Rotsaert, the author of a number of school manuals, taught music to classes of boys and girls in the St. Willebrordsschool. Correspondence between Rotsaert and the municipal government on his workload as a music teacher throughout the 1860s, (S.A.: MA 223/1). 80. G. Bols, Zangmethode voor de scholen volgens het cijferstelsel Galin – Paris – Chevé, Antwerpen: Vanos-Dewolf, 1885, 2. 81. Gregoir, Aanschouwelijk onderwijs, 17–18. 82. Ibid., 31. 83. Bols, Zangmethode,3. 84. Ibid., 17. 85. Gregoir, Études sur la nécessité d’introduire le chant d’ensemble dans les écoles primairesdelaBelgique, Antwerpen: Kennes en Gerrits, 1858, 10. 212 Notes

86. Ibid., 6. 87. Bols, Zangmethode,3–4. 88. ‘Mijn vaderland’, in E. Gregoir , Aan de Belgische natie. Vaderlandsche liederen voor 2 en 3 stemmen ten dienste der scholen en huisgezinnen, Antwerp: Rummel s.d. 89. ‘De heilige Joseph’, in Vijftien schoolliederen, met uitgelezen en gemakkelijke zangwijzen voor eene, twee of drie stemmen, Lier: J. Van In, 1866, 28–29; ‘Uitnoodiging ten zang’, in Frans Willems , Driestemmige liederen voor de schooljeugd, naar de verzameling van Johannes Wepf uit het hoogduitsch overgebracht, 4 vols., Antwerpen: J. De Cort, 1872, 22–23. 90. ‘Pr. Van Duyse, ‘Lied voor stadsscholen’, De Toekomst, (1857), 235. 91. ‘Het zingen’, in H.B. Waterkeyn, De zangschool. Keus van gezangen voor de school en het leven, Thienen: P.J. Merckx, 1847, 1. 92. F. Vinckx and J. Vinckx, Vergeet mij nietjes. Liederen voor school en huis in noten- en cijferschrift tegen drankmisbruik en dierenmishandeling, Gent: Vanderpoorten, s.d., 6. 93. ‘Het Lied’, in Emmanuel Hiel, Liederen en gezangen voor groote en kleine kinderen, Brussel: J. Lebègue, s.d., 9. 94. H., ‘Zingen’, De Toekomst, (1860), 247. 95. ‘Wandel-abc’, in Hiel, Liederen en gezangen, 31. 96. ‘Zingen’, in C. Boudolf and H. Defoort, Vlaamsche liederverzameling voor school en thuis, Brugge: Beyaert, 1903, 55. 97. ‘Zingend loopen’, in Boudolf and Defoort, Vlaamsche liederverzameling, 44. 98. On the convergence of health and morality and their relation to the construction of masculinity, particularly in the context of gymnastics, see Svenja Goltermann, ‘Exercise and Perfection: Embodying the Nation in Nineteenth-Century Germany’, European Review of History, 11, 3 (2004), 333–346. 99. K. Miry, Muziek en gymnastiek: formulen en kinderliederen voor het aanleeren van de grondbeginselen der toonuitgalming (intonatie), Gent: s.n., 1880. 100. Dockx, Guide pour l’enseignement de la gymnastique des ﬁlles, Namur: Wesmael-Charlier, 1875; Dockx, Methodische lijst der bevelen of kommando’s voor het aanleeren der gymnastiek voor jongens, Namur: Wesmael-Charlier, 1875 were part of the library that was available to Antwerp teachers, but Dockx also published numerous other works on physical education. 101. Dockx, Guide pour l’enseignement, 189. 102. Ibid., 190. 103. Ibid., 191. 104. Marijke Den Hollander, Sport in ’t Stad: Antwerpen 1830–1914,Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2006, 312. 105. P. Schmitz, Traité de gymnastique élémentaire et raisonnée à l’usage du personnel des écoles primaires, Luik: Desoer, 1870. 106. Ibid., 3. 107. ‘Camp de Beverloo: période des manœuvres de 1877’, Belgique Militaire, (1878), 267. 108. ‘Au camp’, Belgique Militaire, (1881), 383. 109. Compte rendu des manœuvres de cavalerie exécutées au camp de Beverloo en 1883, 1884, 1885, 7. Notes 213

