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JOURNAL OF THE EPIGRAPHICAL SOCIETY OF INDIA [BHARATIYA PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA]

(BEING VOL. XI OF STUDIES IN INDIAN EPIGRAPHY) VOLUME ELEVEN: 1984

PUBLISHED BY THE :EDPIGIL.&Pmc:BXi SOCIETY OF IKDIJBL CONTENTS

Presidential Address ...K. V. SOUNDARA RAJA1M_

1 Thalner Plates of Vakataka Harishena : A Re-Appraibal ...AJAY MITRA SHASTRI...

2 Two Jaina Inscriptions from Siyamangalam ...P. VENKATESAN^

3 An Early reference to Madana-Mahotsava in the Gudnapur Inscription of Kadamba Ravivarman __S. P. TEWARI__

4 Date of Nagachandra _MADHAV N. KATTI and N. N. SWAMY...

5 The Kumbhakonam Plates of Vijayaraghava, Saka 1578 ...VENKATESHA_

6 An Inscription of Tukoji Rao (I) Holkar from Thalner, District Dhule ...N. M. GANAM.,,

7 Some Interesting Aspects of the Maratha Rule as gleaned from the Tamil Copper-Plates of the Thanjavur Marathas ...C. R. SRINIVASAN...

8 Five Pandya Kings of the 14th Century ...N. SETHURAMAN...

Reclamation of and sand-cast Lands-A 'T9j)Land flood-damaged study in prices, rentals and wages in later Chola times (From A.D. 1070 to A..D. 1210)-based on Srirangam Inscriptions ...R. TIRUMALAI...

10 Chandavara Inscription of Kadamba Biradevarasa ...M. D. SAMPATH...

11 Hyderabad Prakrit Inscription of Govindaraja Vihara .P. V. PARABRAHMA SASTRI...

12 Some Important Inscriptions from Daulatabad ,...M. F. KHAN_

13 Barsi Plates of Krishna I ...H. S. THOSARand A. A. HINGMIRE

14 The Date of the Masoda Plates of Pravarasena II ...AJAY MITRA SHASTRI and CHANDRASHEKHAR GUPTA... JOURNAL OF THE EPIGRAPHICAL SOCIETY OF INDIA

[BHARATIYA PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA]

(BEING VOL. XI OF STUDIES IN INDIAN EPIGRAPHY) VOLUME ELEVEN: 1984

Editor

Dr. S. Subramonia Iyer MYSORE

Secretary and Executive Editor Dr. S. H. Ritts DHARWAR

PUBLISHED BY TJBLE EJIiailJHLIIIICJBLIrf SOCIETY OF INDIA Journal of the Epigraphical Society of India [Bharatiya Purabhilefcha Paldka in [Being Vol. XI of Studies Indian Epigraphy]: Vol. XI, pp. vi-fl40fvi Plates

Editor : Dr. S. Subramonia Iyer ; Secretary and Executive Editor : Dr. S. H. Ritti Published by the Epigraphical Society of India.

First Published 1985

COPY RIGHT EPIGRAPHICAL SOCIETY OF INDJA

The Publication of the Journal was financially supported by the Indian Council oJ Historical Research.

And the responsibility for the facts stated, opinions expressed or conclusions reached is entirely that of the authors of the articles and Indian Council of Historical Research accepts no responsibility for them.

PRINTED IN INDIA AT VtDYASAGAR PRINTING AND PUBLISHING HOUSE 158, 11TH MAIN, SARASWATHIPURAM, MYSORE-570 009 I V O R .I JIJL.

From Dharwad to Dharwad again : We hope this eleventh Congrees, which marks the completion of a successful de- It was in January 1975 that our first cade, paves way for further growth with Annual Congress was held here in Dharwad, more vigour and strength, and with better under the auspices of the Department of plans and projects. Ancient Indian History & Epigraphy at the Karnatalc University. Attracting a The Journal : number of scholars who were happy large Our first three issues of the Journal at the formation of such a Society, the were issued under the title 'Studies in Congress provided a firm base for the Indian Epigraphy' because of certain exi- growth of the Society. D*. B.Ch. Chhabra, gencies, but with the 4th volume onwards the President of the first Congrass expressed it has assumed its usual form and name his pleasure by stating in his Presidential as Journal of the Epigraph ical Society of address that 'it is a dream come true'. India. This is the Xlth volume of the Dr. Sarojini Mahishi, the then Union Mini- Journal. We are happy to note that the ster of State for Law, Justice and Company Journal has been well received in the Affairs, who inaugurated the first Annual academic circles. The index to the first Congress, appreciated the motto of the ten volumes appended to this issue speaks Society and concluded her speech saying about the contribution of the Journal to Vriddhirastu. True to her hopes the Society Epigraphical Studies in the lecent years. has grown well. After completing ten years It has been able to bring to light not of fruitful existeno, we are back here again only many new inscriptions but also many at Dharwad to look back and review younger scholars in the field We humbly our growth believe that this is no mean achievement. these ten years, the Society During This has been possible because of the has traversed many parts of the country unstinted cooperation of our members from by organising Annual Congresses in diffe- all quarters of the country. rent States (a list of these congresses is It is our pleasent duty to place on re- printed elsewhere in the issue) and it has cord here our appreciation and gratitude now assumed an. all India Character and to the Indian Council of Historical Research has been able to build up a fraternity of for their helping hand in the form of epigraph ists, Triu to the words again, of grants for the publication of these issues. our founder Chairman, Dr. G S.Gai, the We are sure, we can bank upon them for Society has created interest in epigraphy the publication of the further issues as well. amongst younger generation of scholars. Presidential Addresses and PfaSastis : Fairly good number of younger scholars from different Universities and other aca- We are happy that we have been able a collection all demic institutions have been effectively to bring out this year of participating in our Annual Congresses. the Presidential addresses delivered during the past ten years, to mark the successful indeed, both these volumes are being re completion of a decade by the Society. leased at this llth Congress at Dharwad We hope that the thoughts, the ideas and Nothing is more phasing to the Societ; the suggestions expressed by the best men than to do this which furthers the caus> in the field regarding the eprgraphical studies of epigraphical studies. We congratulat in our country will serve as a reference the Editors of both these volumes fo work for all those who are interested in their valuable contributions to the Epigra these studies. The book contains the texts phical literature. of the pra&astis presented with Copper Our Congratulations : Plates conferred on the distinguished We are happy to bring to the notice scholars of our country, In addition to of our members that two of our accreditec making an interesting reading, these pra&a- members of the Executive Council havi siis place on permanent record the achieve- been elevated to the higher position ments of our stalwarts, which serve as a Dr. K. V. Ramesh as Director of Epigraph; becon light to the younger generations. and Shri M.N KattJ as Chief Epigraphist We take this opportunity to place on While congratulating them for their ele record our deep appreciation of and gra- vation, we hops that these new position titude to our friend Pandit V S.Subrama- will help them to serve the cause of epigra niyam who has bsen our official composer phy with greater zeal and vigour. of the prakastis for his and pleasing lively Our Thanks: compositions. As usual, the responsibility of bringin; New Books out this journal has been ably shouldere< In the last issue of our Journal we by our friends at Mysore Dr. S. Subramonii made a reference to a Seminar on the Iyer, Editor, and Dr. Venkatesh, Asst. Secre Kadambas held at Sirsi and also a Seminar tary and their associates. The printing ha been handled as and on the South and South East Asian Epigra- usual, ably, by Shri S.K and his phy held at Tokyo as a part of the 31st Lakshminarayana enthusiastic as International Congress of Human Sciences sistant Shri R. Venkatesh of the Vidya in Asia and North Africi. We are happy sagara Printing and Publishing House ihat we have an occasion to refer to them Mysore. We express our heart-felt thank to all here again about the outcome of both of them. these Seminars viz., a volume of Kadamba and the inscriptions collection of papers Shrinivas Ritti at the presented Tokyo Seminar. Happily Secretary & Executive Editor O ctf rt OJ T3 a P O CB ca C S eo o Pi CO C5 .S

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AND NOW XI Annual Congress

JANUARY, 7-9, 1985 DHARWAD KARNATAK UNIVERSITY, DEPARTMENT OF ANCIENT INDIAN HISTORY AND EPIGRAPHY

President : Dr. Noboru Karashima

Professor of South Asian History, Faculty of letters, University of Tokyo, Japan. A Japanese Scholar of Indian studies with outstanding contributions like 'A Portrait of India,' 'Studies of Village Communities in Indian History,' 'A Concordance of the Names in the Chola Inscriptions,' 'South Indian History and Society,' 'Studies from inscriptions A. D. 850-1100', 'Indus Civilization' etc.

Scholar to be Honoured :

Prof. Ganesh Hari Khare

Honorary Professor, Poona University, Itihasa Samsodhana Poona ; Chairman, Bharat erudite scholar in Marathi., Mandal, Poona ; Sanskrit, Hindi, Urdu, Persian and Arabic ; has written large number of books and research and papers in English and Marathi on early medieval Indian History, particularly Maha- Indian rashtra ; President, History Congress, Records Commission. 1979 ; Member, Historical Among his notable contributions are the volumes of Sources of Medieval History of the Deccan.

RESIDENTIAL ADDRESS 1 K. V. Soundara Rajan

Fellow Ladies Delegates, and Gentle- troversy in unravelling this enigma which I deem it a ;n, great privilege to have was seemingly a crucial component of this sn called upon to occupy this chair antecedent urban efflorescence, millennia lay, as the General President of this before India attained its present stamp nth Congress of the Epigraphical Society of culture. Epigraphical scholars have a India. I dare say that il is my aca- special commitment towards the facilita- nic link with the discipline of Epigraphy tion of the intent and content of this Indus I continuing collaborative institutional script riddle and should not be mere silent olvement in the Archaeological Survey spectators to exclusive confrontations amidst India and my own associations with a handful of ardent scholars who have Epigraphical Society in various ways staked their specialist claims for unlocking t should have prevailed upon you to the key to this ancient writing as well as

ose to honour me with this Chairper- the language family to which it is ger- ship. I am conscious of my humble mane. We shall have more to say on this Ltion amidst the galaxy of academic and later. fessional scholars in Epigraphy over recent decades who have shed lustre Meanwhile, it is my desire to look le of this pursuit independent discipline at the discipline of Epigraphy, for the offer my homage and respects to them for nonce, from an archaeologist's viewpoint. a live ing made Epigraphy and ver- It would certainly be agreed that in India, e medium in the ofcomrnuni- process the archaeologist has been using epigraphy m of human legacy across the millennia. for the primary bias of his namely, com- i sub-continent which could boast of parative chronology and thus the epi gra- of ultiplicity linguistic families and phical evidence is virtually confined to a ches as thereof, India is, the study of confirmation, from certain temporal con- of as a 2 growth writing tool for his- texts, of the stratigraphic sequence, and and >graphy the evolution of a diversity if I am not mistaken by my archaeologist criptal modes is bound to be of para- colleagues, may I add that in this process tit importance as a vehicle of social the intrinsic dimensions of epigraphy have nunication and archival potential which been under severe constraint and isolation, id attained already in the pre-Christian Inscribed data which start occurring mostly iries. The art of writing had much from the Mauryan times, have been uti- sr blossomed in India as a part of lized either in the form of numismatic arental Indus Civilization, though it antiquities or stamp, seal or such on terra- sast the onus of identifying and satis* cotta, ivory or stone. Either way, they dly understanding it on posterity. We are taken as ancillary data which historic /et amidst the dust and din of con- archaeology can be garnished with, in the PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

