CONGRESSIONAL RECORD—SENATE June 20, 2000 to Intimidate the Press, Mr
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The Killing of William Browder
THE KILLING OF WILLIAM BROWDER THE KILLING OF WILLIAM BROWDER Bill Browder, the fa lse crusader for justice and human rights and the self - styled No. 1 enemy of Vladimir Putin has perpetrated a brazen and dangerous deception upon the Weste rn world. This book traces the anatomy of this deception, unmasking the powerful forces that are pushing the West ern world toward yet another great war with Russia. ALEX KRAINER EQUILIBRIUM MONACO First published in Monaco in 20 17 Copyright © 201 7 by Alex Krainer ISBN 978 - 2 - 9556923 - 2 - 5 Material contained in this book may be reproduced with permission from its author and/or publisher, except for attributed brief quotations Cover page design, content editing a nd copy editing by Alex Krainer. Set in Times New Roman, book title in Imprint MT shadow To the people of Russia and the United States wh o together, hold the keys to the future of humanity. Enlighten the people generally, and tyranny and oppressions of body and mind will vanish like the evil spirits at the dawn of day. Thomas Jefferson Table of Contents 1. Bill Browder and I ................................ ................................ ............... 1 Browder’s 2005 presentation in Monaco ................................ .............. 2 Harvard club presentation in 2010 ................................ ........................ 3 Ru ssophobia and Putin - bashing in the West ................................ ......... 4 Red notice ................................ ................................ ............................ 6 Reading -
(Stop a Douchebag) Vigilantes in Russia
© Laboratorium: Russian Review of Social Research. 2019. 11(3):16–45 16 DOI: 10.25285/2078-1938-2019-11-3-16-45 EROES OR HOOLIGANS? HMEDIA PORTRAYAL OF STOPXAM (STOP A DOUCHEBAG) VIGILANTES IN RUSSIA Rashid Gabdulhakov Rashid Gabdulhakov, Department of Media and Communication, Erasmus University Rotterdam. Address for correspondence: Erasmus University Rotterdam, Postbus 1738, 3000 DR Rotterdam, Netherlands. [email protected]. The author expresses sincere gratitude to the informants for their contributions, as well as to peer reviewers and editors of this special issue for their valuable feed- back. This work was supported by the Dutch Research Council (NWO) project num- ber 276-45-004. Several state-supported digital vigilante groups emerged in Russia at the downturn of the pro-Kremlin youth group Nashi (Ours), when its former commissars formed issue- specific movements to counter perceived legal and moral offences through exposure of targets on social media. One of such groups is StopXam (Stop a Douchebag), specializ- ing in road-traffic and parking violations. StopXam participants confront the drivers and retaliate by placing stickers that read “I spit on everyone I drive where I want” on the targets’ windshields. The retaliation is often accompanied by verbal and physical fighting; the process is filmed, edited, and shared on YouTube, receiving millions of views. While digital media made such practices possible, traditional broadcasters maintain significance in rendering meaning to the phenomenon of vigilantism and in framing vigilantes, their targets, police, and other actors. As the existing literature on digital vigilantism is predominantly focused on digital media affordances, this article aims to address this gap through a qualitative analysis of traditional media coverage of StopXam. -
The Russia You Never Met
The Russia You Never Met MATT BIVENS AND JONAS BERNSTEIN fter staggering to reelection in summer 1996, President Boris Yeltsin A announced what had long been obvious: that he had a bad heart and needed surgery. Then he disappeared from view, leaving his prime minister, Viktor Cher- nomyrdin, and his chief of staff, Anatoly Chubais, to mind the Kremlin. For the next few months, Russians would tune in the morning news to learn if the presi- dent was still alive. Evenings they would tune in Chubais and Chernomyrdin to hear about a national emergency—no one was paying their taxes. Summer turned to autumn, but as Yeltsin’s by-pass operation approached, strange things began to happen. Chubais and Chernomyrdin suddenly announced the creation of