110. ‘Camp de Beverloo: période de manœuvres de 1875’, Belgique Militaire, (1875), 54. 111. ‘Les manœuvres en terrain varié’, Belgique Militaire, (1887), 300. On the importance of sound in warfare and tactics, see Charles D. Ross, Civil War Acoustic Shadows, Shippensburg: White Mane Publishing, 2001 and Steve Goodman, Sonic Warfare. Sound, Affect, and the Ecology of Fear, London and Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2010. 112. ‘La caserne’, Belgique Militaire, (1901), 336. 113. ‘signalen’, Nederlandsch volksliederenboek, 1832, 153. The trumpet signals were also included in booklets with marching songs, see, e.g., A. Souvrezis, Chants de soldats (1525–1915). Chansons populaires, chants militaire, hymns nationaux, sonneries, Paris: Berger-Levrault, 1914. 114. ‘Journal des Manœuvres du Condroz’, Belgique militaire, (1882), 2, 459. 115. Manœuvres exécutées au camp de Beverloo en 1845, texte, M.R.A., Brussels, 29. 116. ‘Education militaire et nationale’, Belgique Militaire, (1891), 643. 117. On the compulsory music courses and their relation to published song collections at the end of the nineteenth century, see Colin, ‘Les chants du soldat belge’, Carnet de la fourragère, (ca.1930), 1. 118. ‘Camp de Beverloo. Correspondance particulière de l’Echo du Parlement’, Belgique Militaire, (1875), 122. 119. On military parades and national celebrations, see also Nel de Mûelenaere, ‘An Uphill Battle. Campaigning for the Militarization of Belgium, 1870– 1914’, Journal of Belgian History, 42, 4 (2012), 145–179. 120. ‘Revue et déﬁlé du 22 juillet’, Belgique Militaire, (1875), 111. 121. Ibid., 108; ‘Manœuvre congolaise’, Belgique Militaire, (1900), 1090. 122. Advice for the paying and non-paying city schools, on the mourning procession for Evarist Allewaert, 28 September 1890, (S.A.: MA 223/10). 123. From journal le Précurseur. Cited in the brochure ‘1818–1893 Het Stedelijk Onderwijs in Antwerpen; vijf en zeventigjarig jubelfeest. Historisch overzicht’, (S.A.: MA 234/9).

Soundscapes of Gender and Nation

1. On similar evolutions in German hiking and gymnastic movements, see George L. Mosse, The Nationalization of the Masses: Political Symbolism and Mass Movement in Germany from the Napoleonic Wars through the Third Reich, New York: Howard Fertig, 1975, 128; George L. Mosse, Natialism and Sex- uality: Middle Class Morality and Sexual Norms in Modern Europe, Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985, 45 and Michael Krüger, ‘Body Culture and Nation-Building: The History of Gymnastics in Germany in the Period of its Foundation as a Nation State’, International Journal of the History of Sport, 13, 3 (1996), 409–417. 2. ‘Wij reizen om te leeren’, in Joris De Bom (ed.), De kleine zanger en anderen kinderliederen,Antwerpen:Faes,s.d.2. 3. ‘Waar Maas en Schelde vloeien’, in Recueil de chants patriotiques pour les écoles. Verzameling vaderlandsche schoolzangen., Brussel: Schott frères, s.d., 30; ‘Maas en Schelde’, in Franz Andelhof and J. Moreels (eds.), Heidebloempjes. Patriotieke liederen voor groote en kleine kinderen. Chants patriotiques à l’usage des 214 Notes

