Indonesian Journalists' Ethical Dilemmas

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Indonesian Journalists' Ethical Dilemmas Indonesian Journalists’ Ethical Dilemmas: Self Evaluation of Indonesian Journalism Codes of Ethics A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Drexel University By Anggi Fajar Ayu In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science in Television Management May 2015 © Copyright (2015) Anggi Fajar Ayu. All Rights Reserved. ii Acknowledgements I would like to extend my sincere eternal gratitude for my thesis advisor who has been very knowledgeable, patience and helpful, Lydia Timmins, PhD. I wouldn’t be able to finish this thesis if not for her continued encouragement. I want to acknowledge TVMN Program Director, Al Tedesco whom his classes were nothing but joy to listen to; his wealth of knowledge is something that I will always admire. The day I stepped into his office for an interview was the day I reassure myself that I am going into the right direction and it’s never too late to follow your dream. To Nine and Anastasia, thank you for being the beacon of light! Lastly, thank you for all of my respondents who have completed or tried to complete the online survey…You guys ROCK! iii Table of Contents List of Table .................................................................................................................. v List of Figures .............................................................................................................vii Abstract ..................................................................................................................... viii Chapter 1: Introduction .............................................................................................. 1 1.1 Hypotheses ....................................................................................................... 1 1.2 Background and Need ..................................................................................... 1 1.3 Purpose of the Study ........................................................................................ 3 1.4 Research Questions ......................................................................................... 4 1.5 Limitations ....................................................................................................... 4 Chapter 2: Literature Review .................................................................................... 5 2.1 Introduction ..................................................................................................... 5 2.2 Body of the Review ........................................................................................ 8 2.2.1 Indonesian Television Audience Measurement ........................................ 8 2.2.2 History of Indonesian Journalism ........................................................... 13 2.2.3 Media, Presidential Elections & Politics ............................................... 13 2.2.4 Challenges on Indonesian Journalism .................................................... 14 2.2.5 Comparison with other journalistic developing countries ...................... 14 Chapter 3: Methodology............................................................................................ 17 3.1 Qualitative vs. quantitative research ............................................................ 17 3.2 Participants ..................................................................................................... 18 3.3 Setting ............................................................................................................ 18 3.4 Intervention and Materials ............................................................................. 19 3.5 Measurement Instruments ............................................................................. 19 3.6 Data Collection and Procedures ..................................................................... 20 3.7 Data Analysis ................................................................................................. 20 Chapter 4: Findings .................................................................................................. 21 4.1 Sample Size ................................................................................................... 21 4.2 Demographic Profile of the Respondents ...................................................... 21 4.3 Survey Results ............................................................................................... 22 iv Chapter 5: Discussion and Conclusion ................................................................... 40 5.1 Summary ....................................................................................................... 40 5.2 Findings ......................................................................................................... 40 5.3 Recommendation ........................................................................................... 42 5.4 Conclusion ..................................................................................................... 44 List of References ....................................................................................................... 45 Appendix: Survey Questionnaire ............................................................................. 49 v List of Tables Table 1: Indonesia Prime Time Audience Share & Media Ownership……………….6 Table 2: The World Television Industry’s Revenue Distribution, end 2012…………7 Table 3: Indonesia Advertising Revenue…………………………………………......8 Table 4: Indonesian Television Market Share……………………………….