a new body, the Cheka, to help the government collect taxes. In Lenin’s day, the Cheka was the secret police force—the forerunner of the KGB— that, among other things, forcibly wrested food and money from the peasantry and drove some of them into collective farms or concentration camps. Chubais made no apologies, saying that he had chosen such a historically weighted name to communicate the seriousness of the tax emergency.1 Western governments nod- ded their collective heads in solemn agreement. The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank both confirmed that Russia was experiencing a tax collec- tion emergency and insisted that serious steps be taken.2 Never mind that the Russian government had been granting enormous tax breaks to the politically connected, including billions to Chernomyrdin’s favorite, Gazprom, the natural gas monopoly,3 and around $1 billion to Chubais’s favorite, Uneximbank,4 never mind the horrendous corruption that had been bleeding the treasury dry for years, or the nihilistic and pointless (and expensive) destruction of Chechnya. -
Telecoms & Media 2021
Telecoms & Media 2021 Telecoms Telecoms & Media 2021 Contributing editors Alexander Brown and David Trapp © Law Business Research 2021 Publisher Tom Barnes [email protected] Subscriptions Claire Bagnall Telecoms & Media [email protected] Senior business development manager Adam Sargent 2021 [email protected] Published by Law Business Research Ltd Contributing editors Meridian House, 34-35 Farringdon Street London, EC4A 4HL, UK Alexander Brown and David Trapp The information provided in this publication Simmons & Simmons LLP is general and may not apply in a specific situation. Legal advice should always be sought before taking any legal action based on the information provided. This information is not intended to create, nor does receipt of it constitute, a lawyer– Lexology Getting The Deal Through is delighted to publish the 22nd edition of Telecoms & Media, client relationship. The publishers and which is available in print and online at www.lexology.com/gtdt. authors accept no responsibility for any Lexology Getting The Deal Through provides international expert analysis in key areas of acts or omissions contained herein. The law, practice and regulation for corporate counsel, cross-border legal practitioners, and company information provided was verified between directors and officers. May and June 2021. Be advised that this is Throughout this edition, and following the unique Lexology Getting The Deal Through format, a developing area. the same key questions are answered by leading practitioners in each of the jurisdictions featured. Lexology Getting The Deal Through titles are published annually in print. Please ensure you © Law Business Research Ltd 2021 are referring to the latest edition or to the online version at www.lexology.com/gtdt. -
Treisman Silovarchs 9 10 06
Putin’s Silovarchs Daniel Treisman October 2006, Forthcoming in Orbis, Winter 2007 In the late 1990s, many Russians believed their government had been captured by a small group of business magnates known as “the oligarchs”. The most flamboyant, Boris Berezovsky, claimed in 1996 that seven bankers controlled fifty percent of the Russian economy. Having acquired massive oil and metals enterprises in rigged privatizations, these tycoons exploited Yeltsin’s ill-health to meddle in politics and lobby their interests. Two served briefly in government. Another, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, summed up the conventional wisdom of the time in a 1997 interview: “Politics is the most lucrative field of business in Russia. And it will be that way forever.”1 A decade later, most of the original oligarchs have been tripping over each other in their haste to leave the political stage, jettisoning properties as they go. From exile in London, Berezovsky announced in February he was liquidating his last Russian assets. A 1 Quoted in Andrei Piontkovsky, “Modern-Day Rasputin,” The Moscow Times, 12 November, 1997. fellow media magnate, Vladimir Gusinsky, long ago surrendered his television station to the state-controlled gas company Gazprom and now divides his time between Israel and the US. Khodorkovsky is in a Siberian jail, serving an eight-year sentence for fraud and tax evasion. Roman Abramovich, Berezovsky’s former partner, spends much of his time in London, where he bought the Chelsea soccer club in 2003. Rather than exile him to Siberia, the Kremlin merely insists he serve as governor of the depressed Arctic outpost of Chukotka—a sign Russia’s leaders have a sense of humor, albeit of a dark kind. -