ne^vara with his tusk reconstruction of the life-style of the people. merely feign writing and when was the 'Java' But do archaeologists have a frame-work tip Vyasa reciting the is the whole stated tradition to be in dependent means of evaluating literacy or, to as a later of of the societies in which these occur, not taken facile display literacy have mention those antecedent to them ? Have by an alter-ego of Vyasa who could of neither seen nor understood they any rationale by which the capacity original Vyasa and the of ? If the cult of a society which had extensive potential genesis Gaije^a dissemi- Gartes'a and could be shown as displayed penchant for trading and Vyasa it us a nation of a variety of lore and knowledge, coeval, will make accept possibly ? If both ethical, moral and technical, could be prevalent mode of writing then 3 a cart load discerned, diagnoised or appreciated ? If Anathapindika had brought Rukmini sent a letter of supplication and of gold coins to be spread on the soil redressal of her plight, through a brahmana to be consecrated for the Buddha's usage, messenger from Kundinapura in Yidarbha was he keeping the entire transaction in 1 or the (which is modem Kaundinyapura and has his mind's eye, was he bringing or rational yielded c. 8th century B.C., for its lowest coins by weight had some of what he strata) to Krishna-Vasudeva at Dvaraka, empirical means estimating are the archaeologists entitled to deny, was committed to ? All this would show is a socio-economic prima facie, the right of Rukmini to that writing itself inscribe in an intelligible script known to factor and one does not imagine an as the source of all her, or to disown the story of this unlettered tradesman The crux of the spectacular facility of communication both economic well-being. is that: inevi- spatially and romantically between two matter (a) writing emerges ? in a mult i- vocational and if persons who had heard of each other tably polity 13 has the of Will the spectre of Aiska and Maga^thenes such a polity emerged, germs also and stand in the way of our ascribing the writing have surely emerged ; evidence is no indicatoi channel of expression by written word in (b) that negative Nor is the absence oi that period, perhaps to a script form nearer of non-existence. to the late Harappan or post-Harappan an alphabetical form an indication of the of of graffito seeii here and there before and formative stage usage-status writing beyond 15th century around these regions ? in that community. For instance, there Did Rama's ring* containing his name, as is a time, lag of more than a millennium of the the story would have it, have to be a between the provenance Indus proven myth or a potential possibility, script vestiges and that of the recrudes- when we know that the Indus people cence of usage in the stage of 'second wore rings and certainly knew a script urbanisation' in the Iron Age. And taking and that was the time and place where, note of the fact that in this interval, perhaps, one has to place Rarna and his much water had flown down Sarasvati illustrious warrior parent who, as tradition and Ganga-Yamuna systems, it would .be avers, had run to the succour of Indra enigmatic that the factors for wuting in his battle with gambara ? Did Vigfi- noted above did not constitute the social PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS context for the re-emergence or the in-depth analysis of the question of the continuity of the written tradition. One process by which changes from the early may perhaps argue that since it is the to mature phases (and even later stages, clear presence of a trade and transport as seen in the Sarasvati and the Drishad- situation that would essentially create vati valleys, Sutlej, Beas and sub-montane the need for writing, such an intensity Himalayas) took place. Such a study will of trade, either external or even internal, certainly have Inter alia, something specific in bulk, might not have obtained in this to argue about the authors of the Indus interval, and similarly conditions favourable script. Further, the geographical extent of for an urban continuity in multiple the early Harappan settlements revealed 8 avocation also, might not have been by recent intensive field work in Pakistan present. This is brought at this stage of in this decade is more than double that my address only to show how pertinent of the mature phase sites documented is the need to look at the stages of an duing the last decade, showing that the emerging script usage, as part of plank settlements of the mature stage utilized of the epigraphical study itself, well before the same riparian environment in which the baptism of 'BrahmP formally in the the communities of the early Harappaa Mauryan times. period were settled and had the same ceramics, craft, artefacts, terracotta, kiln What about the Indus civilization it- technology (the last mentioned, as seen 7 self ? The latest study in Pakistan shows from those of Bahawalpur, identical to that the beginning of this civilization could to those of Mohenjodaro and Lothal to IA and 9 us a be taken back now Kot-Diji stage in shape ). This surely gives new to earlier than 3135 B. c, by C 14 datings. understanding of this civilization and The stratigraphic evidence confirms the the burgeoning fact that it developed continuance of the contents characterizing into the 'Greater Indus Valley', with IB, or the mature Indus stage, implicating outposts at Mehergarh, Shortugai and in the early phase all that followed in the Oman and expansions into Rajasthan, mature phase, at least one millennium be- Panjab and Haryana, shown by Kaliban- fore the rise of occupation at Mohenjodaro gan, Siswal, Mithathal, Banavali and 10 and Harappa. As seen from Sarai Khola, Manda . Ghumla, Rahman Dehri, Kalibangan etc., of we seem to have an on the early Harappan pottery, these On top this, also with a re-examination traits also include, bssides pottery fabrics involvement of certain of and painted motifs, representations of iden- of the authors types copper/ the shaft-hole tical forms on terracotta, of female figurines, bronze axes, especially type in the and horned motif suggesting common be- discovered in 1961 in Pakistan villages and Shumari in different liefs throughout the 'Greater Indus Valley'. of Manikhal Darel, the known from the mature Simple marks or signs engraved or incised from shapes sites in the 'Greater Indus on pottery, as found at Rahman Dehri, Harappan and found in late or appear to represent an early stage of Valley' post-Harappan an contexts at Darel which with those Harappan script. This necessitates now compare 4 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA earlier discovered in the Persian Mafcran much of a drastic development excepting and Shahi Tump in south Baluchistan, for transformations from the ideographic besides those further afield from south pictorial to the syllabic forms and could Russia at Maikope and Tsarskai. These certainly not give us yet a well consolida- also have to 1?3 studied with the two ted grammatical fixation pointing to exclu- Trunnion axes from Dare! as well as that sive lingistic families to which they should of Shalazon found in the Kurram valley be assignable. The devolution of the a long time ago and considered by several 'Greater Indus- Civilization' and the rise of scholars including Heine-Geldern" as likely certain viable Chalcolithic cultures in limited to be linked typologically with those known time range in many parts of Rajasthan, from the Mediterranean region, Europe, Ganga-Yamuna doab and on the western Trans-Caucasia and northern Iran. Jet mar's fringe of the Central Indian plateau further 13 13 observation is that the occurrence of underscores the complexity of the situation. Trunnion axes of the 'western type' in Here, normally, given the mature and North Pakistan indicates the penetration expansive Indus culture stimuli, the script of Caucasian elements into the Steppes ar,d should have caught on to be implicated eastwards in the Pamirs and then on to into the day to day usage as an instrument the Hindu Kush and the Karakorams and or basic equipment in public transactions, should have some connection with the which had not happened. movements of Aryan (linguistic) speaking What we know or seem to know is people towards the end of the second that the ethnic structure of the 'new' millennium B. c. This would indeed have society after the close of the 2nd mille- to some exciting relevance the nature of nnium B. C. had been contradistinctive the authors of the Indus possible script from that of the antecedent period, and the shot and would a by long bring new was already in the throes of such a in to our orientation preference present change in the entire second half of the towards 1 these authors as tendency Hyping 2nd millennium B. C. It is against these either the or the proto-Dravi- Indo-Aryans that we should consider the geo-political as contended. We dians, being consistently developments of the age between c. 1500 are certainly led by these discoveries and and c. 1000 B. C. in which perhaps the the recrudescence of old issues., to avoid greatest single event of first magnitude hard and fast about 14 any positions the was the so called 'Bharata war.' We racial or ethnic affinities in dealing with have no desire to meander through this Indus as such, for con- script excepting nebulous stage but we would like to stress sidering that the entire Baluchi piedmont that Harappan script context was a matter from the 4th-3rd millennium B c. had purely of its own materialistic requirements

been the crucible for several communities ' ; and no single group nor a whole society and the urban flowering under the early was exclusively involved in it. It was to mature Indus civilization phases saw perhaps certain autonomous trade agencies them use a script of some formative kind that carried forward the scriptal traditions which continued to ba used without too from out of the texonymic phonetic system : PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS 5 prevailing already in West Asia and in speech and script. tailored it to its own spoken vocabulary Thus we are advisedly on more deliberately. That such a vocabulary could scientific grounds if we separated material and indeed should have bsen cosmopolitan cultural remains (which displays a static and not weighed in favour of the usages uniformity in its artefactual assemblage of any single community group may be a and presents the life-style), from the script viable premise. That it was during the which is an explosion and a running- prelude and processes of the second maid to a socio-economic requirement urbanisation that it redefined it and would not guarantee universal literacy organically is also an admissible thesis. for the whole society. Also, we have We may compare it to the rise of the not yet been able to detect aberrant Hellenist city-State culture from the 9th cultural traits in the artefactual assemblage century B.C. onwards, which was preceded to invent them with ethnic values, as by the prolonged dark period which was would be shown by the cranial remains. a sequel to the catastrophic end of the A componental analysis of the artefactual Aegean civilization and was so dark that remains in a site like Kalibangan is the Minoan systems of writing had fallen overdue, relating the cultural differentiae out of use and the literate Greek- speaking vertically and horizontally. did not revive Minoan world the sylla- Even of the script itself, granted we baries but adopted the Phoenician alpha- are unable yet to link the material culture 16 bet. Such a paradigm could have existed with the linguistic stems of the script, 1 " in India and need not have been the statistical and computer-aided analysis linguistic possession on one single ethnic of the structure and orthography of the an admixture of group but indigenous script passages becomes inescapable. The and other strains whose linguistic usages latest, in addition to those of the Russian, in 17 could have become quite familiar the Finnish, etc., is that of Raman which does indeed feel post-Indus society. One is a deliberate preliminary exercise in this to that if the Indus emboldened say direction. We may try to relate them could the civilization have had linguistic only to the stages between the early and 'Dravidian' in their 'Aryan' linguistic and mature phases, but should not subject the itself could well ethnic mosaic, script them to a linguistic strairjacket with a the fusion or admixture of have been post-Harappan situation. is of bolh, which another way saying On the basis of ideographic symbol that the Indus citizen have bsen might converted into a syllabury as done in his of and no 18 bilingual himself, necessity attempts by Mahadevan, earlier to his ethnic barrier would have existed in this recent seeming volte-face from a proto- We for a regard. may, therefore, plead Dravidian origin for these instead of the truce between the and the antistands pro Indo- Aryan (specifically Vedic Sanskrit), in the of the Indus 19 decipherment script; Ramesh has, quite enthusiastically, and future scientific research, I am sure, bruited the greater eligibility of Vedic will show it as a dichotemised structure passages being likely to give clues to the PrjRABHILEKHA PATRIKA

to been the seals, we have to prove inipiit of the script and apparently using that were traders, in which case, it ! ;\ ov.n best bu limited satisfaction, they as will leave still the of were 1-elt that most independent as well problem who

can b ; related the leaders of the Indus cities (.vinj unct s., mbols convincingly open, t,i Vedic word;, and phrases, but had unless the traders were themselves the tfeulii if all the Indus symbols on seal leaders and were having other groups on or settlim can \ield an interpretation their band-wagon for authoring the engraved \v!i,vii \vill exactly correspond to any of figure part of the seals. By saying that the uv.tilthle V.-dic passages. As we have the script might be affiliated to lli c sa'fj. to '-elect a range of linguistic voc-ibu- Indo-Aryan stem of usage, one would indeed I.ii} and evolve a fc;ipt consonance for be committing a firm presence of

it-* letters extra-Indian (on pre-e.xi-.ting Vedic religion in the Indus city, for as Rao 20 fcsipt p:iral'e!>, did, or for which the material evidence, at present, aiuri.'ht Vedic phrases or passages as even including the much harassed Tai5u- R.ffiush \vas at would bs tempt in,i) clearly pati seal' does not offer any identifiable 'illiiv: t!:e .-cript to preconceived linguistic varia of evidence. This script, while still -.trail jacket. The Soviet and the Finnish bestowing literacy to the Indus community K'hoitrS towards attempts finding the or a part thereof, does not have the same siractme and the syntax of the Indus historiographic and archival import that, cript usages (a treatment that Raman for instance, the Summerian Cuneiform ,i!-o etw-iders necessary) by or the computer Egyptian Hieroglyphics did. If aru!\Ms I-, to a degree more tenable the disappearance of the Indus script in since the nietlmdoUvieally results of the the late Harappan stage for all ;in.il\sis can be itself, accepted, rejected or intents and purposes, were to be given improvcil UJVMI. The fact of the matter its weightage that v.ould vtill be appears due for it that one has to be sure particularly in the as lo which among the Indus subsequent story of city our national script tradition, it would communities had been most familiar be with safer to ami weiv posit thai the cessation of employing t j, e script fof the any worthwhile external puipo%e of the or even busy internal seals, etc., or in other trade growth after ords what is the of the total range of function heyday the Harappan city culture i>t Hth the seal the was an environ- script, figures on mental them and the compulsion and in usage, quite much the same apart from as the the minimum way Aiyo-Dravidian ethnic known context of trade for fusion them. was the natural avenue For, if we admit for potent survival that traders of Here the socio-cultural ushy these, Vedic ethos O f the late Sanskrit and its Vedic apphcmons for them Aryans, and the .would be out of scriptal usage also court. And had nnplieH * if M and for the nonce hybridisations and commo *e if presume that the other possible - of it, the collective benefit* of the' toe society was promoted b th| had X ' actually the mu,gUng of lrade usaje with PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS

of the cultural in the engravings for heraldic group identity developments region. was also feasible. All this would under- There is some highly circumstantial but score that systematization of the socio- specific manner in which a known corpus to a cultural premises for seal use and engraving of literary evidence, belonging familiar cultural milieu of a whose motivation should receive priority, by region origins could not be dated sure means archaeological data analysis, over fishing by any the expeditions in the troubled waters of a other than inter-relationship of these e J material remains and the reference mere linguistic framework. Whai should literary

1 have over in to these usages. We are referring to the precedence 'Who , respect cluster of hero stone of the seal-sealing artefacts. great important monuments found in recent decades in Now I move to the historical stages the area around Chengam in North Arcot where epigraphy has already come into district of Tamil Nadu, the age range of its own and give typical situations where the inscribed among which relates to c. 6th the inter-relationship of epigraphy and century to c, 10th century A. D. As regards archaeology is typically displayed Though the institution of these hero-stones and independent disciplines, these two, owing how far back they could go in the imins- to their minimum common grounds in cribed among them, in this area which is being authentic and concrete creations of very rich in this class of monuments, we man and with deliberate intentions behind have a spectacular confirmation from the them and contemporaneity to the situations literary tradition of the Sangam lore of they pertain to, are closely identifiable the early Tamil society. One of the im- with the authors, as a group or community portant works of truly Sangam is in the case of and with vintage archaeology in- 3 Malai-padu-kadanf whose scenario and dividual patron or scribe, and more often descriptions are located just in this precisely dated to the actual occurrence Chengam area and which describes of the event, in the case of epigraphy. profusely and graphically the presence in such contexts serve as Epigraphs of hero-stones in the country-side here. the handmaids of literature and history By this consonance, it is patent that art (including history) providing credibility the hero-stones of this zone, in the manner for oral traditions, and often introduce as seen now, should have been seen actually well as solve problems which otherwise are by birds who composed this Sangam work liable to be controversial. We would like to and thus should antedate the work itself. detail soni} interesting of this examples This situation helps particularly in giving each of which has a laison, distinctive a realistic terminal dale at least to this socio-cultural significance. Sangam work, as around the 5th century, It is to be clearly seen that as long and by that token, reinforces, the basic as a region makes great cultural hypothesis of sober scholars of the Sangam strides, inter-relationship of contemporary literature on the ago range of this antho- evidence is bound to prove mutually bene- logy which forms the bed-rock of historical a better ficial, facilitating understanding evidence for early Tamil society. This date PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

nuK'e i> taken from the 2nd century to Buddha ruled, which on Chinese evidence t'ij 5u c.'ntury A. D. As we have the was reasonably close to Lumbini, of the riv, Bianco of the Tamil-Brahmi scjpt alone iSakyas and the place of the mother of the i>i.in about the 3rd century B. c. to the Buddha, namely Mayadevi and where indeed as 3rd century A. i>., and as certain Vatteluttu we know, she gave birth to Gautama. The i MU -formations appear to take place from. evidence, ultimately, of excavations of the the -Ith most century and of the earlier among Piprahwa-Ganvaria site complex by the the iitfdib.'d hero-stones of the Chedâm Archaeological Survey of India that yiel- arc.i a.v sejn to be in ded Vatteluttu chara- in the form of several clay tablets 1 evrv and a certain collateral from evidence one of its vihara sites carrying the .'f a hoard of lead po^t-fJatavahana coins significant inscribed label, namely, 'Deva- tV.nn AnJinuttr" in the same Cheiiârii putra-vihare Kapilavastu-bhiksliu-sanghasya' ami, its inscribed on the by legend coins established that this site of Piprahwa was . iv;tJm; probiblyas 'Tinriniiedirana Che?i- the Kapilavastu of yore. Here, epigraphy J.ititr,. placjs itself in the transitional became the mouthpiece of archaeological script stages and as there had been both data and revealed, at one stroke, the ans- u N.tnnan known andChendan from Sangam wer to a long contended issue. Htctuture and tradition, we are well per- 27 MW J^d to fh the date of Malai-paû-kadam, Pillayarpatti in Ramnad district, of work of the Tamil near Saiijam anthology as c. 5th Nadu, Karaikudi, in one of the famous century A. D., thus, a direct correlation Pandyan rock-cut caves, whose between a north prestigcous literary heritage of facing important niche (m the the Tamils and the front of the material vestiges around mondapa otherwise east facing the sime stand attested sanctum) a ajc to and mutually through prominent and impre- correlated, a break ssive Gauefia yiving through for the niche-sculpture, gave the historiographic of the village itself its as credibility early Tamil name, originally the literary heritage and its cave supportive culture, temple without the many front side where the voice of additional epigraphy and the voica structural mandapas of the of the material remains prevail in unison medieval times, would , have displayed the for hiitoric;tl reconstruction. Ganeâ sculpture directly to any visitor A prima facie presumption on this Elsewhere in India, to take score another can be that the culture situation, village going by this archaeological evidence present name found in should have come the area of the up at i Nepale.se Tarai date on either ide subsequent to the excavation ofihe Indo-Ncpalese border of the and cave temple. This in the Basti district of situation is rendered Eastern Uttar even more Pradesh on the piquant by the Indian side, had occurrence of not for a brief able to inscribed record on the on^btien clinch the firm basis finished for stone surface luting which of the side wall among the towns excavated near its " entrance mto the Uld anSWCr t0 the re rock-cut part. The mcntmen J'^T ^- record reads of the location of something like * Kapilavastu,- from pern Parana* 'Eruk&Wrkk&n lather though the first < AwWhMana, of Gautanm word is according to some, as lhkan iint PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS

