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Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics Under the ‘Second Republic’
Modern Italy Vol. 12, No. 1, February 2007, pp. 17–38 Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics under the ‘Second Republic’ John Agnew The Italian Second Republic was meant to have led to a bipolar polity with alternation in national government between conservative and progressive blocs. Such a system it has been claimed would undermine the geographical structure of electoral politics that contributed to party system immobilism in the past. However, in this article I argue that dynamic place configurations are central to how the ‘new’ Italian politics is being constructed. The dominant emphasis on either television or the emergence of ‘politics without territory’ has obscured the importance of this geographical restructuring. New dynamic place configurations are apparent particularly in the South which has emerged as a zone of competition between the main party coalitions and a nationally more fragmented geographical pattern of electoral outcomes. These patterns in turn reflect differential trends in support for party positions on governmental centralization and devolution, geographical patterns of local economic development, and the re-emergence of the North–South divide as a focus for ideological and policy differences between parties and social groups across Italy. Introduction One of the high hopes of the early 1990s in Italy was that following the cleansing of the corruption associated with the party regime of the Cold War period, Italy could become a ‘normal country’ in which bipolar politics of electoral competition between clearly defined coalitions formed before elections, rather than perpetual domination by the political centre, would lead to potential alternation of progressive and conservative forces in national political office and would check the systematic corruption of partitocrazia based on the jockeying for government offices (and associated powers) after elections (Gundle & Parker 1996). -
Lega Nord and Anti-Immigrationism: the Importance of Hegemony Critique for Social Media Analysis and Protest
International Journal of Communication 12(2018), 3553–3579 1932–8036/20180005 Lega Nord and Anti-Immigrationism: The Importance of Hegemony Critique for Social Media Analysis and Protest CINZIA PADOVANI1 Southern Illinois University Carbondale, USA In this study, I implement Antonio Gramsci’s hegemony critique to analyze the anti- immigration rhetoric promoted by the Italian ultraright party Lega Nord [Northern League]. Specifically, this case study focuses on the discourse that developed on the microblogging site Twitter during the Stop Invasione [Stop Invasion] rally, organized by Matteo Salvini’s party on October 18, 2014, in Milan. I argue that hegemony critique is helpful to investigate political discourse on social media and to theorize the struggle surrounding contentious topics such as immigration. The method, which is multilayered and includes content analysis and interpretative analysis, allows for the exploration of a considerable data corpus but also an in-depth reading of each tweet. The result is a nuanced understanding of the anti-immigration discourse and of the discourse that developed in favor of immigration and in support of a countermarch, which progressive movements organized in response to Lega’s mobilization on the same day in Milan. Keywords: Lega Nord, ultraright media, far-right media, anti-immigrationism, Twitter, critical social media analysis, mobilization, Gramsci, hegemony critique The rise of ultraright movements in Western Europe and the United States is an indication of the continuous crisis of capitalism and neoliberal ideologies. The financial and economic downturn that plagued Europe and North America beginning in late 2008 and the consequent Brussels-imposed austerity in the European Union have exacerbated the rift between the haves and the have-nots. -
Italy and Possible Implications for Eurozone Stability
ITALY IMPLICATIONS Italy and possible implications for eurozone stability After Italy’s unsuccessful push for reform at the EU Summit last month, many of its European partners may be tempted to write-off the country’s concerns. However, this somewhat complacent stance may be dangerous in that it underestimates the recent shift in Italian political dynamics that culminated in the formation of an unexpected coalition government and the extent to which this may impact financial markets and potentially EU stability. Erik Jones Abstract: Italy’s recent election surprised many are not natural political allies. While there are observers who expected a hung parliament areas of policy overlap, the diverse nature of and who were subsequently caught off guard the M5S’s political movement, its relatively by the success of the right-wing Lega and the more expensive policy agenda, and Lega’s populist Five