William R. Spiegelberger the Foreign Policy Research Institute Thanks the Carnegie Corporation for Its Support of the Russia Political Economy Project
Russia Political Economy Project William R. Spiegelberger The Foreign Policy Research Institute thanks the Carnegie Corporation for its support of the Russia Political Economy Project. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Author: William R. Spiegelberger Eurasia Program Leadership Director: Chris Miller Deputy Director: Maia Otarashvili Edited by: Thomas J. Shattuck Designed by: Natalia Kopytnik © 2019 by the Foreign Policy Research Institute April 2019 COVER: Designed by Natalia Kopytnik. Photography: Oleg Deripaska (World Economic Forum); St. Basil’s Cathedral (Adob Stock); Ruble (Adobe Stock); Vladimir Putin (kremlin.ru); Rusal logo (rusal.ru); United States Capitol (Adobe Stock; Viktor Vekselberg (Aleshru/Wikimedia Commons); Alumnium rolls (Adobe Stock); Trade War (Adobe Stock). Our Mission The Foreign Policy Research Institute is dedicated to bringing the insights of scholarship to bear on the foreign policy and national security challenges facing the United States. It seeks to educate the public, teach teachers, train students, and offer ideas to advance U.S. national interests based on a nonpartisan, geopolitical perspective that illuminates contemporary international affairs through the lens of history, geography, and culture. Offering Ideas In an increasingly polarized world, we pride ourselves on our tradition of nonpartisan scholarship. We count among our ranks over 100 affiliated scholars located throughout the nation and the world who appear regularly in national and international media, testify on Capitol Hill, and are consulted by U.S. -
The Long Arm of Vladimir Putin: How the Kremlin Uses Mutual Legal Assistance Treaties to Target Its Opposition Abroad
The Long Arm of Vladimir Putin: How the Kremlin Uses Mutual Legal Assistance Treaties to Target its Opposition Abroad Russia Studies Centre Policy Paper No. 5 (2015) Dr Andrew Foxall The Henry Jackson Society June 2015 THE LONG ARM OF VLADIMIR PUTIN Summary Over the past 15 years, there has been – and continues to be – significant interchange between Western and Russian law-enforcement agencies, even in cases where Russia’s requests for legal assistance have been politicaLLy motivated. Though it is the Kremlin’s warfare that garners the West’s attention, its ‘lawfare’ poses just as significant a threat because it undermines the rule of law. One of the chief weapons in Russia’s ‘lawfare’ is the so-called ‘Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty’ (MLAT), a bilateral agreement that defines how countries co-operate on legal matters. TypicaLLy, the Kremlin will fabricate a criminaL case against an individual, and then request, through the MLAT system, the co-operation of Western countries in its attempts to persecute said person. Though Putin’s regime has been mounting, since 2012, an escalating campaign against opposition figures, the Kremlin’s use of ‘lawfare’ is nothing new. Long before then, Russia requested – and received – legal assistance from Western countries on a number of occasions, in its efforts to extradite opposition figures back to Russia. Western countries have complied with Russia’s requests for legal assistance in some of the most brazen and high-profile politicaLLy motivated cases in recent history, incLuding: individuals linked with Mikhail Khodorkovsky and the Yukos affair; Bill Browder and others connecteD to Hermitage Capital Management; and AnDrey Borodin and Bank of Moscow. -
RUSSIA WATCH No.2, August 2000 Graham T