In the occurrence the any event, by of furnished, without the era specified, as record on a rock-cut part of the monu- liable to be reckoned in Jsaka era with- the clear should ment, deduction have been out warrant, and considering the record that the cave temple preceded the inscribed as unique and earliest reference to the record. on the Apparently supposed functioning of village administration in of the some palaeography record, scholars the Sangam period of Tamil Nadu. Here were inclined to date the cave to temple again, epigraphy trips those who might the 5th A. D. century and building on not give full consideration 10 the vicissi- this went as far as to declare basis, that tudes of script, orthography and context, this would make this cave the temple but basically authentic still if its signals earliest of the Brahmanical cave example are read aright. art in the whole of the South India. The use of several But there is no question, even otherwise, media or material for records such as of this cave temple being so early, as engraving stone, wood and metal an it is a part of a series of rock-cut temples gives insight into their co-eval craft the excavated by the early Pandyas in this development. Similarly, tract of which there are three more continuance of two scriptal traditions of within a few miles of PUJayarpatti at the same age at the same site may give rise to a situation in the assess- Kunnakudi, not to mention eight more queer ment of it has around Madurai, the capital of the Paadyas script provenance though its own revelations. As an of the same age and ilk. Here, epigraphy is significant one cite the occurrence of liable to be overplayed and might be example, may records on at misleading, if not considered in concert Tamil-Brahmi label pottery 29 with the architectural evidence of the Arikamedu, along with instances of the man-made monument. The caution is that northern contemporary variety of script for Sanskrit Of it would the script of an inscribed record may at usage. course, lead that in this times represent a lingering and static to the surmise trade of the Lido-Roman both form of one of the script sub-varieties out-post mart, Tamil and men from here at Pilfayarpatti, a Vatteluttu usage, people Sanskrit-using India of a local form and is part of the northern were hobnobbing with local situation and should not be taken each other, besides the Romans. Such a as the exclusive evidence or should not situation, deliberately created, is also to be studied shorn of its own context of be seen at Mahabalipuram in the cave the surface upon which it is engraved. temple excavated by Narasimhavarman II, A similar mistake was committed else- Rajasimha, and given the name of 30 where, again in Tamil Nadu, at Atiranachan^a-mandapam. Here, the same 2s Pulankurichi in the same Ramnad record is transcribed in both the Pallava district, where the long and admittedly Grantha and upper Indian Siddhamatrika important record datable to the 5lh-6th script forms, on either of the side walls century A D. as somewhat over enthusias- of the facade of this cave temple. This solicitude tically assigned to the 3rd century was seemingly a gesture of of taking the date of the record which was the king to the varying men of his realm PATRIK-A 10 PURABHILEKHA

in the victoria! who, though using Sanskrit, were writing quoted 'augmenting of his elder brother the same in differing scriptal forms in the regnal year' reigning but at the same in same period. Kirtivarman, time, the body of the record, mentions the Sometimes, inscriptions help inter- sz significant ritual of Ndrayana bah which lockedj. or may we say, even dead-locked is when a is either situations between material remains and performed person dead or his whereabouts are unknown quondam architectural contexts. The typical and he was to be taken as dead. The example had been afforded by the presence seeming intention of the record, if we of rock-cut reclining Vishnu carving, are to read history at this at sandwiched between the smaller and the juncture the Chalukyan capital aright shows that larger of the two Shore temples at Maha- Mangalea was cleverly to balipuram, both of which were erected manoeuvring capture the throne for himself after Kirti- by Narasimhavarman II Rajasimlia for varman is removed from the scene, and Siva, while the Vishnu carving was a to prevent young Pulakeli II from claiming pre-existing creation of an earlier king, successor Hence the words probably Narasimhavarman Mamalla. rights. oozing of praise about the qualities of head and Despite vestigial evidence for these twin heart of Kiritivaman to lull the contexts the fact that the earlier position people a for his moves. The art was well preceding the latter could, not into support historian is the in this be clinched, not with- standing a fortuitous beneficiary process, who can still sense it the literary evidence of Avantisundailkatha of by overprofessi- ons of a clever as Dandin recalling the traditional account royal claimant, ambitious as to baulk the of a clever sculptor having mended a Mangales'a, trying brave and Pulakes'm II broken arm of the Vishnu image here. enterprising who certainly got the better of the in The ambiguity could be finally cleared by former, the 31 final but after a copper plate grant of a still later count, only posterity had been with a marvellous Pallava king, Nripatunga, which specifi- gifted architectural creation and cally referred to Mamalla having erected speciously but eloquently a reclining Vishnu temple here on the worded record. brink of the sea (Ya&=bayya- griham Epigraphical records found in the vici- asmabhir^jalanklhau chakre muhuch nity of notable monuments but out of chakrinah). Here epigraphy vicariously context and referring themselves of temples and posthumously bales out vestigeal in the same place which, however do not archaeological evidence and clears an art exist today, have their own valuable historical tangle. impli- cation on the changes in the cult scene Epigraphy sometimes us in when an helps illustious and resourceful ruler reading between the lines in a historical blazes his unique trail overshadowing many situation where a record contemporary earlier events of note. An excellent chooses example to by-pass it. We are of referring this phenomenon is the set of refences to the famous record of Mangale^a in to 'Tanjai-taiikkulattari** which recall the cave No. 3 the at Badami which is sacred temple for &va, close to a tank PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS 11

by the side of Brihadi^vara temple, the very credibility of the documentations magnum opus of Raja Raja's exemplary of the times. religious patronage and art imagination, Friends, may I now be permitted to We know that the Talikkulattan temple offer some remarks on the condition of at Tanjavur had been sung in the hymnals research in India today. It of Saint Sambandar (who had adorned the epigraphical does not require any special ingenuity end of the 7th century A. D. and was that this research demands a 1 to suggest extolled spicily a ? the 'Dravida-blSif by very sound basic concert with adequate Ankara Bhagavatpada, for having been a knowledge of the great linguistic stems child prodigy in his spiritual achievements). of India, the Tndo-Aryan and the Dravi- The fragmentary records referring to this dian not to mention the Semetic langu- Talikkulattan temple seem to continue into ages which had been of such great signi- the 12th century and later, but no vis- ficance in Asia. This also involves access tiges of it even have survived. What could to the mechanics of linguistic growth. A be the reason for this seeming disregard high calibre academic potential is also for a sacred early temple, in the very called for in the research and publication premises of the <*reat temple built by of epigraphs. Tt is a truism to state that such an unqualified devotee of iva ? such a potential is not lacking in our The reason may only be coniectured. Tt country which can boast of magnificent can be that this earlier temple suffered a literary legacies and traditions in all these disappearance, having been an Agamic- languages. Then, what ails this important -oriented one, when the avalanche of discipline of epigraphy? Firstly, the diffi- Mahe^vara brand of ?aivism was sedulo- culties in talent- scouting of the right usly fostered under Raja Raja I, and the type Traditional scholars in this regard, additional cause for its struggling till upto have indeed been given a step-motherly two centuries later to disappear thereafter, treatment, inasmuch as they often might can be that it was a casualty of the not be meeting official educational requi- layout of the 3ivaganga tank, on whose rements for job recruitment. It is likely bank it seemingly stood An unknown that, in due course, we may not be in page of great socio-religious import had a position even to secure them. That the been revealed by the fragmentary records Government is aware of this plight is referring to this temple found in recent obvious from the steps envisaged for years from the very court-yard of the inducting traditional scholars by provid- Brihadi^vara temple at Tanjavur. ing monetary fellowship assistance for acclimatised and involved in the Epigraphy, thus, plays a complement- getting tasks related to research. ary role with archaeology and material epigraphical cannot remains, and by dealing with epigraphical Secondly, even official Epigraphy commensurate records in isolation as a mere exercise claim emolument scales and on the table, instead of on the ground, either with the arduous complicated enormous a social enquiry into cultural history is nature of their duties* or the fulfilment. It defeated, and may sometimes affect the volume of work pending n PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

may even be said that the extra-Indian stating that the disciplines of epigraphy scholars working on Indian epigraphical and palaeography are among the subtlest material are more adventitiously placed techniques for unravalling the mysteries than their Indian counterparts who keep of our written legacies, in which there the primary documentational resources of should indeed be a consortium of scholar- this discipline, only to be conveniently ship, in both the Government and outside availed of by these authors. Steps to be in our universities which are our present taken for mitigating the lot of epigraphical and future hope for fundamental thinking scholars and for finding appropriate pra- and systematic pursuit in the academic ctical and concrete steps for clearing the studies of our past. Several bands of voluminous work that awaits disposal will scholars of ancillary fields should have be not a day too late. Thirdly, technical access to one another's wisdom and res- equipment of modern kind in the earch. This -alone will enable the common methodological and analytical programmes man to receive the requisite inspiration for thib discipline is at present awefully and motivation for appreciating the inte- absent, and unless easy and continuing grated and composite character of lingu- direct liaison and coordination exists, istic and epigraphical research in a multi- within the framework of the Epigraphical lingual country like ours. the organisation of Government, for I heartily thank you for having given linguistic research directly and function- an indulgent hearing to my somewhat ally relevant for Epigraphical research, rambling academic and professional thou- the situation cannot be redressed. Let us ghts. May Bharatl or Vagdevi, in the that which will lead hope steps to the form of the written word (akshara) Epigraphical research being raised to the guide our intellectual destinies in this status of an independent organisation or sublime pursuit of Epigraphy in future of a national status as an Epigraphical years! Survey of India, with all the machinery 'Idam^andhath tamah for meaningful research, will emerge. kritsnam jayeta bhuvana-trayam Dear before I wind Yadi colleagues, up Sabd-ahvayarn jydtir=asaihsarath na my address, may I have the privilege of dlpyate'

Notes :

2' **"*" acaaim

3. , S.P. and K.S.. (ed) n, Orls,n Srifm, of Scrifl, ,,,, PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS }3

4. M. Dikshit, G., Excavations at Kuundinyapura, Bombay, 1968,

5. in and Singhal Gupta Ramachandran, 1979 op. cit.

6. H. : Sankalia, D., Ramayana Myth or Reality, New Delhi, 1973,

7. Jansen, M., Mohenjodaro-Dokumentation in tier Archaeologle-Techntken Metitoden Analysen Achen 1983.

8. Mughal, M. R,, Cultural interpretation in some pre-and protohistoric discoveries in K/wakorum region

9. Rao, S. R., Lothal and the Indus Civilization, Bombay, 1973,

10. Indian Archeology-A Review, 1960-61 to 1968-69.

11. Heine, Gofdern, R.. The coming of the Aryans and the end of the Harappa civilization ' Man LVI, 136-40, 1958.

12. Jetinar, Karl, Bronze axes from the Khara-korum, of the Proceedings American Philosophical I, 98-104 also society, 105, pp. Lai, B.B., The Indo-Aryan hypothesis vis-a-vis Indian Archaeo. logy. Seminar on the Ethnic of the of problems early history the peoples of central Asia 'In the 2nd millenium B. C, Dushambe, 1977.

13. Indian Archaeology - A Review, 1971-72.

14. S. P. and K. Gupta, Ramachandran, S., (ed) Mahabharata Myth and Reality, Differing views, Delhi 1976.

15. Toyenbee, Arnold, (Cities of Destiny), London, 1976.

16. Parpola Asko, Indus Script Decipherment, The situation at the end of 1960, also Parpola. Further progress in the Decipherment of Indus Script, Copenhagen, 1970.

17. B. S. A new direction of for the of Raman, approach decipherment the Indus script, Seminar on the Indus script, Tamil University, Thanjavur, India, 1983.

18. I, lecture on the and the Mahadevan, Special Harappans Soma ritual, C. P. Ramaswami Iyer Institute of IndoFogy, Madras, September, 1983.

19. K. observations of Ramesh, V., Some an epigraphist on the Indus Script, Seminar on the Indus Script, Tamil University, Thanjavur, 1983.

20. Rao, S, R., Decipherment of the Indus Script, Bombay, 1982.

21. Katre, S. M., Some Problems of historical linguistics in Indo-Aryan, Building centenary & Silver Jubilee Series No. also 25, 1965, Dictionary of Pagini Vols. l-lll, Building Centenary & Silver Jubilee Series-53 pt. l-lll, 1968.