Star Movement (M5S). This growing strength all suggest maintaining a outcome can be attributed to an increasingly united front may prove difficult. Nevertheless, volatile Italian electorate and a shift in political this unexpected political partnership ought dynamics brought about by the economic and not to be written-off by European partners. financial crisis. As the protracted coalition Finding ways to interact with Italy’s new negotiations demonstrated, the Lega and M5S government poses a considerable challenge 81 to EU leaders and, subsequently, the outlook Conte’s success with this complex agenda for EU macroeconomic governance reforms was not obvious. Moreover, there is nothing and financial markets’ stability. However, surprising in this lack of accomplishment. such efforts will be necessary to stabilize the Few heads of state or government achieve all eurozone and contain anti-EU sentiment. -
Community Power and Grassroots Democracy Other Books by Michael Kaufman
BY MICHAEL KAUFMAN & HAROLDO DILLA ALFONSO COMMUNITY POWER AND GRASSROOTS DEMOCRACY OTHER BOOKS BY MICHAEL KAUFMAN Jamaica Under Manleji: Dilemmas of Socialism and Democracjy Bejond Essqys Men on Pleasure, Power and Change (ed.) Cracking the Armour: Power, Pain and the Lives of Men Theorizing Masculinities (co-edited with Harry Brod) COMMUNITY POWER AND GRASSROOTS DEMOCRACY The Transformation of Social Life Edited Michael Kaufman and Haroldo Dilla Alfonso ZED BOOKS London & New Jersej INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT RESEARCH CENTRE Ottawa Cairo Dakar Johannesburg Montevideo Nairobi • New Delhi Singapore Community Power and Grassroots Democracj was first published in 1997 by Zed Books Ltd, 7 Cynthia Street, London NI 9JF, UK, and 165 First Avenue, Atlantic Highlands, New Jersey 07716, USA, and the International Development Research Centre, P0 Box 8500, Ottawa, ON, Canada KIG 3H9. Editorial copyright © Michael Kaufman, 1997 Individual chapters copyright © individual contributors The moral rights of the authors of this work have been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988 Typeset in Monotype Garamond by Lucy Morton, London SEI2 Printed and bound in the United Kingdom by Biddies Ltd, Guildford and King's Lynn All rights reserved A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Contress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Community power and grassroots democracy the transformation of social life / edited by Michael Kaufman, and Haroldo Dilla Alfonso. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 1—85649—487—X. ISBN 1-85649—488—8 (pbk.) 1. Community development—Latin America—Case studies. 2. Political participation—Latin America—Case studies. -
Italy's Atlanticism Between Foreign and Internal
UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 25 (January / Enero 2011) ISSN 1696-2206 ITALY’S ATLANTICISM BETWEEN FOREIGN AND INTERNAL POLITICS Massimo de Leonardis 1 Catholic University of the Sacred Heart Abstract: In spite of being a defeated country in the Second World War, Italy was a founding member of the Atlantic Alliance, because the USA highly valued her strategic importance and wished to assure her political stability. After 1955, Italy tried to advocate the Alliance’s role in the Near East and in Mediterranean Africa. The Suez crisis offered Italy the opportunity to forge closer ties with Washington at the same time appearing progressive and friendly to the Arabs in the Mediterranean, where she tried to be a protagonist vis a vis the so called neo- Atlanticism. This link with Washington was also instrumental to neutralize General De Gaulle’s ambitions of an Anglo-French-American directorate. The main issues of Italy’s Atlantic policy in the first years of “centre-left” coalitions, between 1962 and 1968, were the removal of the Jupiter missiles from Italy as a result of the Cuban missile crisis, French policy towards NATO and the EEC, Multilateral [nuclear] Force [MLF] and the revision of the Alliance’ strategy from “massive retaliation” to “flexible response”. On all these issues the Italian government was consonant with the United States. After the period of the late Sixties and Seventies when political instability, terrorism and high inflation undermined the Italian role in international relations, the decision in 1979 to accept the Euromissiles was a landmark in the history of Italian participation to NATO. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
What Makes the Difference