RUSSIA WATCH No.2, August 2000 Graham T. Allison, Director Editor: Ben Dunlap Strengthening Democratic Institutions Project Production Director: Melissa C..Carr John F. Kennedy School of Government Researcher: Emily Van Buskirk Harvard University Production Assistant: Emily Goodhue SPOTLIGHT ON RUSSIA’S OLIGARCHS On July 28 Russian President Vladimir Putin met with 21 of Russia’s most influ- ential businessmen to “redefine the relationship between the state and big busi- ness.” At that meeting, Putin assured the tycoons that privatization results would remained unchallenged, but stopped far short of offering a general amnesty for crimes committed in that process. He opened the meeting by saying: “I only want to draw your attention straightaway to the fact that you have yourselves formed this very state, to a large extent through political and quasi-political structures under your control.” Putin assured the oligarchs that recent investi- The Kremlin roundtable comes at a crucial time for the oligarchs. In the last gations were not part of a policy of attacking big business, but said he would not try to restrict two months, many of them have found themselves subjects of investigations prosecutors who launch such cases. by the General Prosecutor’s Office, Tax Police, and Federal Security Serv- ice. After years of cozying up to the government, buying up the state’s most valuable resources in noncompetitive bidding, receiving state-guaranteed loans with little accountability, and flouting the country’s tax laws with imp u- nity, the heads of some of Russia’s leading financial-industrial groups have been thrust under the spotlight. -
'Krym Nash': an Analysis of Modern Russian Deception Warfare
‘Krym Nash’: An Analysis of Modern Russian Deception Warfare ‘De Krim is van ons’ Een analyse van hedendaagse Russische wijze van oorlogvoeren – inmenging door misleiding (met een samenvatting in het Nederlands) Proefschrift ter verkrijging van de graad van doctor aan de Universiteit Utrecht op gezag van de rector magnificus, prof. dr. H.R.B.M. Kummeling, ingevolge het besluit van het college voor promoties in het openbaar te verdedigen op woensdag 16 december 2020 des middags te 12.45 uur door Albert Johan Hendrik Bouwmeester geboren op 25 mei 1962 te Enschede Promotoren: Prof. dr. B.G.J. de Graaff Prof. dr. P.A.L. Ducheine Dit proefschrift werd mede mogelijk gemaakt met financiële steun van het ministerie van Defensie. ii Table of contents Table of contents .................................................................................................. iii List of abbreviations ............................................................................................ vii Abbreviations and Acronyms ........................................................................................................................... vii Country codes .................................................................................................................................................... ix American State Codes ....................................................................................................................................... ix List of figures ...................................................................................................... -
Wiira No Me Mar.Pdf (2.061Mb)
UNIVERSIDADE ESTADUAL PAULISTA “JÚLIO DE MESQUITA FILHO” FACULDADE DE FILOSOFIA E CIÊNCIAS PROGRAMA DE PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO EM CIÊNCIAS SOCIAIS NAYARA DE OLIVEIRA WIIRA UMA ANÁLISE DA ESTRUTURAÇÃO DO CAPITALISMO RUSSO ATRAVÉS DA PRIVATIZAÇÃO NO GOVERNO YELTSIN (1991-1999). MARÍLIA 2020 NAYARA DE OLIVEIRA WIIRA UMA ANÁLISE DA ESTRUTURAÇÃO DO CAPITALISMO RUSSO ATRAVÉS DA PRIVATIZAÇÃO NO GOVERNO YELTSIN (1991-1999). Dissertação apresentada ao Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciências Sociais da Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências, da Universidade Estadual Paulista – UNESP – Campus de Marília, para a obtenção do título de Mestre em Ciências Sociais. Orientador: Prof. Dr. Francisco Luiz Corsi MARÍLIA 2020 Wiira, Nayara de Oliveira W662a Uma análise da estruturação do capitalismo russo através da privatização no governo Yeltsin (1991-1999) / Nayara de Oliveira Wiira. -- Marília, 2020 280 f. Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual Paulista (Unesp), Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências, Marília Orientador: Francisco Luiz Corsi 1. História econômica. 2. História econômica russa. 3. Privatização. 