22. Nagaswami, R., Chengam Nadiikar.kal , Madras.

Pattu also Pillai 23. pattu, S. Vaiyapuri, History of Tamil Language and Literature, Madras, 1956.

24. Stones : a Settar, S., (ed) Memorial Study of their Origin, significance and variety, Kamatak

University, 1982. 25. Soundara K. Written Rajan, V., Early Tamil Traditions, Journal of Kerala studies, Vof I. 14 PURABHILEKHA PATR1KA

i'k. Srivastav.i, K, M., Kapilavastu, Magpur, 1978.

27. Scurujfira Rajan, K. V., Pandyan cave temples, T. V. Mahafingam Commemoration Volume, Mysore

{in press) and afso ARSIE., 1935-36, B 156 and Part II, para 45, p. 76.

2S. Nagaswami, R., An outstanding Epigraphical discovery in Tamil Nadu* paper presented at the* World Tamil Conference, Madurai, January, 1981.

29, Whseler, R. E. M., Arikamedu, An Indo-Rornan Trading Station on trie east coast of India, ,'Piant India, No. 2, pp. 17-124,

30, Hu!t7$ch, E,, South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I, pt. I, London, 1890.

*!. Kamesan, N., .S/w/u-v in M^icval Deccan History, Hydrabad Archaeorogicaf series Mo. 29, p. 71.

>-J. Sauidara K. Rajan, V., Cats temples of the Deccan, New Delhi, 1981. 33. Sounds Rajan. K. V., Taajal Talikku|attin. in Gal. G. S. (ed) J.Pjf. VoS

34. Datj^in, KjfyaJarsa, parichchheda I, v. 4. 1 THALNER PLATES OF VAKATAKA HARISHENA A RE-APPRAISAL AJay Mitra Shastri

The set of three rectangular plates The inscription belongs to Harishena, bearing this charter was acquired by a the last known membsr of the Vatsagulma copper-merchant of Dhu}e, headquarters of branch of the Vakatakas, and is his only 3 the district of the same name in. Maha- known official record and chronologically rashtra, from a resident of the village of the second extant complete copper-plate 4 Thajner (ancient Sthalaka-nagara) in the charter of this branch. Its object is to same district. There are strong reasons record Harishena's donation of a couple of to believe that the plates were actually villages to the brahmanas Devasvamin, found at and were probably issued from Gangasvamin, Varahasvamin, Bhattarasva- the same place even though it is not speci- min, Khudasvamin, Dharasvamin and others fied as the place of issue in the record. who were students of the Chhandoga or The inscription has been edited by D. R. Samaveda and belonged to the Padanchala- 1 2 Bhat and V. V. Mirashi. In view of the gotra. The gift villages and piece of land

great value of this charter and our disa- in other villages are specified as follows : greement with the last mentioned celebrity (i) Bhattikapadra to the east of Jatikkhe-

in important matters, we propose to offer taka and west of Vatalika ; (ii) Kumarada'- some observations here. sava$aka on the southern bank of the river Mayasini in Vamfirvahali and situated to Like most other Vakataka copper-plate the east of Chchhabilanaka and west of the record is also incised grants, present E Bodrakanaka ; (iii) 20 or 20 1/2 nivartanas* on the inner sides of the first and the of land in the village called Karhsakara- last plates and on both sides of the middle grama included in the bhukti or district of plate. But whereas all the other hitherto a of land Anarttapura ; plot known of the Vakatakas with (iv) measuring inscriptions 7 20V2 nivartanas in the village Suvarnna- the solitary exception of the Poona plates and a of kara-grama ; (v) piece land of of Prabhavatigupta are inscribed in the same size in the of Govachch- the box-headed characters of the Southern village hatati. Some of these villages have been variety of Brahml, the characters of the located satisfactorily in the region round present charter are characterised by round Thajner, the provenance of the charter knobs scooped out hollow instead of the in the Dhuje District. usual boxes, a characteristic noticed in some inscriptions found in the neighbo- Like most other copper-plate grants 8 uring Nasik District. The language is Sans- of the Vakatakas the present charter com- krit, but for a couple of imprecatory stanzes mences with the genealogical account, prece- towards the end, the record is composed ded only by the auspicious words siddham 3 in prose. The plates are held together by and svasti. However, this portion differs a ring, but the seal attached to it is missing. from its counterparts in other epigraphs both PtJRABHILEKHA PATRIKA 16 Devasena is omitted in the nature. All the father of which in regard to contents and is in u latter's India Office plate and damaged other official records with only single It is Sarvva- 10 account with Pravara- the aforesaid Ajanta inscription. exception begin this as of the and sena who may be designated Sarvva- sena I, the second member dynasty, sena II with a view to destinguish him for information about his father, Vindhya- on from that of the founder of the line which sakti I, one had so far to depend entirely be called Sarvvasena I. the historical accounts met with in some of should accordingly be of interest the Puranas and the inscription of Varaha- It may some to note that the title and

The grant communicated through this his occupation of the area in which the charter is stated to have been made with hoard has been found, the same line of the permission of a certain Gomikaraja argument should lead us to the theory of (Gdmikaraj-anujnatam) about whose identity prolonged Kshatrapa occupation of the we have absolutely no information either same region. Moreover, we know that a from this or from any other record. large number of Kshatrapa, silver coins According to Mirashi, he was the local chief both as stray finds and in hoards have of the Dhuje or West Khandesh region been found in the whole of the Vakataka from time to time and a with Thajner as his capital and owing kingdom quite allegiance to the Traikutakas. It has been few of them have b2en published by Mirashi but have not been taken as an suggested that he was completely vanquished himself, they by and submitted to Harishena who evidence ofKshatrapa rule in the area in question. 19 This underlines the need for launched on a campaign of victory and exercising utmost restraint and caution while vengeance against the Traikiitakas who had using the evidence of the of coins occupied a portion of the territory under provenance the Nandivardhana branch of the Vakatakas for historical purposes. Hoards of coins, of metals like silver on the western boundary of Vidarbha. particularly precious which have been valued It! is assumed that in the course of this and gold might as an item of and have expedition he defeated Gomikaraja but did wealth, may be, often been, found in far not annex the territory under him. And quite regions away from the area of their circulation and are as the donated villages were situated in of no use for historical the vanquished enemy's kingdom, he thought purposes except the value attached to them. it necessary to formally obtain his new indicating hoards of silver coins vassal's permission as recorded in these Large Kshatrapa have, for example, been found in Andhra Pradesh plates. Unfortunately, however, there is and Maharashtra at places far removed absolutely no evidence to support the from Gujarat and Malwa where Kshatra- suggested historical reconstruction. The pas ruled, but the same cannot evidence theory of the Traifcutaka occupation of a Kshatrapa rule in those areas. These evi- part of the Vakataka kingdom is based dently were carried away and buried under- solely on the discovery of a few silver as treasures by their owners. The coins of Traikutaka Dahrasena in a small ground provenance evidence attains historical value hoard at the village of Dahigaon in the 18 only if coins are reported frequently in Malkapur Taluka of the Buldana District. hoards and more specially as stray finds. However, while only ten coins belong to It is thus obvious that the discovery of Dahrasena, the remaining twenty-six coins a small lot of coins of Dahrasena in the hoard are of the western Ksha- single cannot by itself sustain the theory of the trapas including Sanghadaman, Vijayasena, Traikutaka of a part of the Damajada^n, Bhartridaman, VisVasena and occupation Vakataka kingdom and Harishena's counter- Rudrasirhna II or Rudrasena III. There- 80 attack on the Traikutakas. Furthermore, fore, if the inclusion of only ten coins while Harishena's of the Tha"l- of Dahrasena is construed to indicate occupation ner region or, in case of its occupation PURABHILEKHA PATRIJKA 18 of the Traikutakas. its retention the supposed vassal by one of his ancestors, by 21 four is abso- These records, which mention prede- him cannot be gainsaid, there in our record that cessors of Bhanushena all of whom are lutely no indication was made immedi- Maharaja, are dated only with the grant in question styled and his of Thalner, as reference to the issuer's reign men- ately after conquest on has been surmised. And but for the name- tion no known reckoning. However, cannot itself be Moreshwar G. Dik- ending rajs, which by palaeographical grounds in the 6th-7th century taken, as an indubitable indication of the shit placed them 24 is to warrant AD, Mirashi, however, assigns them to regal status, there nothing a much earlier without adducing the conjecture that Gomikaraja, with whose period that Bhanushena, consent or permission the grant was made, any reason and feels last member of the was a ruling chief, much less that he was the known family, the vanquished monarch of Thalner. It was overthrown by the Traikutaka king

is difficult to believe that the conqueror Dahrasena (circa 440-465 A.D.), As we have would ever feel it necessary to seek, much seen above, we have absolutely no evide- less to record it in a public document, his nce in support of the Traikutaka invasion. to vanquished enemy's or vassal's permission of the Thalner region. Further, we are J grant land in the latter s territory. At least, inclined to opine that the date proposed to our knowledge, there is no such instance by Dikshit is fairly reliable and finds on record. An exactly parallel expression support from the internal evidnce as well occurs in the Malhara plates of the Mu- and that the Kumbhakarna chiefs ruled Odaputra king Adityaraja which are stated over the west Khandesh region after the

' to have been given at the behest of Ya- end of Harishena's rule. 2 1 22 jnaraja (Yajnaraj-anujnatam}, who appears The charter was registered (nibaddha} to have been an elderly member of the on the twelfth day of the fourth fortnight same family or an otherwise respectable of the rainy season in the third year of personage. The same may have been the case Harishena's reign. The employment of this with Gomikaraja as well. Alternatively, it is mode of dating with reference to seasons, not impossible that the composer of the re- coupled with similar dates in a cord erroneously employed the word couple of copper-plate grants of Prithivlsheijta anujnata instead of prarthanaya and that II, the last known member of the Nan- the charter was in fact given at the en- divardhana branch of the Vakatakas, treaty of Gomikaraja. However, this, it found in the excavations at must b.3 admitted, looks less likely. MandhaJ, about 75 kms from Nagpur in the Nag- We may allude, en passim, to a cou- pur District, indicates its popularity till ple of copper-plate charters of the about the close of the fifth century A.D. Kumbhakarija chief Blianushena of Stha- The present record furnishes the latest lakanagara (or Sthallnagara, modern Tha- known example of the use of this system. - 23 Jner) found at Tliafner because Mirashi The diitaka or executor of the cha*- refers to them in connection with Hari- rter was Svamiladeva about whom no sheija's assumed victory over Gomikaraja, information is given. But we know of THALNER PLATES OF VAKATAKA HARISHENA : another personage named 'Svarailladeva same as Bappa mentioned as the karmo- who, according to the Hisse Borala ins- padeshtfi or overseer of the work in the cription, was an officer under Harishena's Hisse Borala inscription. It is interesting father Devasena and had a tank named to note that both these persons are

Sudaritana excavated in iSaka 380." As mentioned together in both the inscripti- our record was issued shortly after Hari- ons belonging to two consequtive gener- sheiia's accession, its dutaka may be re- ations, and we may reasonably conclude 28 asonably identified with Svamilladeva. that they served the last two generations Likewise, Boppadeva, the writer of this of the Vatsagulma branch of the VakiS- inscription, was in all probability the fakas.

Notes :

1. SaModhaka (Marathi Journal of the Rajwatfa SaraSodhana Magtfaja). Vol. xlvii, 1980. nos. 1 .2,

2. Indological Research Papers. Vol. I, Nagpur, 1982, pp. 78-87.

3. The Ajanta and Ghatotkacha cava inscriptions of his time belong to his officials and vassals and record their own charities.

4. Wasim grant of Vindhyas'akti II is the only other complete charter, the India Office grant of Harishe^a's father Devasena being incomplete.

5. The relevant portion in the text reads vithSati arddhavifotiati which fails to yield a satisfactory meaning. It seems that, as in other cases that follow, arddhaviihdatify was intended here as the scribe first well : but by oversight wrote vifhiatl and thereafter, realising hfs error, the

intended word, arddhaviih&ati, but, again by oversight, forgot to cancel viritdati. Arddhavtritilati, in this as well as in other subsequent cases, is a mistake for sQrddhavifhfati.

6. Though not specified, this was a common measurement obtaining under the Vakajakas as we know from several copper-plate grants of the dynasty. The same appears to have been intended here also.

7. According to Mirashi, the expression arddliaviMati should be taken to mean 'half of twenty' (Indological Research Papers, Vol. I, p. 80). viz., 10. However, if this were the intended meaning' we should have expected data or, less justifiably, vithSaty-arddha, As pointed out earlier; the intended reading probably is sarddhavimtiatih. Mirashi is also of the same opinion but takes the

restored expression in the sense of 30 (ibid., p. 80, fn. 5), which doas not appear to be correct.

8. The India Office plate of Devasena (CII, Vol. v, p. 102), which begins with a reference to the grantor himself (Devasena) without naming any of his predecessors, forms the only known exception.

9. The word drishtam, which sen/as as a means of authentication and is found at the beginning of most of the copper-plate charters, is missing.

10. /. e., India Office plate of Devasena.

11. CII, vol. v, p. 107, verse 2. 20 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA %

12. The relevant portion of the text reads Vakatakanam=> M~dharrfwtamahardja-tri-~Vindhyaaktefywhkb Mirashi proposes to restore as Vakafakanam ^adir^dhai'mmamahJraja tn-Vlndhyztakftl) which is totally unwarranted, for even without any alteration the phrase gives good meaning. Alter-

if at all to restore natively, we have break the compound and tnaka it simpler, we must better it as Vakalakanam** ader= dharmmamaharajasya Jri-Vindhyataktefy, the following syS being restorable as a. And if we wish to observe sandhi rules, we should restore as -flakier** agnishtdma-.

13. Earlier only this Sarvvasana was known"; but now that another later member of this line has come to ba known the dis- from present record, ha rnust ba called Sarvasena I in order to tingush him from his later namesake, f

14. vol. CII, v, pp. 93-100. An account of this branch was also given in Varahadeva's inscription at but to Ajanta, owing bad condition of that inscription tha identity of this branch was not established earlier.