……....10 Table 5: Media Ownership in Indonesia…………………………………………......10 Table 6: Genders of the Respondents………………………………………………..21 Table 7: Highest Completed Level of Education……………………………………22 Table 8: Major in Highest Completed Level of Education………………….………22 Table 9: Respondent’s Employment History…………………….………………….23 Table 10: Experience in the newsroom………………………………………….…..23 Table 11: The Duration……………………………………………………………...24 Table 12: Respondents’ last position in a newsroom…………………..……………24 Table 13: What the Respondents Like about the Newsroom………………………..25 Table 14: Type of Assignments……………………………………….……………..25 Table 15: Knowledge of the Indonesian Journalism Code of Ethics………………...26 Table 16: Where the Respondents Learned about the Indonesian Journalism Code of Ethics………………………………………………………………………………...26 Table 17: Ethical Dilemmas Encountered by the Respondents…………….……….27 Table 18: Respondents’ Ethical Dilemmas……………………………………….…29 Table 19: Usage of the Journalism Code of Ethics………………………………….31 Table 20: Respondents’ Reason……………………………………………………..31 Table 21: Who/What Helped the Respondents………………………………………32 Table 22: The Respondents’ Opinion of the Indonesian Journalism Code of Ethics..32 vi Table 23: How Helpful is the Journalism Code of Ethics?..........................................33 Table 24: How Effective the Journalism Code of Ethics to Solve Respondent’s Dilemmas?...................................................................................................................34 Table 25: Will Respondents promote the Journalism Code of Ethics to Their Peers?34 Table 26: Will Respondents Use the Journalism Code of Ethics again in the Future?35 Table 27: Respondents Opinion to 11 Principles of the Journalism Code of Ethics...36 Table 28: Respondents’ Reasons…………………………………………………….38 Table 29: Triangulation Chart……………………………………………………….43 vii List of Figure Figure 1: Timeline of the main ethics code pertaining to journalists in Indonesia…..13 viii Abstract Indonesian Journalists’ Ethical Dilemmas: Self Evaluation of Indonesian Journalism Codes of Ethics Anggi Fajar Ayu This thesis analyzes the practice of the profession of television journalism in Indonesia and whether the fundamental codes of ethics as standards of journalism were consistently practiced in Indonesia's market-driven media sector. This thesis draws on the research from a thesis about “Press Ethics and Practice of Journalism in Turkey: A Case Study on Turkish Journalists’ Self Evaluation of Their Codes of Practice.” (Hilal, 2006). According to Hilal, while media owners, executives or stockholders have consistently used the press as an instrument in the furtherance of their interests; this issue has been aggravated by the recent concentration in media proprietorship. This thesis addresses the historical formation of the Journalism Code of Ethics in Indonesia, practices prior to and after freedom of press happened in 1999 preceding concentrating on the implementation of 11 principles of the Journalism Code of Ethics in Indonesian news media. It also addresses the recent development such as media, politics and PEMILU (presidential election). The fundamental issue in media morals is the ethical quality of those in the area and the compatibility of journalism and ethics. (Hilal, 2006). This thesis’s objective was to learn if Indonesian TV journalists and Newsmakers were using the code of ethics as guidance, will they use it again in the future, and will they recommend its use to their peers; how effective was the 11 principles of the Journalism Code of Ethics to encounter ethical dilemmas with technology. ix The study finds while 92% of the respondents have knowledge of the Indonesian Journalism Code of Ethics, and 36% of the respondents impacted by a severe conflict/ ethical dilemma, the majority of the respondents, 26% are in doubt that it was helpful and 33% of them though that the Indonesian Journalism Code of Ethics was really helpful to help them to solve their ethical dilemma. 30% of the respondents also in doubt
Recommended publications
  • Social Media and Politics in Indonesia
    Social Media and Politics in Indonesia Anders C. Johansson Stockholm School of Economics Stockholm School of Economics Asia Working Paper No. 42 December 2016 Stockholm China Economic Research Institute | Stockholm School of Economics | Box 6501 | S-113 83 Stockholm | Sweden Social Media and Politics in Indonesia Anders C. Johansson* Stockholm School of Economics December 2016 * E-mail: [email protected]. Financial support from the Marianne & Marcus Wallenberg Foundation is gratefully acknowledged. 1 Social Media and Politics in Indonesia Abstract Does social media have the potential to influence the political process more in certain countries? How do political actors and citizens use social media to participate in the political process? This paper analyzes these questions in the context of contemporary Indonesia, a country with a young democracy and a vibrant emerging economy. First, the relationships between traditional and social media and politics are discussed. Then, the current situation in Indonesia’s traditional media industry and how it may have helped drive the popularity of social media in Indonesia is analyzed. Finally, the paper discusses social media in today’s Indonesia and provides examples of how political actors and citizens use social media in the political process. JEL Classifications: D72; L82 Keywords: Indonesia; Social media; Media; Politics; Democratic process; Political process; Media industry 2 1 Introduction The use and popularity of social networking sites online has increased dramatically over the last decade. In a recent study by the Pew Research Center (2015), it was reported that 65 percent of all adults in the United States use some form of social media, a ten times increase from 2005 to 2015.