4. Capitalismo. I. Título. Sistema de geração automática de fichas catalográficas da Unesp. Biblioteca da Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências, Marília. Dados fornecidos pelo autor(a). Essa ficha não pode ser modificada. NAYARA DE OLIVEIRA WIIRA UMA ANÁLISE DA ESTRUTURAÇÃO DO CAPITALISMO RUSSO ATRAVÉS DA PRIVATIZAÇÃO NO GOVERNO YELTSIN (1991-1999). Dissertação apresentada ao Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciências Sociais da Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências, da Universidade Estadual Paulista – UNESP – Campus de Marília, para a obtenção do título de Mestre em Ciências Sociais. Linha de pesquisa 4: Relações Internacionais e Desenvolvimento BANCA EXAMINADORA ________________________________________ Orientador: Prof. Dr. Francisco Luiz Corsi Universidade Estadual Paulista “Júlio de Mesquita Filho” Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências ________________________________________ Prof. -
Contemporary Media Use in Ukraine
Contemporary Media Use in Ukraine Just one-tenth of Ukrainians outside Crimea (10.7%) say their media habits have changed as a result of the shutting down of some Russian TV channels; two-thirds As the crisis in Ukraine escalates, the media environment (67.7%) of those whose habits have changed are using in the country is becoming increasingly fragmented and Ukrainian sources more, while 6.2% are using foreign dangerous. sources more. In 2013, Freedom House ranked Ukraine’s press “Not Free,” writing that “the Ukrainian government has failed to Overall, eight of the ten most-named top news sources fulfill its pledge to protect the freedom of expression.” are Ukrainian TV channels, in particular 1+1 channel, followed by Inter, 5 Kanal, ICTV and STB, the only Reporters Without Borders notes that there are sources named as most important by more than 10% of “increasingly systematic attacks on media personnel adults One in ten adults named the Russia-based social covering the tension in eastern Ukraine” and that the networking site VKontakte as a top news source (up from frequency of journalist abductions in the region is rising. less than 1% in 2012), and the portal site Ukr.net also broke into the ten most-named top news sources. Media Environment and Newsgathering Asked to name their three most important sources of Television is the dominant news medium in Ukraine. news and information, Crimeans’ five most commonly Almost all Ukrainians (96.8%) watch TV for news at least named media outlets include four TV channels owned by weekly, including 95.7% of Crimeans. -
DISH Network to Launch Popular Russian Channels; Echostar Expands Comprehensive International Programming Offering Russian Channels NTV and NTV Plus
DISH Network to Launch Popular Russian Channels; EchoStar Expands Comprehensive International Programming Offering Russian Channels NTV and NTV Plus LITTLETON, Colo.--(BUSINESS WIRE)--Aug. 31, 1999--EchoStar Communications Corp. (NASDAQ: DISH, DISHP) is pleased to announce that this fall DISH Network™ will launch two of the most popular Russian television channels, NTV and NTV Plus, that will be the most comprehensive Russian-language TV programming ever offered in the United States. Already the leading provider of international TV programming, DISH Network is proud to offer the U.S. Russian-speaking audience the most extensive selection of news, sports, movies, music, talk shows and other entertainment on NTV and NTV Plus. Customers can order the NTV and NTV Plus package for only $24.99 a month. "There are over 900,000 U.S. Russian-speaking households and, until now, this important community has had virtually no access to high-quality Russian television programming," said Michael Schwimmer, vice president of Programming at EchoStar. "We are proud to have NTV services join DISH Network, which will enable Russian-speaking viewers to maintain close contact with their language and culture. EchoStar strives to offer consumers the most diverse international television programming on a digital satellite TV system." NTV is a private Russian television company known for its comprehensive and award-winning news services. NTV brings the latest news and current affairs programs live from Russia, as well as game shows, music, sports and movies. NTV Plus will offer the Russian- American audience a mixture of two Russian entertainment direct-to-home channels, Nashe Kino and Detsky Mir, offering nostalgic and modern Russian film productions and programming for children, including the best of Soviet and Russian cartoons.