15. Ibid, p. 96, text-line 3. y

16. Barring only the records of Prabhavatigupta which give the genealogy of tha Imperial Guptas and Devasena's India Office plate which altogether omits genealogy.

17. Le.> the Basim of II plates Vindhya&akti and Thajner grant of Harishena.

18. 'V.V. Mirashi, vol. JNS1. XXXV, 118-122 ; pp. Literary and Historical Studies m Indohgy Delhi 1975, pp. 180-184.

For 19. references, see ibid., p. 180, fn. t.

20. We have examined this question at length in Numismatic Digest, vol.' I ' 26-28 iii (i) pp u(\\ ' pp, 6-8.

21. As the in plates question were issued shortly after Harisheija's accession (in the third regnal year) the second alternative looks more plausible.

22. JESI, vol. iv, p. 38, text-line 31. Also see p. 37.

23. El, vol. XXXVIII. pp. 69-75.

24. We are this discussing problem in detail elsewhere.

26. Its m9a 8 , S89 D . c .

27. Dr, Mirashi Felicitation Volume, Nagpur, 1965, p. 384.

28. The slight d.fference of spelling in this case as well as - that of then name otof th. , no significance. tne writer is of 2 TWO JAINA ISMSCR1PTIOWS FROM SIYAMANGALAM P. Venkatesan

The two inscriptions edited below (niitesha-iastra-varSil-pSragatfi, thereby in with the kind permission of the Chief meaning that they were proficient all in a number Epigraphist were discovered in the hill, Sastras. Aruhkal-anvaya figures in Karnataka also.* opposite to the rock-cut temple of Pallava of Jaina inscriptions This is stated to Mahendravarman in the village. Of the Aruhkal-anvaya belong in Jinendra afi two inscriptions, which for the sake of to Nandi-Sahgha, s sha. e J1 Jaina an is convenience can be designated as A and According to religion anvaya )2 'B 'A' is a cave on described as belonging to only , engraved in the top normally of the hill. This epigraph is important one Songha. as it reveals the date and the name of In the second verse tjiat follows, it tKe king during whose period, the is recorded that Rajamalla established Jaina temples at $iyamangalam were two temples (niveSanaih) for Jinaraja at established. The inscription is in Grantha Vijayadri in gaka 815 (892-93 A.D.) s characters and Sanskrit language. The expressed by the chronogram $akabdam. characters can be compared to those of This inscription does not supply any infor- 3 Valjimalai inscription of Rajamalla as mation regarding the identity of Raja- r for instance the letter k, m, 6, and are malla. It is a point to be noted that in is a quite identical. The writing in good the present record Rajamalla is not end- state of preservation and there are in all owed with any regal titles which may eight lines of writing. probably be due to the exigencies of the metre. Attention be drawn in this The inscription is partly in prose may connection to another 8 from and partly in poetry. The prose passage inscription in the same North Arcot Dis- begins with the auspicious word svasti VaJlimalai in Grantha characters and occuring before the commencement of the trict, engraved to the same second verse in line five. The poetry Kannada language belonging 9th A. D. wherein one portion contains two verses in Anushtubh century , king described as the son of Rana- metre. At the top of the inscription, Rajamalla the of and there is a figure of an umbrella, which vikrama, grandson iSripurusha of Sivamara is stated to is a symbol of Jaina religion. Below this great grandson have laid the foundation of a Jaina inscription, there is an ornamental design from the which looks like a richly carved tier shrine (vasati}. Judging provenance flanked on either side by two lines. The of the two inscriptions, both of them as first verse describes Arunkaj-dnvaya which being situated in North Arcot District and was adorned by illustrious pontiffs, who well as their contemporanity simili- had successfully crossed the vast expanse arity in their purport, it is tempting to of the sea of knowledge of all sciences identify Rajamalla, the donor of the PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

inscription under study with his namesake Nitimarga (Ereganga) who is known, in If this of the Vajjimalai inscription. identi- inscriptions as Ranavikrama. Rajamalla II, fication is accepted, then it will go to it may be noted, was a devout Jaina and prove, that probably a portion of North at the sam.3 time he was also tolerant been Arcot District might have under to other religions as exemplified by his the control of the Western Gan?a king various gifts to brdhmanas. Rajamalla for some time. He had built in Jaina temples (basalts} Valjimalai, Vijayadri, where the two temples for and established chaturvedi- Siyamangalam God Jinaraja was established appears to maftgalams, one of which named after the be the ancient name of the hillock on donor himself king viz., Rajamalla-chatur- which the two inscriptions under study the name of which survived vedi-mangalam, are incised. The two Jaina temples might the 27th of I upto regnal year Rajaraja have been established in the natural cave 7 as from . This gleaned epigraphs Raja- itself which fact is futher corroborated malla is otherwise known as II the Rajamalla by flight of steps leading to it the .who is known to have (Satyavakya) reig- construction of which is recorded, by the 877-907 A. D. C ned between and his father inscription B' discussed below. The cave Raijavikramma mentioned in the however VaJJima- does not have at present any lai inscription is no doubt identical with remnants of the once existing Jaina temples.

TEXT-'A 1

1 >rimaj= Jinendra-sanghe = 'Smin

[i*] 3 Anvayo bhati nUSesha- 4 $astra-vara6i-paragaih [ 1* 11]

5 Svasti [1*] Rajamalla iti sthapya

6 SSakabdam 1! yojayet budhahi [1 ] 7 tat=dvayarh Jinarajasya 8 Vijayadri-niveSanam [n 2* }

INSCRIPTION

Inscription 'B' is engraved on a rock to those of the inscription 'A' at the foot of the discussed hill from where the above and may be assigned to the same flight of steps lead to the cave on the period. The inscription as that of 'A' is top of hill, where partly inscription 'A' is in prose and partly in poetry. The engraved. It is in Grantha and Tamil poetry portion is in Sanskrit while the characters and Sanskrit and prose pdr- Tamil tion is in Tamil The excepting the languages. characters are similar auspicious word M at the beginning of the line 4 Two JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM SIYAMANGALAM 23 which however is in Sanskrit. The inscrip- is in Tamil language, it is recorded that dated. tion is not The scribe shows some Vajranandi-yogindrar, the disciple .of Guija- carelessness in not following the sandhi as viradevar who was the maqdalacharya of in line 6 in eta[t*]-vad-ibha-simhasya. $n Arunkaj-anvaya caused to be construc- with the The inscription begins auspicious ted a flight of steps which survives even a verse in Anus- word svasti followed by to this date intact. As already pointed out Aruhkal- titbh metre extolling anvaya which this will be one of the few Jaina epigraphs is more or less similar to the first verse from Tamil Nadu where a Jaina monk and with the difference of inscription 'A', only his disciple are mentioned along with their Dravila- 9 that instead of Jinendra-sahgha, sangha and anvaya. This is followed by a Sangha is mentioned, to which belonged verse again in the same anushfubh metre Dravila Nandi-sangha and Arunkal-anvaya. which prays for the perpetuity of the grant in a (da}=sangha and Dravida-gana occur made by no less a person than Vajranan- 8 number of epigraphs from Karnataka. di-y5glndrar referred to above, who was in the a lion to the elephant like disputants and As against the inscription 'A', - who his thunderbolt like Sanskrit portion Arumkal anvaya is stated by argument cut asunder the mountain like bad to belong to Nandi Sangha in Dravila-sangha. In the prose passage that follows which religions.

TEXT 'B'

'smin 1 Svasti [I*] Srimad= Dravila-sanghe= bhati 2 Nandi-sanghe^'sty-ArunkaJah [1* Anvay5 1* 3 NiWesha-Sastra-vSraii-paragaifc [" "J

4 &i-Arimkal-anvayattu mandala-acharyar

5 Gunaviradevar fiishyar Vajranandi-yogindrar

Etat[i*] vad~Ibha-simhasya 6 Seyvitta tiruppadanam [1*] nirbhinna[h*] ku-mat-adra- 7 gasanan=jayatach=cliiram[l*] yasya syad-vada-vajrena

Notes :

fel editing these two to the Chief Epigraphlst who has glftA permission I am highly indebted of this paper. S. Subramonia who guided me in tha preparation inscriptions and Dr. Iyer

in the *W.> fo, tour In 1982. It is being included 1. This was copied by ma during my 1982-83. No, 441, ; Pub. in &/,/.> Vol. Vll, 2. A.R.No. 227-A of 1901 24 PURABHILEKHA

3. Ep. M, Vol. IV, No. 15-A pp. 140 If/

4. P. B. Dasai, Jainism in South Mia and sotm Jaina Epigraphs, p. 76 (Notes),

5. The composer has intended Paranomasia in the use of the word Sakabdam by which not only the chronogram but also the era.

6. Ep, M., VoF. IV, No. 15^-A, pp. 140 ff,

7. A,$. Ep., 1916, part 11 para 8, p. 115.

8. P. B. Desai, Jainism in South India and some Jalna Epigraphs, p. 76.

8, K, Q. Krishnan, Studies in South Mian History and Epigraphy, p. 108-09. 3 AN EARLY REFERENCE TO MADANA-MAHOTSAVA SN THE GUDNAPUR SNCRIPTIOSM OF KADAMBA RAVSVARMAIM

S, P. TewarS

To all those interested in and acqua- This is why I plan to dwell on this aspect inted with the history of the Kadambas, of the record and elucidate it's significance the discovery and also the singular importa- in the light of other similar references from nce of the Gudnapur inscrition of king literature. Ravivarraa are well-known. This record, Before coming to the main body of as rightly remarked by it's editor, is the discussion I would like to 1 go through important in several respects. It's main the relevant lines of the record where the significance for him, and similarly for abode of Manmatha and the festival is most students of Indian political history, referred to along with other details. These has been in the fact that it casts new references are noticed in the text of the light on the ancestors of Mayuravarma inscription from line 12 onwards. A casual by giving their names. But, as gleaned from look at the original text (in this connection) the text of the inscription itself, this is will not be out of place. It reads as not the only purpose for which the record follows; was issued by the king Ravivarma. The basic aim of this inscription was to register L 12. "yasya punya-nimmaga bandho durgam the construction of a temple of manmatha cha yasyoru-parvvatam-tena ve&ma man- (the god of love) and give specific infor- mathasy-edam Ravina kshitlndretiakaritam"* mation regarding the celebration of a Dr. Gopal, having omitted the mean- festival known as Madanotsava or Vasan- of half of the summarizes totsava? ing sentence, it as 'such a king built a beautiful abode As it is clear from the introduction * for Manmatha". The omitted part of the by the learned editor, which precedes the sentence suggests that the king whose good text of the inscription, he has laid more deeds (punya) were like a dam (bandha} emphasis on the political aspect of the on the river (Ganga) and whose powerful record. The next thing which has received thighs (uru} were like a raountaineous his attention in order of sequence is the fort, got such a beautiful abode of Man- issue of Kamajindlaya and in between these matha built. Indirectly, it may also indicate two issues, one of political importance, that he got a dam built on the river and the other of sectarian significance, a Esaje which is mentioned later in the reference of great cultural importance has record. 6 somehow got lost. In other words, that which was the main object of this record L. 13. "Dakshine-sya raja-vasa gfiham in the of the - eyes king Ravivarma himself, vame tath antafr purollasat nfitta Sale dve has been summarised in a casually couple punar-saumye prag-bhagam a&ritya vfshfhife of sentences the - - - - by editor and set aside, kusuma gandha vdhibhis M&lralr dhfita 26 PURAEHILEKHA PATRIKA

of Kama itself haribhir-dakshlnanilaih yatra shit-padavali- the image or the temple " - 6 in the dhumali sandhukshyate manmath analah was installed or finally completed Chaitra c. before Here also, although Dr. Gopal has month of (i. Madhu} Vasantosava referred to the boundaries of the temple the commencement of the and other is that which was adjacent on the right side to (or madhu-maha) the of Kama which was the palace and on the left to the female possibly the image of madhnt- apartment with two dancing halls (nritta- made specially for the purpose 7 &a!e) in it's front, he has omitted the sava was installed before the commence- references to the close friends of Manmatha ment of the festival. The latter, as also - like kusuma gandhavahi dakshinanila and evinced from the literary sources, seems etc which I shall discuss shafpadavalldhuma , to be more probable. further on. Regarding the latter part of the 14, "A - renu dhusariio L. pi f.ha> phulla sentence, the remark by Dr. Gopal that Rati dakshinah kama vigrahachchheva yatra great laxity was shown in determining yuddha sannaha pa{aha1i kalarauti kokilafy the actual date of the celebration, is not 11 tatra chitta-janrnutid jagatah tihiti sankshay- borne out by the text. The only thing - karinah - madhau madhau otpatti sthapito it says is that in case the festival could - - - loka nayan arvind otsavb mahafy".* not be observed in the month of madhu, the king should observe it in the month L. 15. "yadi net yujyate mahastu madhau of madhava (i.e. VaiSakha'} or otherwise kurypan-nripo madhavethava sambhaved- on an auspicious and pre-appointed time yada tada karyyah kalavadh'b breya sava- which should bs clearly defined (kala- dhafy(vadhify) Bhagav&to Madanasya nir~ vadhi&reyasavadhi}.^ His other remark that yyane karyy - anuyatra mahikshita yadi na 'there was no compulsion that the king veshyate na nirbandhah sarvvassukhartha must perform it for all such acts were yatah 13 for seeking pleasure,' is misleading. It The only fact stated in the sentence has an altogether different meaning. The cited above which Gopal has included text says that on the eve of departure, in his summary is that the festival setting out or the disposal (nirydna) of 10 (not festivals as he says) of kama the idol(?) of Madana, the king should (not pleasing to the eyes as he observe an anuyatra, i. e., like the jatra^

renders it) was to be celebrated in this yatra or ratha-yatra procession performed at or as it temple during the spring season. He has annually Puri, is done even omitted the useful references to Rati - today in case of Vinayaka. The phrase - vigraha, and kokila. Like wise, he could bhagavato madanasya niryaye karyy not discern the real purport of the phrase anuyatra mahikshita may also render the madhau madhau. Both these words are sense that after the Madana is disposed in the locative case meaning in the month of or he is dead, the king should orga- of Madhu or Chaitra, The use of the nise a yatra for him. Indirectly, it also locative case here can be interpreted in seems to refer to the fireworks which two -possible ways. One is that perhaps take place on the evening before the AN EARLY REFERENCE TO MADANA-MAHOTSAVA 27