    [Show full text]
  • Citizen Journalism and Public Participation in the Era of New Media in Indonesia: from Street to Tweet
    Media and Communication (ISSN: 2183–2439) 2019, Volume 7, Issue 3, Pages 79–90 DOI: 10.17645/mac.v7i3.2094 Article Citizen Journalism and Public Participation in the Era of New Media in Indonesia: From Street to Tweet Rajab Ritonga 1,* and Iswandi Syahputra 2 1 Faculty of Communication, Universitas Prof. Dr. Moestopo (Beragama), 10270 Jakarta, Indonesia; E-Mail: [email protected] 2 Study Program of Communication Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University of Yogyakarta, 55281 Yogyakarta, Indonesia; E-Mail: [email protected] * Corresponding author Submitted: 16 March 2019 | Accepted: 12 June 2019 | Published: 6 August 2019 Abstract Citizen journalism was initially practiced via mass media. This is because citizens trusted mass media as an independent information channel, and social media like Twitter was unavailable. Following mass media’s affiliation to political parties and the rise of social media, citizens began using Twitter for delivering news or information. We dub this as citizen journal- ism from street to tweet. This study found that such process indicates the waning of mass media and the intensification of social media. Yet, the process neither strengthened citizen journalism nor increased public participation as it resulted in netizens experiencing severe polarization between groups critical and in support of the government instead. We consider this as a new emerging phenomenon caused by the advent of new media in the post-truth era. In this context, post-truth refers to social and political conditions wherein citizens no longer respect the truth due to political polarization, fake- news-producing journalist, hate-mongering citizen journalism, and unregulated social media activities.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 BAB I PENDAHULUAN 1.1 Latar Belakang Masalah Tahun 2019
    BAB I PENDAHULUAN 1.1 Latar Belakang Masalah Tahun 2019 adalah tahun politik, tahun dimana Indonesia menggelar ajang lima tahunan, yaitu pemilihan umum. Untuk kali pertama dalam sejarah, Komisi Pemilihan Umum (KPU) akan menyelenggarakan pemilihan umum (pemilu) serempak di seluruh daerah Indonesia baik Pemilihan Presiden (Pilpres) maupun pemilihan anggota legislatif lainnya seperti DPR, DPD, DPRD Provinsi, DPRD Kabupaten/Kota pada 17 April 2019. Berbeda dengan pemilu sebelumnya, masa kampanye untuk pemilu 2019 ini dipersingkat menjadi 6 bulan. Masa kampanye dijadwalkan dari tanggal 13 Oktober 2018 sampai dengan 13 April 2019. Salah satu metode kampanye yang dapat diterapkan pada masa kampanye adalah dengan menyelenggarakan debat Pasangan Calon tentang materi Kampanye Pasangan Calon. Hal tersebut merupakan amanat yang tertuang dalam Undang- Undang No.7 Tahun 2017 tentang Pemilihan Umum Presiden dan Wakil Presiden. Mengikuti ketentuan pada UU tentang Pemilihan Umum Presiden dan Wakil Presiden, KPU menyelenggarakan debat kandidat pasangan Calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden nomor urut 01 dan 02 sebanyak lima kali. Calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden nomor urut 01 adalah Joko Widodo dan Ma’ruf Amin. Kemudian Calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden nomor urut 02 adalah Prabowo Subianto dan Sandiaga Salahuddin Uno. Debat perdana dengan tema hukum, HAM, Korupsi dan terorisme dilakukan pada tanggal 17 Januari 2019. Debat kedua dengan tema energi dan pangan, sumber daya alam dan lingkungan hidup, serta infrastruktur dilaksanakan pada 17 Februari 2019. Debat ketiga dengan tema pendidikan, kesehatan, ketenagakerjaan, sosial dan kebudayaan dilaksanakan pada 17 Maret 2019. Debat keempat bertema ideologi, pemerintahan, pertahanan dan keamanan, serta hubungan internasional dilaksanakan pada 30 Maret 2019. Sedangkan debat kelima atau debat terakhir, dilaksanakan pada 13 April 2019, tepatnya empat hari sebelum dilaksanakannya pemilihan umum presiden pada 17 April 2019.