écoles, s.l., 1896, 12; ‘Het lied der Vlamingen’, in C. Boudolf and H. Defoort (eds.), Vlaamsche liederverzameling voor school en thuis, Brugge: Beyaert, 1903, 16: ‘Waar Maas en Schelde vloeien’. 4. ‘België bovenal’, in Recueil de chants patriotiques,5. 5. ‘Maas en Schelde’, in Andelhof and Moreels (eds.), Heidebloempjes, 12; ‘Ons dierbaar Belgenland’, Joseph Moulckers, Recueil de chants patriotiques pour l’école et le foyer des maîtres de l’art musical Belge. Bundel vaderlandsche zangen van de meesters der Belgische toonkunst voor school en haard, s.l., s.d. (ca. 1905), 17. 6. ‘Ons dierbaar Belgenland’, Receuil de chants patriotiques, 17. 7. ‘Den Vaderland’, in Frans Willems (ed.), Eerste liedjes voor de jeugd, methodisch gerangschikt door J.J. Schäublin, uit het hoogduitsche vertaald, Brussel: Callewaert, 1871, 23–24. 8. ‘Mijn Vlaanderland’, in Boudolf and Defoort (eds.), Vlaamsche liederverzameling. 9. Emmanuel Hiel, Liederen en gezangen voor groote en kleine kinderen, Brussel: J. Lebègue, s.d., 132–144. 10. Ibid., 132–144. 11. ‘Zingen’, in Hiel (ed.), Liederen en gezangen, 53. 12. Murray Schafer, The Tuning of the World, New York: Radom House Inc., 1977, 9. 13. The carillon was understood as a speciﬁc and identiﬁable part of the soundscape of Belgium and Northern France, see Corbin, Les cloches de la terre. Paysage sonore et culture sensible dans les campagnes au XIXième siècle, Paris: Albin Michel, 1994 and Marnix Beyen, Luc Rombouts and Staf Vos (eds.), De Beiaard. Een politieke geschiedenis, Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2009. 14. On the organisation and performances of ad-hoc choirs in Belgium in the nineteenth century, see Josephine Hoegaerts, ‘Little Citizens and petites patries: Learning Patriotism through Choral Singing in Antwerp in the Late Nineteenth Century’, in Ursula Geissler and Karin Johansson (eds.), Choral Singing: Histories and Practices, Cambridge: Cambridge Scholar Press, 2014. 15. Jeroen Janssens, De Belgische natie viert, Leuven: Universitaire Pers Leuven, 2001, 14–18, 39–40, 70. 16. Ibid., 89. See also Tom Verschaffel, ‘Het verleden tot weinig herleid. De historische optocht als vorm van romantische verbeelding’, in Jo Tollebeek, Frank Ankersmit and Wessel Krul (eds.), Romantiek en historische cultuur, Groningen: Historische Uitgeverij, 1996, 297–320. 17. Janssens, De Belgische natie viert, 1–22. 18. Ibid., 179–188. 19. Ibid., 52. 20. Koninkrijk België. Ministerie van Binnenlandsche Zaken en Openbaar Onderwijs, 75e Verjaring van ‘s lands onafhankelijkheid. Vaderlandsch feest van 21 juli 1905. Beschrijving van de Plechtigheden op de Poelaertplaats, Brussels, 1905. 21. Janssens, De Belgische natie viert, 186. 22. Vaderlandsch feest van 21 juli 1905, 37–47. 23. Ibid. Notes 215