Universität Konstanz Rechts-, Wirtschafts-, und Verwaltungswissenschaftliche Sektion Fachbereich Politik- und Verwaltungswissenschaft Magisterarbeit to reach the degree in Political Science SUCCESS AND FAILURE IN PUBLIC PENSION REFORM: THE ITALIAN EXPERIENCE Supervised by: Prof. Dr. Ellen Immergut, Humboldt-Universität PD Dr. Philip Manow, Max-Planck Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung Presented by: Anika Rasner Rheingasse 7 78462 Konstanz Telephon: 07531/691104 Matrikelnummer: 01/428253 8. Fachsemester Konstanz, 20. November 2002 Table of Contents 1. Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1 1.1. The Puzzle ............................................................................................................................... 1 2. Theoretical Framework ................................................................................................................... 3 2.1. Special Characteristics of the Italian Political System during the First Republic ................... 3 2.1.1. The Post-War Party System and its Effects..................................................................... 4 2.2. The Transition from the First to the Second Republic ............................................................ 7 2.2.1. Tangentopoli (Bribe City) ............................................................................................... 7 2.2.2. The Restructuring of the Old-Party System ................................................................... -
14707176.Pdf
I c/66-14 AN ESSAY ON REVISIONISM IN THE ITALIAN COMMUNIST PARTY Giorgio Galli Massachusetts Institute of Technology Center for International Studies International Communism Project The following essay explores the evolution of Italian Communist re- visionism. In general when we speak of "revisionism" in the Italian Communist Party (PCI) we usually refer to the question of whether the conquest of power is possible and of what strategy the Party puts forward in order to achieve it: the classical questions, in short, which were at the center of the first great revisionist debate in the Second International. Extensive comparisons have therefore been made between Italian "revisionism" and its classical antecedents. But first a brief review of the PCI's attitude toward the Italian Con- stitution may be illuminating. At a particularly signi icant moment in its recent history, the Eighth Congress of December 1956, the PCI approved the "Elements for a Policy Declaration" which regards the Italian Constitution that went into effect in January 1948, as an "important victory on the Italian road to Socialism," and illustrates one fundamental aspect of it in the follow- ing manner: As far as private property is concerned, it is guaranteed by law, 'with the aim of safeguarding its social function and making it accessible to all,' and it is precisely for this reason that the Constitution lays down limits for it and even provides for expro- priation, with compensation, for 'reasons of general interest.' It is not, therefore, unreasonable to state that the Republican Constitution . sets up some of the conditions which may, when they are put into effect . -
The Political Legacy of Entertainment TV
School of Economics and Finance The Political Legacy of Entertainment TV Ruben Durante, Paolo Pinotti and Andrea Tesei Working Paper No. 762 December 201 5 ISSN 1473-0278 The Political Legacy of Entertainment TV∗ Ruben Durantey Paolo Pinottiz Andrea Teseix July 2015 Abstract We investigate the political impact of entertainment television in Italy over the past thirty years by exploiting the staggered intro- duction of Silvio Berlusconi's commercial TV network, Mediaset, in the early 1980s. We find that individuals in municipalities that had access to Mediaset prior to 1985 - when the network only featured light entertainment programs - were significantly more likely to vote for Berlusconi's party in 1994, when he first ran for office. This effect persists for almost two decades and five elections, and is es- pecially pronounced for heavy TV viewers, namely the very young and the old. We relate the extreme persistence of the effect to the relative incidence of these age groups in the voting population, and explore different mechanisms through which early exposure to en- tertainment content may have influenced their political attitudes. Keywords: television, entertainment, voting, political participa- tion, Italy. JEL codes: L82, D72, Z13 ∗We thank Alberto Alesina, Antonio Ciccone, Filipe Campante, Ruben Enikolopov, Greg Huber, Brian Knight, Valentino Larcinese, Marco Manacorda, Torsten Persson, Barbara Petrongolo, Andrei Shleifer, Francesco Sobbrio, Joachim Voth, David Weil, Katia Zhuravskaya, and seminar participants at Bocconi, CREI, NYU, MIT, Sciences Po, Brown, Dartmouth, Sorbonne, WZB, Surrey, Queen Mary, Yale, EIEF, LSE, Namur, and participants at the 2013 AEA Meeting, the 2013 EUI Conference on Communica- tions and Media Markets, and the Lisbon Meeting on Institutions and Political Economy for helpful comments. -
The Political Legacy of Entertainment TV∗