    [Show full text]
  • Social Marketing Aspect in Anti-Violence Againts
    INJECT (Interdisciplinary Journal of Communication) p-ISSN: 2548-5857; e-ISSN: 2548-7124 Vol. 4, No. 1, Juni 2019: h. 93-114 website: http://inject.iainsalatiga.ac.id/index.php/INJECT/index SOCIAL MARKETING ASPECT IN ANTI-VIOLENCE AGAINTS WOMEN CAMPAIGN IN INDONESIA Yuanita Safitri Bina Nusantara University, Indonesia [email protected] Mia Angeline Bina Nusantara University, Indonesia [email protected] Abstract This article aims to answer how anti-violence against women campaigns and social marketing aspects are carried out by the four selected institutions or communities in 2016-2018 period. The four institutions chosen were UN Women, the Alliance of New Men, Indonesian OBR, and The National Commission on Violence Againts Women. The four institutions were chosen because they were considered as the most active institutions or communities in voicing the issue through online media. This research used descriptive qualitative approaches and case study methods. The result shows that the anti-violence against women campaign from four institutions is included in the social marketing concept and uses the marketing mix. Products sold are not like the commercial marketing, but the 16 Days Anti Violence Against Women event, and information to the target audiences. The price concept used is non-monetary incentives, and the distribution channels used are quite diverse, both online and offline. Keywords: Campaign, Communication, Violence and Women Abstrak Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menjawab bagaimana kampanye anti kekerasan terhadap perempuan dan aspek social marketing yang dilakukan oleh ke-empat lembaga atau komunitas terpilih dalam kurun waktu 2016-2018.Empat lembaga yang dipilih adalah UN Women, Aliansi Laki-Laki Baru, OBR Indonesia, dan Komnas Perempuan.
    [Show full text]
  • Transformasi Ormas Menjadi Partai Politik (Studi Tentang Perubahan Ormas Persatuan Indonesia Menjadi Partai Persatuan Indonesia Di Sumatera Utara)
    Transformasi Ormas Menjadi Partai Politik (Studi Tentang Perubahan Ormas Persatuan Indonesia menjadi Partai Persatuan Indonesia Di Sumatera Utara) Sabrizal 110906014 Dosen Pembimbing: Dr. Muryanto Amin, S.Sos, M.Si DEPARTEMEN ILMU POLITIK FAKULTAS SOSIAL DAN ILMU POLITIK UNIVERSITAS SUMATERA UTARA MEDAN 2017 Universitas Sumatera Utara UNIVERSITAS SUMATERA UTARA FAKULTAS ILMU SOSIAL DAN ILMU POLITIK DEPARTEMEN ILMU POLITIK SABRIZAL (110906014) Transformasi Ormas Menjadi Partai Politik ( Studi Tentang Ormas Persatuan Indonesia menjadi Partai Persatuan Indonesia) Rincian ini skripsi, 97 halaman, 2 tabel, 2 gambar, 19 buku, 1 undang-undang, 3 dokumen, 5 sittus internet ABSTRAK Ormas Perindo didirikan dengan tujuan untuk meggalang, menggorganisasi, menggerakkan dan menumbuh kembangkan persatuan nasional dengan bersungguh sungguh mewujudkan bangsa yang demokratis. Ormas perindo juga mempunyai fungsi yaitu membangun persatuan nasional sebgai prasyarat bangsa berdaulat dan mendorong nilai nilai nasional sebagai pedoman bersama kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara. Pada awalnya ormas perindo merupakan sayap demokrasi untuk masyarakat menengah kebawah tanpa disadari bahwa kegagalan ormas perindo menjalankan visi misi mereka, semua anggota ormas perindo yang ada di seluruh Indonesia maupun di sumatera utara membuat konsep untuk didirikannya partai politik yang tentunya itu di barengi dengan pak hary tanosudibjo selaku pendiri ormas perindo. Stelah persetujuan konsep dari anggota anggota ormas yang di setujui oleh pak hary tanosudibjo maka terbentuklah partai perindo.partai perindo mempunyai tujuan yaitu untuk mewujudkan kesejahteraan dalam rangka meningkatkan taraf hidup haruslah melalui sebuah perubahan yang menyeluruh, sistematis, terpadu, terarah. Partai Persatuan Indonesia memahami bahwa Indonesia sebagai Negara Kesejahteraan memiliki landasan ideologis dan konstitusional yang sangat kuat. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui ormas perindo yang bertanformasi menjadi partai politik khususnya di Sumatera Utara yang akan berdampak pada sistem demokrasi di Indonesia.