24. Janssens, De Belgische natie viert, 89. 25. Ibid., 99–108. 26. Vaderlandsch feest van 21 juli 1905. 27. Tom Verschaffel, ‘De Brabançonne en de Vlaamse Leeuw’, in Louis Peter Grijp (ed.), Nationale hymnen. Het Wilhelmus en zijn buren, Amsterdam: SUN, 1998, 162–183, 170. 28. Ibid., 168. 29. Ch. Vandersypen, Jenneval, Campenhout. La Brabançonne. Chant national de la Belgique. Biographies des auteurs avec gravures, portraits et musique précédées d’une introduction, Brussels: Bruylant, 1880, 11; Verschaffel, ‘De Brabançonne en de Vlaamse Leeuw’, 162–170. 30. Vandersypen, La Brabançonne, 102–103. 31. Ibid., 6. 32. La Belgique naissante. Pièce en 4 actes avec chants de 1830 de RODAN, Brussels: Dewit, 1900, 7. 33. Ibid., 13, 21 and 23. 34. Ibid., 28 and 24. 35. Vandersypen, La Brabançonne, 136. Bibliography

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Aerts, Felix, 135 breathing, 138–139, 141–3, 147 Allewaert, Evarist, 71, 149–50 see also voices; physical education Andelhof, Franz, 106 brotherhood, 31, 45, 51, 57, 69, 74, anthems 166, 167 adaptation of, 101–2 La Brabançonne, 1, 13–15, 111, 121, canon (musical), 7, 93, 95–6, 101–2, 161–4 106–7, 115, 135 La Marseillaise, 13, 111 cantatas anti-clericalism, 139 children’s , 119 Antwerp national, 116, 158–61 municipal schools, see primary cartography, 61–2, 65, 68 schools Military Institute of, 62 Royal Conservatory, 116, 158; see catholic also Benoit, Peter music, 115, 139–140 school of composers, 106, schools, 2,32, 33, 73, 91, 137, 115–16, 158 139, 165 autonomy, 28–9, 56, 59, 63, 87–9, 92, cavalry, 87 101, 115, 118, 132, 149, 166, 169 Chazal, Emmanuel Félix, 19, 84–85 choirs, 12, 100, 102, 120, 136, 141, 158–9, 164, 168 barracks, 10, 16, 43–6, 51, 101, 167 citizenship construction of, 47–8, 52 constructions of, 3, 8, 10, 25, 57, hygiene of, 49–51, 54, 167 64, 118 see also Beverloo gendering of, 12, 15,33, 57, 79, 89, Belgian revolution, 1, 14–15, 18–19, 94, 166, 168–9 161–2 representations of, 6, 32, 121–2 Benoit, Peter, 98, 107, 115, 116, school of, 16,32, 40, 42–3,44, 52, 141, 155 56, 68, 99 Beverloo classroom heaths of, 59, 65, 80 sound of, 44, 98–9, 106, 133, 136–7 maneuvers at, 52, 54, 59, 79–82 spatial organisation of, 33–4, training camp of, 6,46, 49, 51, 72, 137 80–1 see also primary schools see also Bourg Léopold composers, 95–6, 101–7, 111, 113–19, Beyaert, Henri,30 158, 162, 168 Blockx, Jan, 116–17, 119, 158 see also Benoit, Peter; Blockx, Jan; blood, 15, 68, 103, 107–10 Edouard, Gregoir; Jenneval; Van Bourg Léopold, 51 Campenhout, François see also Beverloo comradeship, 45, 46, 81, 87, 166 Brabançonne, 1, 13–15, 111, 121, see also brotherhood; soldiers 161–4 Conscience, Hendrik, 19–21 Brassine, Jacques-Joseph, 43 Coomans, Jean-Baptiste, 126, 129