The Political Legacy of Entertainment TV∗ Ruben Durantey Paolo Pinottiz Andrea Teseix August 2018 Abstract We study the political impact of commercial television in Italy exploiting the stag- gered introduction of Berlusconi's private TV network, Mediaset, in the early 1980s. We find that individuals with early access to Mediaset all-entertainment content were more likely to vote for Berlusconi's party in 1994, when he first ran for office. The effect persists for five elections and is driven by heavy TV viewers, namely the very young and the elderly. Regarding possible mechanisms, we find that individ- uals exposed to entertainment TV as children were less cognitively sophisticated and civic-minded as adults, and ultimately more vulnerable to Berlusconi's populist rhetoric. Keywords: Entertainment TV, Voting, Cognitive Abilities, Civic Engagement JEL codes: L82, D72, Z13 ∗We thank Alberto Alesina, Filipe Campante, Antonio Ciccone, Stefano DellaVigna, Ruben Enikolopov, Ray Fisman, Greg Huber, Brian Knight, Valentino Larcinese, Marco Manacorda, Torsten Persson, Barbara Petrongolo, Andrei Shleifer, Francesco Sobbrio, Joachim Voth, David Weil, Katia Zhu- ravskaya, and seminar participants at Bocconi, CREI, NYU, MIT, Sciences Po, Brown, Dartmouth, Sorbonne, WZB, Surrey, Queen Mary, Yale, EIEF, LSE, Namur, Bank of Italy, Warwick, UPF, and participants at the AEA Meetings, the EUI Conference on Communications and Media Markets, and the Lisbon Meeting on Institutions and Political Economy for helpful comments. We are very grateful to Ben Olken and Ruben Enikolopov for their help with the ITM software. We thank Nicola D'Amelio and Giuseppe Piraino for their assistance with data collection and Laura Litvine for her outstanding help with the digitization of the transmitters data. -
The Quality of Democracy: Improvement Or Subversion
First unedited draft, Comments very welcome Italy and Spain by Rafael López-Pintor & Leonardo Morlino University of Madrid and University of Florence To be presented at the Conference on “The Quality of Democracy: Improvement or Subversion?”, Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law & European Forum, Stanford Institute for International Studies, Stanford, October 10-11, 2003. Why Italy and Spain? The democratic quality of every European polity is worthwhile to be analyzed. The fact that most of European democracies are well established is not related, if not indirectly, to the ‘quality’ they are able to achieve. Thus, during last years meaningful assessments of some European democracy have been carried out. For example, one of the most relevant democratic assessment is that of United Kingdom recently carried out by Beetham and Weir (1999). In this perspective the decision of analyzing Italy and Spain has no strong theoretical or empirical reasons except the willingness of choosing not the old, stable democracies, but more recently established, large democratic polity in countries with previous authoritarian experiences in their more or less recent past. That is, our interest was rather directed toward European democracies that may be more problematic with regard to quality because of their political traditions. At the same time, Italy and Spain can be usefully contrasted as the Italian democratic installation and consolidation go back to the 1940’s and 1950’s whereas the Spanish ones are more recent and take place during the second part of 1970’s and early 1980’s. Such a comparison allow us to consider within the ‘ceteris paribus’ clause the size of the country with all related aspects. -
English Version of This Report Is the Only Official Document
Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights THE ITALIAN REPUBLIC PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS 4 March 2018 ODIHR Election Assessment Mission Final Report Warsaw 6 June 2018 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .......................................................................................................... 1 II. INTRODUCTION AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................... 3 III. BACKGROUND ........................................................................................................................... 3 IV. LEGAL FRAMEWORK ............................................................................................................. 4 V. ELECTORAL SYSTEM .............................................................................................................. 5 VI. ELECTION ADMINISTRATION .............................................................................................. 6 VII. VOTER REGISTRATION .......................................................................................................... 8 VIII. CANDIDATE REGISTRATION ................................................................................................ 9 IX. ELECTION CAMPAIGN .......................................................................................................... 11 X. CAMPAIGN FINANCE............................................................................................................. 12 XI. MEDIA .......................................................................................................................................