    [Show full text]
  • Television, Nation, and Culture in Indonesia
    Philip Kitley Political Science/Media Studies Kitley “T in Indonesia is that of a country invent- T elevision, Nation, and Culture in Indonesia ing itself by promoting a national cultural identity. Philip Kitley, who is not only a media scholar but has also worked as a diplomat in Indonesia, shows how important television has been to both the official and popular imagination since its beginnings in the early s. It’s a fascinating tale, with implications going well beyond re- gional specialists, since the use of popular media to promote nation, citizenship, and identity is common to many countries, new and old. “As Indonesia attracts increasing international attention in the post-Soeharto era, it is important to understand the cultural as well as political issues that have led to the current turbulent situation. Kitley’s book is a well-researched, wise, and elegantly written ac- count of the forces, dreams, and policies that link public and private life in and after ‘New Order’ Indonesia.” —John Hartley, Dean of Arts, Queensland University of Technology Philip Kitley is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Humanities and International Studies, University of Southern Queensland. Research in International Studies Southeast Asia Series No. elevision, Nation, and Culture in Indonesia ISBN 0-89680-212-4 T ,!7IA8J6-iacbce! Television, Nation, and Culture in Indonesia This series of publications on Africa, Latin America, and Southeast Asia is designed to present significant research, translation, and opinion to area specialists and to a wide community of persons interested in world affairs. The editor seeks manu- scripts of quality on any subject and can generally make a decision regarding publi- cation within three months of receipt of the original work.
    [Show full text]
  • Analisa Ekonomi Politik Mnc Media Group
    E-ISSN 2686 5661 INTELEKTIVA : JURNAL EKONOMI, SOSIAL & HUMANIORA VOL 02 NO 01 AGUSTUS 2020 MEDIA DAN KOMODIFIKASI KEBERPIHAKAN POLITIK : ANALISA EKONOMI POLITIK MNC MEDIA GROUP Firly Rachmah Istighfarin1, Magvira Yuliani2 1,2)Universitas Paramadina, Jakarta Email: [email protected] ABSTRACT The mass media industry since the reform era has changed significantly, freedom of press had been widely opened, furthermore with technological advances and the birth of social media. Competitiveness in the mass media industry is tougher in market dominance. Media owners in Indonesia are competing to penetrate the market and secure their business positions by joining the politics, even the media itself is allegedly used by the owner as a commodity that can gain profit and become a propaganda’s tool for certain political interests. MNC Media Group is a media owned by Hary Tanoesoedibjo, a businessman and politician from the Perindo Party. Then, how does Hary Tanoesoedibjo commodify the MNC Media Group? Theory of Political Economy of Media, Vincent Moscow (1996) discusses the concept of commodification, explaining how the process of transforming goods and services with their use value into a policy that has an exchange rate in the market. The analysis by the author is to see at the relationships behind the production, consumption and distribution processes carried out by the MNC Media Group. Commodification of MNC Media Group is carried out through three types of commodification, namely; commodification of contents, audiences and workers. Commodification is made using the economy and politics by its owner, Hary Tanoesoedibjo which is carried out in the form of an integrated business unit, or a synergy between all business units, builing a positive image for the owner using legitimacy of the power relations.