237 238 Index courage, 5, 44, 81–3, 87–9, 108–10, fatherhood, 31–2, 41, 44–45, 50, 68, 153, 164 111, 140, 150, 166 see also heroism; sacrifice fatherland, 31, 50, 68–70, 102–7, Crocq, Jean-Joseph, 61–63 109–11, 113–14, 119, 120, 139, 157, 160, 170–1 De Bom, Joris, 101 see also nation; patriotism; sacrifice De Brouckère, Henri, 124–5 fatherliness, 16, 20, 31, 33, 37–40, 42, De Burlet, Jules, 31 44–5, 57, 134, 166 Dechet, Alexandre, see Jenneval; see also motherliness Brabançonne femininity, 6, 12, 56, 83, 112, 118–19, De Geyter, Julius, 141, 155 123, 134 Delaet, Jan, 127, 129 see also Women Delcour, Charles, 61 flemishness, 75, 97–8, 103, 117, 128, De Puydt, Remi, 124 133, 135, 156–7, 165 Dérouledé, Paul, 111 see also mother tongue; nation De Sélys Longchamps, Edmond, 31 folk-songs, 14, 95, 96–100, 105, 114–15, 118, 134, 135, 137, Destrée, Jules, 32, 131 143, 158 De Vleeshouwer, Albert, 117, 158 fraternity, see brotherhood dignity, 27–9, 35, 127–9, 131 discipline geography, 10, 12, 61, 65, 68, 74, educational, 37, 40, 41–2, 101, 79, 156 138, 149 Grégoir, Edouard, 102, 104, military, 16, 43, 45, 49, 52, 79, 86–8, 135–9, 143 101, 144, 145, 147, 149, 169 Gymnastics, see physical education parliamentary, 127–9, 131 spatial expression of, 9–10, 21, 23, Haegens, Gerard, 70–1, 114 26–7, 49,52, 56, 169 Harvey, Henry, 81 see also officers; soldiers; teachers heroism, 14, 26–7, 93, 103, 106, 108, Dockx, Guillaume, 143–144 110, 114–15, 117–18, 120, domestic authority, 28, 31, 150, 166 159, 169 see also fatherliness see also courage; sacrifice domesticity, 33, 39, 40–2, 44, 46, heterosexuality, 45, 97, 108, 53–4, 57–8, 79, 119, 153, 166 111–3, 170 duel, 8, 20 Hiel, Emmanuel, 107, 140, 157 Dumont, André, 61 homosociability, 10, 15–6, 21–2, 34–6, Du Mortier, Barthelémy, 27–30 42, 44, 56–8, 60, 165, 167, 170 House of Representatives echo, 132, 157 architecture of, 26, 28, 30 education sound of, 31, 124, 127, 129, 130 catholic, 2, 32, 33, 73, 91, 137, see also parliament 139, 165 Hoyois, Joseph, 32 intuitive, 41–2, 65, 68, 70, 73, 98, Huberti, Gustave, 98–101, 134–5, 157 135–6, 142, 157 Hymans, Louis, 126 municipal, 32–4, 40, 71, 92, 137, 139, 144, 149 independence, 13, 28, 29, 31–2, single-sex, 33–34 39, 56–7, 64, 97, 158–9, see also primary schools; school 161–2, 165 struggle; teachers see also Belgian Revolution Index 239 infantilisation, 44, 99, 123, 166, 169 marching, 94, 104, 106–8, 119, 141–2, infantry, 58, 59, 87, 145, 166 144, 146, 149 masculinity Jenneval, 1, 14, 162–4 choreography of, 60, 85, 87–8, 93 see also Brabançonne common language of, 5–6, 12, 15, Jottrand, Gustave, 28 21, 22, 25, 165, 171 constructions of, 9, 12, 41, 93 Kings of Belgium history of, 2–4, 10 Albert I, 32, 114 loss of, 20, 83 Leopold I, 29, 30, 46, 80 school of, 20, 43, 113, 147 Leopold II, 84, 159 performance of, 16, 86, 88 see also Queen Marie-Henriette terminology of, 3, 5–6, 109; see also kinship, 16, 31, 44–5, 56, 69, 111, manliness; virility 164, 166 see also femininity see also brotherhood; fatherhood; maturity, 33, 38, 56–7, 83, 84, 87, motherliness 89, 106–9, 123, 124, 128, 132, 136, 141, 147, 149, 150, 154, Lammens, Jules, 91–92 166–71 landscape see also fatherliness; officers gendering of, 76, 82–3 Meynne, Armand, 50, 54 knowledge of, 23, 60, 61, 65, 70, 75 military exercises, see maneuvers representation of, 11, 15, 64, 65, 74, ministers 77, 79, 110, 156–7 of the interior, see Delcour, Charles sound of, 11, 15, 156–7 of war, see Chazal, Emmanuel Félix; see also nation; national soil Brassine, Jacques-Joseph laughter, 131–132 Miry, Karel, 