festival of madhu-masa and which symboli- the Kadambari the Kamadeva-griha is refer- refer to the death of red to in cally Kama or connection with the description Madana. The inscription says that if the of vasa-bhavana of Kadambari, where there king so desires (vessate} he may also take used to hang a scroll painted with the part in the yatra, but he is under no image of Katnadeva (Kamadevapafa}. Like- compulsion (nlrbandha) to do it. It means wise, in the Ratnavali of Harsha which there that the laxity was only in the gives an extremely interesting description king's either talcing part or not taking of Madanotsava, the location of the temple part in the anuyatrd and not in the case of Kama is said to be inside the maka- of conducting the utsava as such. randodyana of the antahpura. Here the image of the god was installed under an The other possible meaning of the A&oka tree. In the same way, king Uda- same phrase may be that after the festi- yana, described in the Kuttanlmata of vities of the god Madana are over (Bha- Damodaragupta, witnesses the worship and gavato madanasya nlryyane [sati]) the king the festivities (parva] of Kama from the should think of making journeys or going of his 81 15 roof-top palace. In another drama on expeditions if he wishes. called Parijdtamanjan or Vijayain which is better known to epigraphists as the Dhar Having considered the relevant portions Praksti of king Arjunavarman, both the of the record which refer to the festival palace (harmya-bringa] and the harem figure of Madana, I will now procsed to examine in connection with the festival of Kama** their details by comparing them with All this goes to confirm the statement of other similar references form the literary our record where the location of the temple texts. of Kama is also referred to exactly in the same way. First of all, I will consider the reference to the abode of Kama (Vekma manmathasya] The second of this which, from whatsoever information I important point record is the reference to two dancing halls could gather, seems to be one of the earliest which were adjacent to the forefront of epigraphical reference to a temple of the harem. Before I substantiate this piece this god. of information from literature, it would be to note that the word nrilta As regards literature, the temple of interesting is of an Kama or Madana finds mention as Kama- which is used here early usage. 10 in his has devayatana in the Mfichchhakatika of Bharata, Na$ya&a$tra invariably used this and is no reference Sudraka, Padatatjitakam" of Shyamilaka, term there Padma-Prabhntakam^ of Sudmka and as to the word nritya which is of later origin. The nritta means a dance in Kamadevagriha in the Kadambari^ of Bana word general 33 where is not and in a few other works. The actual abhinaya included, location of the temple of Madana is more From the references to pointedly made clear when the reference literary on such occasions to the celebration of the festival of danotsava we know that to the main of the Madanotsava is made. For instance, in dance used form part 23 PURA.BHILEKHA PATRIKA

festivities. In the Ratnavali of the Harsha, as these were taking place there also. two dancers are described as entering the After the description of the abode stage while dancing and singing dvlpadl of - Ma&matha, raja vasa, antahpura and khanda songs whereupon the Vidushaka the two dancing halls, what follows next also gets inspired and says that aham~apy in the record is the description of Madhu etayor-madhye gatvd nrityan gayan madana- masa along with all if s salient features. mahotsavam manayishyami.-* The Kuffani- Before entering into further details, what mata also' as describes Udayana witnessing will be interesting to note here is the the charchat i type of dance on this occa- fact that the reference to madhu - maha, sion.^ The charchatl as we know from madhutsava or Madanotsava of 1 this inscrip- later works w as also a kind of dance inclu- 1 tions is the earliest of it s 26 probably kind ded in 'the la&ya variety. The Manasol- in as far as the epigraphical literature is lasa says that on the occasion of Vasan- concerned. Therefore, the record is not tdtsava a raga called hlndola with the tala unique only for it's political details known as charchan should be recited in j but also for it s cultural 27 information. Prakrita dialect. In the pra&asti cf Arju- Coming to the details of madhumasa, navarman I have referred to above, the de- I notice that the composer of the record tails of dance on the occasion of Vasan- has taken every care to include all the totsava are further elaborated. According elements which were the favourites of to this drama, once the madhutsava started classical poets on such occasions. For (adhunarabdho madhorutsava) the ladies of instance, his vivid description of the the harem started in the dance participating breeze soothing ladden with sweet fragr- along with the men. The two relevant ance known as dakshinanila, the ever verses from this pra&asti are worth noti- humming sound and also the movement cing in this regard. They read : of black bees (shatpadavali), his reference - - Paushpair abharariair manojna tanavafy to the person of Rati smeared with svairam dadhatyo-dhuna. Nrityantyo mada- flowery powder, and to the passionate vihvalarh a visamvadeshii lay panranganafy sound of Kokila, all closely resemble to Krlda svakanta - alo- Maurajika vadanany the descriptions of Vasanta from Kalidasa, - smhah* s in the kayanti Likewise, following Dandi, Magha, Harsha, Bana, Bilhana verse from the same the whole pra&asti and many others. Although, on account composition of music and dance is elabo- of time and space, I cannot go in all rated : of the details, a few select examples from Athsa - nyasa graha knta padaih taditam Kalidasa and the Mandasor inscription mandra bhumau. Shadjam tanvan rishabha will suffice to make the point clear. For xahitam dhiivat&ndpi hinam. Hindolakhyah example, the 'kusuma - gandha vahibhib- dadhan - - - - - sukhayati madhyamam tara deke. til&irair dhriti haribhir dakshinanihitf of vibhrat - Kampam kimapi ruchiram shadjake our inscription is akin to the 'dig - dak- cha. panchame The reference to two shina gandhavaham mukhena vyalika - - - nntta kalas in our inscription is a clear ni&vasam iv otsasarja' of the Kumarasam- 30 indication of the fact that activities such bhava, and again the line 'shat - p&davali AN EARLY REFERENCE TO MADANA- MAHOTSAVA 29 dhumah sandhitkshyate inanuiathanaJah' is to conclude that the worship of Madana reminiscent of Kalidasa's '/z'>jtf 'yamasa ma- was purely a Brahman ical ritual. The other dhur-dvirephan-nam-akshutan-ivti munobha- sects like Buddhists and Jains were averse

vcuya' and 'rnadhu dvi*epliah kitsunictika- to it. 1 patre papau priya/n sv~ani~anuvartaman<;h'* . In the light of all these details, when Likewise, the references to Rati-vlgraha we reconsider line 17 of the record which and kaluranti kokilah of the inscription according to Dr. Gopal, refers to the abode have their parallels in Kalidasa's : of Kama as Kama-jinalaya, it causes us Sa madliaven-abhimatena sakhya Raiya cha to conclude that : sci&ankani-awiprayatah and, Kusitma-janma 1. Even if the reading jinulaya which is tato nav.i kokila pallavas-iadanu shatpada e doubted by some epigraph ists" is accepted, kujttam the word jina was not u ,ed exclusively by Iti yatha kiamtim-avirablnm-madhu dnima- Jains during this peiid, as it happens at a later date. In the early stajes, the word jina was used not specifically for Tirthan- From the ep graphical literature, the karas but more so for the Buddaa" and description of tnadliu-ni asa (though without in my opinion the word was free from reference to wadhutsava) noticed in the any sectarian affiliation. Depending on the Mandsor Inscription of YaSodharman is occasion, necessity or context, this word most worthy of mention in this regard. also rendered the sense of a victor (i, e. Without taking muck time, I would prefer jayati-iti jinah\ although I must admit to qaote the following verse from that thai except in a few rare cases the word record : jina has not baen widely used by sects Yaxmin-kale kala mrldu girdtn kodlancim oth-_r than the Buddhists and Jains. - - pralcipa Bhindant-iva sni^ta Saui mbhah 2. If we take Kania-jinahna to mean a manahsi dhvanh- pro\h!tanani Bhrlngalinam 1 Bahubali temple as Dr. Gopal suggests/' anuvandm bhara-numdrci&-cha yasminn- ~ - we should ah,o find references to the Adhufiijruih d/unnir iva nadacli chhruyate celebration of madliiitsava, vasantotsava or pushpaketoh madanotsuva and also towaids Kali - the the Jaina cannons. Having gone so far in search of paral- consort of Kama from lels to the details of madhu-masa of our ins- But such references are not found, however.

cription, a point which I want to bring 3. Dr Gopal's line of reasoning that home is thai all the references quoted above Gommata Bahubali is the Kama of the

' 3 11 figure in connection with the festival of Jaina pantheon suffers from more than Madana the ^od of love aiid the central one lacuna,, and since he himself has theme of all the works referred to is en- withdrawn the statement which he makes

tirely Brahman icil in character. Besides later that Gommata is a tadbhava of

to also it is in ihejc, references the worship and manmathii , no use going further ths festivities of Madana occur in the later this matter. However, his citations' from pwatyis like Bhavishyottara, This leads us the Adipurana and the Chavimdaraya'purana, 30 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

1 whew Bahubili is equated with mynmatha,' of Mathura he was seen variously by do merit consideration. different people but always as Kama by

the fair sex : The idea that on account of his rupa- sampadc?- Bahubali has been seen and 'MaUanam-a&anir-nf.naih naravaro stnnam 6 praised as madana, manobhava or manoja smaro murtiman.* Instances like such can by the women (ahgana) of his times is be further multiplied. What I would like not new. It has been an age-old practice to say in short is that relying on such with poets to praise the physical charm a stylistic and literary description of of their heroes and compare them with Bahubali in order to identify him with of Kama, the ideal physical charm in the Kama is a far fetched supposition. mythology of Hindus. A^vaghosha in his 4. Buddhacharita has compared the physical Hence, since no deities such as Kama Rati charm of Buddha, with that of pushpa- or his consort is mentioned in the Jaina cannons kotu (i.e. Kama) : and also since there Is no provision for celebrations like madhutsava "Ayarh Ma vyayata pino bahu rupena or it 3 * 3 madanotsava there, is clear that the sakshad-iva pttshpaketuh temple belonged to Kama the Hindu god Kalidasa while talking about Rama of love, whose festival is also described that says 'Vigrahena madanasya chdruna elaborately in the inscription. This contro- so=bhavat - na karmand. '" pratinidhir and versy has arisen partially because of a for the poetic fancy of Vatsabhatti the little mistake committed by the scribe Bandlruvarrnan of Mandsor inscription him- and partially due to epigraphists who are self was another Kama : Rupena yah kusu- not willing to forgive him for even one 1 15 ma chapa iva dvitiyalj. , Likewise, when mistake. the Krishna of Bhagavata entered the city

Notes :

1 Srlkavthika, Gudnapur of Kadimba inscription Ratitarma, pp. 61-72, edited by Dr. B. R. Gopaf 2 Ibid, p. 70, text lines 12-15.

3 Ibid, p. 70, I. 12.

4 Ibid, p, 63.

5 Ibid, p. 71, text 1.19.

6 Ibid, p. 70, text 1.13.

7 Ibid, p. 63.

8 Ibid, p. 70, text 1.14.

9 Ibid, text 1.15.

10 Ibid, p. 63. EARLY REFERENCE TO MADANA-MAHOTSAVA 31

1 1 Ibid, p. 63.

This was 1 2 necessary on account of descrspenoies regarding the actual tithis on which the Hindu festivals were to be For observed. instance, Vasantotsava as per some literary references, was to be celebrated either on the 1st day of the chaitra sukla-paksha or on purnima day, but in the work called Dharmor-slndhu (vida Kielhorn, Int. Ant. Vol. XXV!-pp. 177-79) and Bhavishyot- tarapurana (ch. 135-19) it was to ba celebrated on the 13th of chaitra-sudl. The words Kala. vadhi treya and savadhi (not savadha as Dr. Gopal has read) refer to this meaning clearly.

13 "2 op. cit. p. 63,

1 4 The word as read is veshyate by Dr. Gopal not correct. The reading is vessate i. e. dental sa. I owe this suggestion to Dr. K. V. Ramesh, Director Epigraphy, Archaeological Survey of India. As for the Mysore. exact meaning of both the words (either veshyate or vassate) is concerned

I am not confirm since the words as such are not noticed in the dictionaries. My probable inter- of the is the pretation term based on meaning of the verb ves given by Monier Williams (p. 1019) which means to desire, to go, to move or to love.

1 5 According to Kalidasa (Raghu IX. 48) the king after celebrating the vasmtotsava went out on

hunting expeditions :

Atha yatha sukham-artavam-utsavam samanubhuya vilasavati sakhah, Narapatis-chakame mfigaya ratim sa madhuman-madhu-manmatha sannibhab.

1 G Mj'ichchhakafika Act I, Kama-devayatan-odyanat-prabhfiii tasya, etc.

17 Chaturbhani (ed. by Motichandra and Agarawala, Bombay, 1959) pp. 196 and 218.,

1 8 Ibid, p. 35.

19 Kadambari (N. S. edition, Bombay, 1921) p. 335. Malatike pajalaya sindum-renuna Kamadevng- fihadanfa-valabhikam.

2.O Ratnavali (Bombay, 1925) Act I, V. 15 ff. Adya kfiahimaya makarandodyanam gatya rakta/toka padapa tale sansthapitosya bhagavatah kusumayudhasya puja nivartayitavvd. - ~ 21 Kuttanlmata ^Calcutta, 1944J Verse. 885, prasa dam amhantam Kusumayudlia parva charchanm drashtum.

- Suchau bharam 22 Ep.hd. Vol. VIII, pp. 101 ff. text. L. 13 Nai'3yane matya n'wedya saitrajya svayam - aruroha. - ~ Devo vasantotsava kautukena nanna ratnojjvala harmya Sringam. - 23 See. Natya-Sastra, Vishnu. Dh.p, Sangita Rafnakara VII, 27-28, 31-32 and Abhinayu Dcirpaiur

15-16 etc. I owe this information to Kum, Hema Govindarajan of Mysore.

" Ratnavali Act I. 24 , , ,

'On the the chat-- 2B Op. cit. verse 885, For details on Charcharl, see Tewari S. P. meaning of word chart' (vide Svasti-Sri, Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra Felicitation Volume, Delhi 1984, pp. 257-265).