    [Show full text]
  • Peace Journalism Vs Provocative Journalism: Reading the Political Identity Models of Mass Media in Indonesia
    Peace Journalism vs Provocative Journalism: Reading the Political Identity Models of Mass Media in Indonesia Ibrahim1, Sandy Pratama1 , Rendy1 ,Bustami Rahman2, Sujadmi2 and Dini Wulansari3 1Department of Political Science, Bangka Belitung University, Indonesia 2Department of Sociology, Bangka Belitung University, Indonesias 3Department of English Literature, Bangka Belitung University, Indonesia [email protected], [email protected] Keywords: Journalism, peaceful, provocative, mass media, identity politics Abstract: Since the era of press freedom in Indonesia, mass media has emerged as a stunning civil society arena in its role to proclaim any news to the public. The highest risk, however, arises as the phenomenon of identity appears beyond the religious and daily life affairs, in spite, they are alternately utilized concerning ideological interests and in turn to politic. This paper argued that the mass media in Indonesia had been recently trapped in crossing interests; between peaceful and provocative journalism. Various identity-based press play a role, in contrast, media identity is constructed under the shadow of interest, and this is called the political identity of mass media. This paper analysed that there are several models of media identity politics, i.e., via news construction, re-framing news, characterizations, and online distribution. The authors offered three opportunities to overcome this: strengthening the Press Council, collective deconstruction, public education, and journalistic professionalism. The public, in general, expects to create media objectivity in the middle of political and identity interests if it is collectively aware of the role as well as the risk of their development without provocative journalism phenomenon control. 1 INTRODUCTION disunity. Mass media then emerges as a new agent that must be good in swinging its role in the midst of Mass media is primarily a means of accurately and immature situations, either its social culture or its evenly distributing information to the public.
    [Show full text]
  • Indonesian Cultural Orientation
    Bahasa Cultural Orientation January 2015 DLIFLC 1759 Lewis Rd. Bldg 614, Ste. 251 Technology DLIFLC Presidio of Monterey • Monterey, CA 93944 Integtration FAMiliarization 1 DEFENSE LANGUAGE INSTITUTE FOREIGN LANGUAGE CENTER 831.242.5119 (DSN-768) Division Bahasa Cultural Orientation: Contents Chapter 1: Profile 7 Introduction .................................................................................... 7 Geography ...................................................................................... 8 Area ............................................................................................... 8 Geographic Divisions ............................................................................. 8 Topographic Features ............................................................................. 9 Climate ............................................................................................ 9 Bodies of Water ............................................................................... 10 Oceans. ........................................................................................... 10 Rivers ............................................................................................. 11 Major Cities .................................................................................... 11 Jakarta (Jabodetabekjur) ........................................................................ 11 Surabaya ......................................................................................... 12 Bandung ........................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • LITERATUS Literature for Social Impact and Cultural Studies
    LITERATUS literature for social impact and cultural studies The Politics of Campaign Funding in The Presidential Election 2019 Politik Pendanaan Kampanye dalam Pemilihan Presiden 2019 Abdul Rahman Ma’mun (*) Pascasarjana Ilmu Politik, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Indonesia Meidi Kosandi Pascasarjana Ilmu Politik, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Indonesia Abstract The research objective in this paper is to examine how the politics of campaign funding in the 2019 Presidential Election with a focus on the dimensions of receiving large campaign fund from oligarchs to the Candidates for President and Candidates for Vice President Jokowi-Ma'ruf and Prabowo-Sandi and the dimension of repayment to contributors and voters at post-presidential election. In that regard, this paper also discusses the pattern of funding for the Jokowi-Ma'ruf campaign as the winner of the 2019 Presidential Election, which contributed to the formation of the new oligarchic political structure after the 2019 Presidential Election. For this purpose, a qualitative method approach is used with inductive data analysis, building patterns, categories, and themes from the bottom up (inductive) based on Jeffrey A.Winters' Oligarchy theory supported by the concept of campaign funding from USAID on secondary data on the Jokowi-Ma'ruf and Prabowo-Sandi campaign fund reports that were reported to the KPU and audited by a public accounting firm. The offered argument is that the politics of campaign funding of the Jokowi-Ma'ruf pair as the winner of the 2019 Presidential Election, involving large contributions from the oligarchs, influenced the change in the oligarchic nature of the government, as a result of the Presidential Election, namely the change in the nature of oligarchs' involvement in coercion and power from 'fragmented' to 'collective', and a change from 'wild' competing between oligarchs to 'tame' in government.