135, 138, 142–3 see also dignity mobility, 10, 33, 57 Le Hardy de Beaulieu, Adolphe, 28 of children, 60, 72, 79, 139, 168; see Lenaerts, Constant, 116 also primary schools Leopold II, see Kings of Belgium of soldiers, 21, 79, 85 train travel, 70, 73–75, 77, 78 maneuvers travelling songs, see songs audience of, 60, 84–5, 119–20, see also maps; marching 122, 147 Montefiore Levi, Georges, 62 Beverloo, 53, 55, 59, 79–82 Moreels, Jozef, 106 grandes manœuvres, 45, 58, 59–60, Mortelmans, Lodewijk, 117, 120 65, 80, 87–8, 145, 146 motherliness, 37, 41–42, 56–8, 68–9, regulations of, 65, 86 98, 111, 133–4, 170 reporting on, 81–2, 149 see also fatherliness; femininity; see also mobility; officers; soldiers teachers manliness, 4, 160–1, 164 mother tongue, 98, 134 see also masculinity Moulckers, Joseph, 114–15, 116, maps 118–20 geological, 61–3, 68 music reading of, 52, 61, 64, 65, 69, 75, choral, 12, 100, 102, 120, 136, 141, 82–4 158, 164, 168 topographical, 61, 65, 77, 79 national canon of, 7, 93, 95–6, 101, see also geography; landscape; 106–7, 115, 135 mobility sight-reading of, 100, 135, 137, 139 240 Index music – continued paternity, see fatherhood theory of, 94, 96, 98–103, 118 patriotism, 12, 19, 31, 51, 68, 92, see also singing; songs; voices 102–3, 106, 108–11, 114–16, 118, 132, 139–40, 146–7, 160, 165, nation 168, 170–1 allegories of, 83, 111, 170 see also citizenship; nationalism; construction of, 2–3, 19, 25, 91, 95, sacrifice 96, 103, 109, 121 Pestalozzi, Johann Heinrich, 23, 42, palace of, 25–7, 29, 72, 76 133, 170 pantheon of, 26–7, 31, 115, 146 physical education, 80, 138, 142–4 representation of, 15, 22, 27, 30–1, pitch, see voices 52, 62–5, 72, 76, 106, 112, 120, primary schools 134, 149–50, 157–60, 164, 170 architecture of, 9, 33, 39, 41, 56 unity of, 3, 13, 156, 159 excursions, 27, 60, 70–2, 74, 76, voice of, 132, 147 78, 155 see also citizenship; landscape hygiene of, 34, 40 national canon, see music see also teachers nationalism, 10, 12, 17, 91, 97, 102, Putzeys, Félix, 50 105, 135 national soil, 15, 61–4, 68–9, 78, 83, Quarré, Count of, 27 101, 103, 111, 164, 170–1 Queen Marie Henriette, 84–5 see also landscape nationhood, 3, 25 Renkin, Jules, 130 Neujean, Xavier, 127 revolution, 1, 14–15, 18–19, 160–2 noise, 44, 93, 94, 114, 126, 130–1, of 1830, see Conscience, Hendrik 138, 169 commemoration of, 114, 158–60 see also silence; voices songs, 109–11, 163 Nothomb, Alphonse, 127 see also independence, nation Nyssens, Albert, 131 rhythm, 60, 101,108, 115, 119, 137, 138, 141, 143, 144, 146–147, officers 165, 168 authority of, 59, 87, 147, 170 see also marching; music training of, 82–3, 87–8, 146, 168 Roger, Henri, 126 see also discipline; soldiers Rolin-Jacquemyns, Gustave, 63–4 orders, shouting of, 83, 86, 143–4 Rotsaert, N.P., 35, 101, 104, 105, see also discipline; physical 135, 137 education; voices sacrifice, 14, 43, 103, 107, 109, Palace of the Nation, 25–7, 29, 72, 76 110, 118 see also parliament see also blood; courage; heroism; parades, 81, 147, 149 patriotism parliament Samuel, Adolphe, 158 galleries, 26–8, 30–1, 129, 132 Schäublin, Johann J., 101, 135 proceedings, 93, 122, 125, 130, 132; school see also stenographers of masculinity, 20, 21, 33, 43, 169 regulations, 127–8, 130, 131; see also of nation, 43, 51–52 dignity; laughter struggle, 32, 63, 165 see also House of Representatives; see also primary schools Palace of the Nation; Senate school trips, see primary schools Index 241