26 See. Amara. 3.5. 10 and the commentary of Bhanuji on that ; sae also Karpuramanjari IV.

< 10-18 ; Sangita Ratnakam IV. 292-293. I am thankful to Kum. Hema Govindarajan for providing me all this information.

Manasollasa (G. 0. S) Vim. 4. ch. 16 :

Rago Mndolakos-tatra talaf-ch-aish-Stra charchari Vasantasy-otsiue geya sphu{am prakfita bhdshayS, 77 PURAHHILEKHA PATRIKA

ff. text I 2T. 23 LP InJ. VIII; P. 101

29 Ihd. lines 21-22.

30 Ki'.nJtii, HI 25.

31 /-W. Verses 2? and 35 respectively.

32 //"'

33 Raghii. IX, 26

&S-59. 34 CU, Vol. Ill pp.

35 Blurishvit. ch. 135. 19.

Indian 36 Gui, G.S. 1 >Wt' o,; ///rf Gud'iapur Inscription of Kadamba Riiiflvarman vide Journal of

Vol. pp. 301-02, and the facsimile.

37 So*. Am 11 u: Sttmanta bhadio bhagumi-mam-jit loka-jit-jmuli end the commentaries theie upon

which explain the word jinu as bhavam jtiyatifi jinafj In a lecervly found stone pedestal

inscription of the time of Buddhagupta (year 161) fiom fvla.huia (vide Thdplyat, K. K. and

Siivastava A.K. in J.E.SJ. Vol. IX, pp. 7-11) Budd'ia has b mn referred to as jina. Baija- bhatta in his H.irshd charita has invariably addressed Budd'ia and his followers as jma (na

- - - ji,iasy eva arilutvadd Siinyani darsanani, p. 236) and jaina (Kapiluir j&imir hkayutikeih,

the ot the t ,ia p. 77). Halayudha Bhatta on analogy word j meaning a victor, has called Vishnu also as swwtano jmafr sarhblmr - vidliii vecllia gadagrajah m his Abhidiilnaraf.iainah (1.25). Sea also Agrawala, V.S. in his Ilarshachai ita Eka Samskritika Ad'iyayana (p 195) who elabo- rates the points further. Thus, the sense of the word Kam^-jim may ba de.ivdd as the

- - K'imi t!is victor fj. Kiiineni va iti Kama It (i Ichchhaya jayati jitiaji). was also suggested to me by Dr. K.V. Ramosh, that ths woid Kama-jina may equally apply to Siva,

38 Op, at. p. 66.

39 Ibid, p. 66.

40 Ibul. p. 67.

41 Ibid. pp. 66-67.

42 Ilnd. p. 67. see the verse quoted from the Adipuvana.

43 Buddhacharita, III. 23-24.

44 Ragtot. XI. 13.

45 C./.7., Vol. Ill, pp. 790 ff.

46 Bhagamt /to-fine. X, 43. 17. I am thankful to Ms. Cynthia Talbot who went through the" manuscript of this paper and it with graced some of her valuable suggestions. 4 DATE OF SSSAGACHANDRA

Madhav H. Katti and INS. N. Swamy

Much has been discussed about the 1068 A.D., the month being December. If famous poet of medieval Karnataka, Naga- the (ithi (bahula panchami} is taken as chandra, known also as Abhinava Pampa, correct, the date corresponds to Decem- who has earned a permanent place in the ber 16, Tuesday. However in all proba- e. history of Kannada literature. His works bility, the day as given in tile record (i. like Pampa Ramayana and Mallinatha Sunday) was correct, in which case the 1 Purana are too well known to the students tithi would have to be taken either as ba. 14 or of Kannada literature- while discussing 3 or 9 (ie., respectively Decembar about his date, Sri Venkata Subbaiah opines 21)'. However, it is of much significance that he may have lived earlier than 1040 to know from the record that the given A.D., while Sri Govinda Pai and Dr. date was definitely within the later half D.L. Narasimhachar have suggested that of the month of December. 3 he may have lived around 1140. Many It is known that the poet under reference of the literary historians have thought i.e. was also 3 Nagachandra highly respected his time to be around 1100 A D. It was in the royal court as the expressions that so far we could not really unlucky dharani-bhu- "janapati-sabheyol pujyam and direct clue about the date of this 8 get any is also bhfttpati-pujyarit" indicate. It sug- important poet of Kannada literature, gested by some historians that Nagachandra An 4 form the Pancha- inscription village may have been the court poet of either in Kurnool Taluk and District, lingala the Chajukyas of Kalyana or the HoysalaV found on a stone kept in front engraved Sri Govinda Pai also surmises that he of the in Kannada PanchalmgeSvara temple, may have been in the court of Vik- the language and characters, belonging to 10 ramaditya-VI. reign of Chajukya Bhtivanaikamalla and the above discussion, it is clear dated gaka 990, Kilaka-samvatsara, Pushya From that most of the literary historians have ba- 5, Sunday, Uttarayana-sumkran/i, how- that ever mentions at the end of the record, Naga- hinted at the possibility Nagachandra 6 middle of the chandra-kavindra as the composer of the may have lived in the could not record (Sasanamath Nagachandra-kavindram llth century AD., though they because of the absence baredam}. Bhuvanaikamalla is stated, in pin point the date source material. the record, to be ruling from his capital of direct or epigraphica'l under discussion states at Kalyana It is known to the historians The inscription written well that this Bhuvanaikamalla was none that it was by Nagachandra- men- Dther than Chajukya SomesVara-II, the kavindra. In the light of the fact, can be slder brother of Vikramaditya-VI and tioned above, it suggested cnown to have ruled from 1068 to 1076 that the poet and the composer * ^.D The details of date correspond to of the present record is none else but the 34 PCJRABHILEKHA PATRIKA

A.D. the famous poet Nfigachandra, the author of During the 12th century only is Patnpa Rumclyana and Mallinatha Purana. poet we know by name Nagachandra The surmise of the literary critics, as the one discussed above, the author of icferred to above, about his being a court Patnpa Rdmayana and Mallinatha Purana. poet is also proved by the fact that he is Therefore the possibility of any other poet mentioned as the writer of the present record of this name being such a famous court u.id therefore must have lived under the pat- poet is obviously ruled out. It is there- ronage of BAUvanaikamallai.e.,Some$vara-II. fore, a matter of much significance to the It may also be noted that the record was issued history of Kannacla literature in general during tiie 1st year of the king's reign. and the medieval Kannada literature in The phrases like "satkavi-Nagachandra- particular, that the epigraph under discu- nantire perarar Saraswati kudal padedar ssion provides a direct evidence about varttmaih kavUvarar", "niravadya-gunam the date of the great poet Nagachandra sandit Nagtichandra-kavlndram", "kavi-Naga- and shows that he was under the patro- 1 * chanJran antude saphalam" are expressive nage of Bhuvanaikamalla Some^vara II of the of 14 of greatness Nagachandra as a poet. the Kalyaija Chajukya family. Thus it is 1 * Our inscription also calls him as 'kavindra' of much significance both for the political there the by affirming essence of the above and literary history of Karnataka. descriptive phrases.

Notes :

1 R. S. Muguli : Kannada Sahitya Charitre, (Mysore, 1968), p. 80. 2 Ibid,, p. 82.

3 Jbul.

4 A.R.Ep, 1953-54, B No. 50.

5 P. B. Desai and others : A History of Karnafaka (Dharwar, 1981), pp. 174 ff.

6 From the inked ' impressions, text line 30. 7

8 Kan^a SWtya Charitre, Vol. Ill, (Mysore University 1976), p. 784. 9 7f/., pp. 784-85.

10 Ibid., p 785.

11 Jbi4. t p. 787. t2 Samagra Xanmda Sahitya}U Charitreiarit Vof in to t < < ^ '-e> vol. Ml, (Barrgafore University, 1376), p 200 13 From the inked impressions.

th3t ,9 i 5 THE KUMBHAKOMAM PLATES OF VIJAYARAGHAVA, SAKA 1578 Venkatesha

This copper-plate charter secured from Achyuta Kumbhakoijam in Tanjore district of Tamil- 1 Raghunatlia, md Athbika nadu is of king Vijayaraghava-nayaka of

i Tanjore. The set consists of three plates Vijayaraghava written on both the sides. Excspt for the - Chevva bhupa who was respected by his last side of the third plate which has three enemies was succeeded by his son Achyuta. lines, each side of the other plates con- He is described as the son of Garhga tain eight lines. The lines are demarcated (i.e., Bhishma) in battle and as the wor- clearly. shipper of the deity 3ri RarfigeiSa. He is The language of the charter is Sans- compared to lord Achyuta in protecting in krit and the script is Telugu. The cha- his subjects, Vaikartana (i.e. Karija) cfers of the grant are of the 17th century giving' gifts, Indra in enjoyment (bhoga] in and they are regular to the period to and Bhoja learning (Bhoja&cha Sarasvate] as which they belong. To him was born Raghunatha just the moon (SaSamka) was born from the The charter is dated in Saka 1578, ocean (Sindhti), He is like a Parijata Manmatha, when the Sun was in Mina, (i.e. Kaliyuga kalpavnksha] in fulfilling 3udi, Paurnami, Friday corresponding to the needs of the needy. 1656 A. D. February 29, but the $aka year

was expired. The donor of the present charter i.e., king Vijayaraghava succeeded his father. Following the date portion, lines 2-8 He is described as the learned (vtdyani describe the string of epithets born by the of &rl - - - dhi], worshipper Rajagopa. Further, king. They are Chbla Pandya Tundira to 3ibi in - he is compared king offering mandala - mukha bahudeba - mandita, Kar~ in - - gifts (dana\ Nabhaga offering alms nfifamahi samrajya vyamjakai-ha vimdara - - - (annadand) and Nava Manmatha in ga/hda, Sambuvara gathda, Mannera - - beauty. He is stated to have renovated gamda, Gaftidara gdji etc. He also had 3 the vimana, gopum and prdkara of the title Achyutaraya* just as his father. Dvarakanatha, re - excavated a tank called This record for the first time furni- - Haridra tatini of Champakaranya and shes the of the of genealogy Nayaks endowed a crown (kirltd) probably to the in terms as under : Tanjore unequivocal deity in the temple of Dakshiija-Dvaraka Timmavani - nayaka, md Bayyimamba (i.e., modern Mannargu^i), obviously, the - deity 6ri Rajagopa stated above. He is Chevva - bhupa also mentioned to have revived the Vaishna- vism from the clutches of the (pasharhdis} PtfRABHILEKHA PATRIKA

The object of the present charter is natha-nayaka himself. On the basis of of to ivgistcr the gift the village Alam- this record, it is not impossible to suggest elumuiiigumarhbapura as an agrahara to that he might have succeeded his father the Vaishnava brahmanus who were well Raghunatha-nayaka around this date. The versed in the Vedas, by the queen. The same epigraph also mentions Govinda-

' gift village Alamelumamgamaihbapura., dikshita by the expression Dikshitasvami' . named after her is said to have been the Govinda-dikshita was a well-known admini- best of the It covers an villages. area of strator and minister under Raghunatha- thousand in sixty extent mesured by the nayaka. But he did not continue in the rod called - danda- kalapadadmma same capacity during the period of his It is at a distance of two yajanas to successor Vijayaraghava. Considering these the south of the river Kaveri in the vicin ity view points, it may be inferred that Raghu- of the Sirumamgala on highway (mohapatha} natha did not continue to rule after to Matlajammapura. 1633 A.D. The record in 1642 A.D. of the lime of The foundries of the gift village are the king Vijayaraghava comes from the specified as to the east of Nagaraniptira village Mudigoijdanallur in Mayavaram 7 which contained a a taluk of district. It mantapa and tank ; Tanjore was on this to the south of date that was Savajakkara village ; Vijayaraghava who powerful seem to the west of Kovanur and to to have extended his help to the the north of Yadayar Kisiyanur. The Vijayanagara king Srirangaraya III charter ends with two imprecatory verses. when the latter was in trouble. Not The - manual at the sign end reads : many inscriptions before the date of our &rl - charter Vijayaraghava. have been noticed, except for a record from dated in The present charter is the last to be Papanas'arn the cy- lic year to 1647 S issued during his reign period. Another Vyaya corresponding A.D. 1 copper-plate' belonging to his reign It is necessary to take stock of the period is dated gaka 1560, Bahudhanya political conditions of the period to corresponding to 1638 A. i>. This was which our record belongs. this obviously, the first plate that was issued During period, Vijayaraghava was soon after his accession. perhaps concentrating in the fortification of the vulne- We know from a literary work called rable of B places his kingdom The condition Vijayaraghava- vam^avali that his corona- of the empire was such that tion Vijayara- took place in 1633 A.D. Another in- ghavanayaka could not count upon the direct evidence to referring his coronation support of his Vijayanagara counterpart is found mentioned in the work Tantia- Siirangaraya who deserted and tikhaman! of 5 exposed Rajachudamani-dikshita . The the foimer to the attacks of record from Muhammadans Patt&varam" in Tanjore dist- and Madurai forces. According the acco- rict dated in 1634 A.D. does not refer to unts of the Jesuits Vijayaraghava took his access-on. But it refers to a vow shelter in the forest unable to face the made on the feet of who Nayakkarayyan onslaught of the Muhammadan may have been in all army probability Raghu- and was thus subjected to their command. K0MBHAKONAM PLATES OF THE VlJAYARAGHAVA, SAKA 1578 37

It was during this troubled that period period of lull in political activities that the Muhammadan supremacy was establi- Vijayaraghava managed to issue the pre- shed over and Tanjore Madurai. In the sent grant. meanwhile, the Nayaks of Madurai were in the concentrating fortfications of The gift village Alamelumathgam- their strongholds. Though Vijayaraghava ambapura may be identified with Alamelu- was submitted to the Muhammadans, he pura in Tanjore taluk and district. Among allowed on was sympathetic grounds to rule the boundaries of the gift village, Naga- peacefully for a short period of about ranipura is in all probability be identical six years by the Bijapur General who with Nagatti of the Tanjore taluk. The invaded Tanjore earlier as evident from other villages referred to as boundaries the Jesuit sources. It was during this are not identifiable,

Notes :

to for to edit this I 1 am highly thankful the Chief Epigraphist permitting ma inscription. am also indebted to Dr. M. D. Sampath: Dy. Superintending Epigraphist for his help in preparing this paper,

1 A.R.Ep., 1921-22, No. A. 10.

2 Ibid., B. 461.

13. 3 Ibid., 1946-47, No. A.