    [Show full text]
  • The New Indonesian Parliament: Who Won and What It Means
    www.rsis.edu.sg No. 088 – 7 May 2019 RSIS Commentary is a platform to provide timely and, where appropriate, policy-relevant commentary and analysis of topical and contemporary issues. The authors’ views are their own and do not represent the official position of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, NTU. These commentaries may be reproduced with prior permission from RSIS and due recognition to the author(s) and RSIS. Please email to Mr Yang Razali Kassim, Editor RSIS Commentary at [email protected]. 2019 Indonesian Presidential and Legislative Elections The New Indonesian Parliament: Who Won and What It Means By Alexander R. Arifianto SYNOPSIS Apart from electing the president, the recent Indonesian general election also voted in 575 members for the new parliament (DPR). Of the 16 political parties which contested the legislative elections, nine succeeded in getting into the new parliament. COMMENTARY INDONESIANS WENT to the polls on 17 April 2019 not just to elect their new president for the next five years. They also voted for candidates for the Indonesian House of Representatives (DPR), House of Delegates (DPD), and provincial and regional legislative councils. A total of 575 lower house seats were contested in the recent legislative elections. Sixteen political parties – including four new ones contested. Two of the four new ones are linked to the Suharto family: Working Party (Berkarya) chaired by Tommy Suharto – youngest son of Indonesia’s late strongman; and Garuda Party, funded by Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana, Suharto’s eldest daughter. The remaining are the Indonesian Unity Party (Perindo) founded by media tycoon Hary Tanoesoedibjo and the Indonesian Solidarity Party (PSI) which specifically targeted young voters, women, Chinese Indonesians, and religious minorities.
    [Show full text]
  • Survei-Nasional-Y-Publica-V03.Pdf
    METODOLOGI DAN RESPONDEN • Survei nasional ini menggunakan metode penelitian kuantitatif • Jumlah sampel adalah 1200 responden, dipilih secara acakbertingkat (multistage random sampling), mewakili 120 desa dari 34 provinsi di Indonesia • Pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan wawancara tatap muka kepada responden terpilih menggunakan alat bantu kuisioner • Tenaga pewawancara dalam survei ini adalah mahasiswa yang telah mendapatkan pelatihan • Estimasi margin error adalah 2,98% dengan tingkat kepercayaan 95% • Pengambilan data dilakukan pada 2-12 Mei 2018 KUALITAS UJI SURVEI Pra-Survei • Pelatihan metode survei dan kuesioner kepada tim enumerator oleh ahli survei • Pelatihan teknik wawancara kuesioner kepada tim pewancara yang terdiri dari mahasiswa • Diskusi terbatas tentang pertanyaan-pertanyaan dan target kuisioner Survei: • Spotcheck (pengecekan di lapangan) terhadap 20% responden yang dipilih secara acak • Call-back (20% responden secara acak) oleh tim untuk memastikan penarikan sampel responden dan wawancara dengan responden telah dilakukan dengan benar Pasca-survei • Entry data dan pengolahan data KOMPOSISI RESPONDEN Jenis kelamin Pendidikan Terakhir Suku Bangsa Laki-laki 49.7% Tidak Tamat SD 4.9% Jawa 40.2% Sunda 16.4% Perempuan 50.3% Tamat SD 14.4% Bugis 2.5% Tamat SMP 20.7% Minangkabau 2.7% Usia Tamat SLTA/Sederajat 47.2% Betawi 2.7% Pemilih Pemula (17-21) 7.2% Tamat Diploma (D1, D2, D3) 5.0% Batak 2.6% Pemilih Muda (22-35) 36.4% Tamat Sarjana (S1, S2, S3) 7.8% Melayu 2.5% Pemilih Dewasa (36-50) 31.8% Madura 2.4% Pemilih Matang (51-60)
    [Show full text]