Senate, 26–28 speech, 124, 126, 133, 134, 168, 169 see also Palace of the Nation; propriety of, 127–30 parliament see also singing; voices sexuality, 3, 45, 85, 111–13 stenographers, 125–6, 129 sight-reading, see music see also parliament silence, 31, 60, 87, 92, 124, 129, 131–132, 145–146, 168–169, 171 teachers see also dignity; noise; voices authority of, 33–7, 39, 72 silent witness, 121, 128, 144, 160, 168 fatherliness of, 37–8, 40–2, 44–5, 166 simultaneity, 60, 73, 86, 87, 97, 168 training college, 71, 137 see also discipline; marching voice of, 120, 121, 126, 136–8, singing, 93, 96, 103, 120–1, 131, 143–4, 167 141–3, 163–5 see also classrooms; discipline; boys, 100, 106, 108, 114, 119, 136, primary schools 138–9 Te Deum, 91–2, 121, 158, 160 choral, 12, 100, 102, 120, 136, 141, temperance, 40, 140 158, 164, 168 tenors, see voices men, 11–12, 123, 136, 154, 167–9 timbre, see voices off key, 134, 138 Timmermans, Armand, 116 soldiers, 106–7, 111, 146–7 travelling, see mobility women, 97–8, 119, 134, 141, 170 trebles, see voices see also music; songs; voices Smeets, Paul, 8 Van Campenhout, François, 1, 162–4 soldiers see also Anthems, Jenneval body of, 49, 50–1, 56, 84–6, 88, 149 Vandersmissen, Alfred, 62 playing at, 42–3, 108–9 Van der Straeten, Charles, 26 representation of, 45, 87–9, 93, 106, Vandersypen, Charles, 162, 164 112–3, 166, 170 Van Duyse, Prudens, 103, 140 subordination of, 16, 44–5, 52, Van Rijswijck, Jan, 32, 96–9, 114 59–60, 79–80, 87, 89, 101, virility, 4, 11, 32, 109, 115, 149, 144–5 164, 168 training of, 16, 20–2, 46, 60, 61, see also masculinity 64–5, 82–3, 86, 111, 146–7 voices acousmatic, 123, 125, 132, 144, see also courage; discipline; ofﬁcers; 147, 154 maneuvers education of, 98, 111, 136–8, 167 songs gendering of, 11–2, 42, 92, 119, drafting, 93, 113 123–4, 132, 134, 136, 147, 153, martial, 107–8, 109 164, 168–9 patriotic, 102–3, 106, 107–10, materiality of, 125, 130–1, 139–40, 114–16, 118, 120, 146–7, 160 143, 145 popular, see folk-songs of the nation, 124, 132, 147 revolutionary, 13, 110, 163; see also pitch of, 136, 138 revolution political, 94, 121–2, 124–9, 132, 168 travel, 141–2, 155–6; see also of teachers, 120, 121, 126, 136–8, mobility 143–4, 168 see also music; singing tenor, 1–2, 11, 162–3 soundscapes, 10, 158, 160, 165 timbre of, 136–7 242 Index voices – continued Wambach, Emile, 116 treble, 136, 138 Wappers, Gustave, 19 ventriloquist, 122 Willems, Frans, 104 see also music; noise; silence; singing women in the barracks, 47, 54–5, 58, 83, 85, walking, 68, 141–2, 156 112, 113, 167 see also marching; mobility teachers, 33, 35, 37, 41 Wallonia, 74–5, 117, 155–6,161 see also femininity; homosociablity see also ﬂemishness; landscape; nation zielleer, 133, 135, 136, 138–9 Walpot, Léon, 116 see also education; primary schools