It states that the the villages Nadiyam, Tur.aiyr 4 Ibid., 1945-46, No. A. 16. king granted at the of and Udainatfu in Pattukotijai-sirmai for feeding the pilgrims choultry Saluvanayak- on their to Setu. , karpattagam way

; The of Tanjore, 126-27. 5 V. Vriddhagirisan Nayakas pp. Bhava which with 6 A.R.Ep. 1926-27, No. B. 257, This record is dated in cyclic year along to June 19. other details viz., Afji 21 corresponds 1934 A. D.,

Dated in the Chitrabhanu, ivatf 20 corresponding to 1 642 7 Ibid., 1924-25, No. B. 166. year order issued the king's agent Nayiniyappanayakar making A. D'. August 20, it refers to an by of in the temple of the goddess of this place. provision for the maintenance worship

8- Ibid., 1921-22, No. B. 461. The work called ; Nayakas of 9 This is referred tojn a Telugu TaHjSviiri-AndhrarSjula-Charitraimi

Tanjore p. 140. 6, AIM INSCRIPTION OF TUKOJI BAG (I) HOLKAR FROM THAUMER, DISTRICT DHULE N. M. Ganam

which is in Persian This short record was found from 36 X 50 CM. The text inscribed in characters Thalner during the course of my visit and Nasfa'lig consists of three an to the place in the summer of 1981. couplets preceded by Thalner is situated in the Shirpur talufca invocation to Adah by His Attribute and of the Dhule District in Maharashtra. followed by the endorsement containing

Now reduced to an insignificant village, the scribe's name and the date is given both

it was at one time an important place, in figures and chronogram. The epigraph h.'int' the first capital of the Faruqi rulers records the construction of an 'Idgah in of Khandesh. It possesses a ruined fort A.H. 1201 (1786 -87 AD.) by Muhammad and few tombs of architectural importance Sharif son of Shahji "Bab^^dabir (i.e. sec- 1 of the Faruqi kings. retary) of Tukoji Rao I Holkar and native

of Patan (i.e. It was 3 Paithan). composed The tablet bearing the inscription is by Zarif and inscribed by one Quraishi set up above the central Mihrab of the 'Idgah. It occupies a total space of about The text has been read as under :-

TEXT

1 Huwa'l Karlm

2 Sakha ba Shuja'at Muhammad Sharif Dabrr ast Tufcba-i-Hulkar Zarif 3 Wa bashinda-i-Shahr-i- Patan Pay qadim Pisar-i-Shahji Baba Maljammad Sharif 4 binS saH-ThaJnir Shud 'Idgah 'azim kSra-i-'Idgah ay Zarif (A. H.) 1201 5 tfurrara Quraishi 1201

TRANSLATION

1 He is Munificent

2 with (Possessed) generosity and bravery, Muhamad Sharif is the secretary of TntM e. (L Tukob3) Holkar (O !) Zarif

- e - (i paithan) - an andent

lnir a itL* ' magnificient 5 Written by Quraishi (A. H.) 1201 (1786-87 A. D.) 39 AN INSCRIPTION OF TUKOJI RAO (I) HOLKAR

The inscription is important in more The record under study is thus important as the then one aspect. It is the only record it furnishes the evidence about admi- so far available of Tukoji Rao I and the nistrative status of the Holkar dynasty, 3 fourth of the Holkar dynasty. The epi- Muhammad Sharif who was holding the post graph which is dated A. H. 1201 (1786- of dabir must have enjoyed a high position 87 A. D.) shows that the record belongs due to the fact that he was attched to to a period of pre - kingship of Tukoji Tukoji Rao. The epigraph also supplies ^Rao. We are told that after her accession an additional information about Muham- a of to the throne in 1754, Ahilya Bai appo- mad Sharif that he was resident inted Tukoji Rao, a trusted officer as Paithan which is spelt in the text as Patan the Commander - in - Chief of the Holkar a town of great antiquity in the Auran-

forces and also selected him as the heir gabad district. Unfortunately the identity to the house of Holkar. In recognition of Muhammad Sharif cannot be establi- of his being the titular head of the Hol- shed with certainty. Sir John Malcolm kars, Tukoji Rao received a robe of mentions one Sharif Bhai as the Comm-

honour (Khil'at) from Peshwa Madho ander of the Ahilya Bai's guards who led Rao who also conferred him the title of a force against the invading army of the 7 Subhedar. During the life time of Ahilya Rana of Udaipur. But in the absence of other it to Bai, Tukoji Rao performed only the duties any evidence, is difficult say of the Chief Commander of the Holkar if both are identical.

forces and never interfered in the civil None of the persons mentioned in administration of his patron. It was only the epigraph, the person who composed after the death of Ahilya Bai in 1795 the text namely Zarif and the scribe that Tukoji Rao assumed the power of Quraishi can be satisfactorily identified. 4 the head of the State. Unfortunately both the persons are recorded not by their proper-names but respecti- Another and important aspect of this vely by the poetic and surnames. record is that the builder of the 'Idgah Further the present epigraph does viz., Muhammad Sharif is mentioned in not mention the name of the Mughal the text as the dabir of Tukoji Rao. The emperor which indicates that by this period, term dabir is generally taken to mean a the Holkars ceased to acknowledge their writer, a secretary. But this post carried sovereignty. It also confirms the historical much weight under the Sultanate and references that at this period the region the Mughals. He was the confidential of Khandesh in which Thalner is situated secretary of the state. All the corresponde- was under the control of the Holkars. nce between the sovereign and the rulers and other states and officials were passed To sum up, the record under study through him. Dabir was an important is quite important as it provides some member in the Council of eight Mini- details about the history of the Holkar 8 sters called Ash fa pradhan of Shivaji. dynasty. 40 PURABHILEKHA PATK1KA

Notes :~

For an account of the monuments 1 Dhulia District Gazetteers, (Bombay, 1984) pp. 829-832. 1968, p. 79. of Thafner, see Percy Brown, Mm Architecture (Islamic Period), Bombay,

No. D. 110. 2 Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy 1981-82

ef 3 Ibid., 1966-67, Nos. D, 81, 95 and 110.

! 164-174 ; Madhya 4 Sir John Malcolm, A Memoir of Central India,' Vol. (N. Delhi, 1970) pp. 63-64. Pradesh District Gazetteers ; More (Bhopal, 1971), pp.

Sultanate Delhi, 1958), p. 86. 5 I. H. Quraishi, The administration of the of (Karachi

360-361. 6 J. N. Sarkar, Shivaji and his times, (Calcutta. 1961), pp.

n. 7 Malcolm, Op. Cit. f p. 179 (f. 1). 7 SOME INTERESTING ASPECTS OF THE MARATHA RULE AS GLEANED FROM THE TAMIL COPPER-PLATES OF THE THANJAVUR MARATHAS C. R, Srinivasan

RECENTLY I had the opportunity An introspective study of these Tamil of - - examining the Copper Plate inscripti- copper plates indicate the efflorescence ons of the Thanjavur Maralhas along and sweet blend of twin cultures viz with ex - my colleague Mr. Pulavar S. Raju Tamils and Marathas. A bond of fidelity in the Tamil University. These inscripti- and friendship could be seen between ons are now published under the caption the ruler and ruled in the coveted '50 - Copper plates of the Marathas of Kaveri basin, the rice bowl of South Thanjavur' in Tamil by the Tamil Uni- India. Now let us turn our attention how as - versity its very first prestigious publi- this far flung Marathas penetrated to the cation. This critical and comprehensive deep South. Shahji of Bhonsale extraction edition throws much light on the regional who was garrisoned at Satara Fort was history primarily and deals in greater the member of the militia of Bijapur detail the other aspects, such as social, Sultan drifted to Bangalore during his religious, economic, linguistic etc. As a campaign annexed and bestowed his fief matter of the fact, history of Marathas, to Ekoji alias Venkoji, the younger son is of absorbing interest in exterminating of his eldest queen who was dear to his the Muslim rule to a greater extent and heart. This was the period when inter- the of British preventing aggrandizement nal dissensions and disharmony was pre- for some time. The British historians and valent between the two branches of the as well as some of the historians under viz Nayakas ; Chokkanatha Nayakar of the British of rule, instead bringing out Madurai and Vijayaraghava Nayaka of the true colours of this ethnic race of Thanjavur who crossed swords with each militant hercoes of independence,, painted other on a flimsy reason of repudiating them with uncouth and ugly colours of the request of the former to have the hatred and hostility ; characterising them daughter-a ravishing beauty- of the latter as murderers and monsters, 'mountain rab' in wedlock. The drums of Destiny beck- always adding piquancy to their reports oned the belligerent invader at the nor- were that they bent of upon pillage and thern gates of the Palace. Unable to de- These Marathas plunder. who had some fend the pious and obstinate Vijayaraghava in the pockets down south far away from Nayaka who was mortally wounded his their original home are also portrayed by royal retinue mostly of the members of the Indian writers of the pre-indepen- the harem martyred themselves on the dence as the days incompetent and in- demise of the king in the pre-arranged efficient rulers whose sole prerogative or gun powder explosion leaving behind his aim was to fill their coffers with repre- grandson the last descendant - the sole taxation - ssive from the conquered soil. survivor of the family Sengamaladoss to 42 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

the care of the loyal guardian Dharma- observed here that Ekoji did not meddle cliettiar of linga Nagapattinam. with the fabric of the society and simply followed and honoured the tax pattern of The heir apparent was brought up by his predecessor, Nayakas, an offshoot of him in cognito. Kadar, the military com- Vijayanagara bureaucracy. Any radical mander, GawaskhSn and Abdul Halim, change introduced in the alien land would the ministers of the Bijapur Sultan elevated have landed him or his successors in Sengamaladoss to the throne at the requst doldrums. of Rdyasam Venkanna in 1675 A. D. and evicted the usurper Alagiri-Nayakar, the The first copper-plate cited above was representative of the MuduraiNayaka. Desire only a ratification and renewal of the unfulfilled to become the minister,, Raya- earlier agreement of the Nayakas with the sam engineered a plot and persuaded Ekoji Dutch and the change of power necessita- ' through his two ministers who were stated Ekoji who was only an agent and tioned at the outer gate of Thanjavur to commander of the Bijapur Sultan in 1676 extract the indemnities of war from the A. D. But in the second instance as the ruler. It had a new desired effect. The reigning king in 1679 A. D. Ekoji could not inexperienced Sengamaladoss abdicated the alter the routine affairs of the State except throne in a bloodless coup staged by his insisting the presence of the Peshwa, to be one time, mentor Ekoji. Approval was the witness of concord and consensus which and silence bought sought by the fabulous was arrived at by the different communities to the presents overlord, Bijapur Sultan. The very revenue terms such as devadayam, Thus ended a short span of one year maniyam, and madappuram are reminiscence rule to the paving way advent of Maratha of the Vijayanagara-nayaka rule. Even the rule at Thanjavur in 1676 A. D, introductory portion was conventional an d closely resembling to that of Vijayanagara The two copper-plates viz. Batavia rulers (Snman Mahamandalebvaran Ariya* Museum Silver plate? and National Museum, raya etc.) and also includes the names oJ Delhi copper-plate of Ekoji reveal the some of the Choja, Vijayanagara, of taxation Nayaka,, pattern and exemption. 3 Though predecessors and legendary heroes: There- the first is a mutual agreement with stipu- fore the statement made by the earliei lated nine articles in respect of the com- authors that the tex-'Sauth' was levied merce carried on b> by the Dutch Company. the Marathas in the conquered soil parti- It reveals the exemption of the traditional cularly in Tamilnadu is absolutely far from eleemosynary charities like devadayam, mani- truth. The policy of taxation has to b< yam and madappuram at Nagapattinam. The judged by the 19th century standards. second record Mr refers to socio-economic K. R. Subramaniam* rightly observes structure of various thai communities unani- "No of problems popular education, saiii- mously congregating to pay the respective tation and health taxed the ruler's brair dues both in kind and cash for the upkeep for they were the concern of the of the local and its peopl< temple related festi- and the local agencies. The cry for con s- vals. The ^ important point which is to be titutional liberty never troubled his cons SOME INTERESTING ASPECTS OF THE MARATHA RULE 43 cience for the best of reasons thai the clearly indicating that Marathas either did idea was absent A simple, light and equi- not aher the existing pattern of the divi- table system has still to be evolved in sions or could not regroup or rearrange India so it was not a fault of the Mara- or revamp them. When Rajaraja, the great tha if he loaded the back of the land holding expanded his empire, he classified and re- camel to the breaking point." named almost all the places under his empire. Thanjavur being the capital of the the administrative terms of Taking erstwhile Cho}as and heart of the Choja- official it can also be heirarchy, proved mandalam, Maralhas-it appears could not that most of the terms such' as attavanai make any effective changes in the long astantaram, kanakku ayam 'kavalkdrar,sena- established divisions, as the fate was spin- nattut- patl, tanapati, tanikam, n'attamii, ning new threads and weaving a new web tanam, am were manly maddisam, muddirai, to entrap them, on one side of the mighty familiar in the of already 'palmy days Vija- Muslims and on the other the scheming rule. Some contend from yanagara may British and their lust for dominon. But the terms other offices such as amina, it is interesting to note that the copper- Ffuzur, kllledar Agent, karubar, samprati\ plates provide reference to more than 26 Peshwa etc. were salkel, subedhdr, Jemedhar, places with suffix 'Shnai' suggesting the introduced by Marathas. Barring the terms lingering impact of the Vijayanagara-Nayaka denoting high offices sarkel, subedhar, and rule over these places. The suffix pattu peshwa, the cream of the administrative denotes the numerical count or cluster of unit was always entrusted to their villages grouped under one major village. own kiths and kins. Other terms were In Vijayanagara period, several pajaiyams brought into vogue either by the Muslims or feifs came into existence. The Pajai- or adopted and popularised by the Briti- yakkarar or the man in charge of the shers in their day to day administration Pa[aiyams were to render military obliga- even after the fall of these dynasties. tions in times of war. There was a wrong notion that during the Maratha rule, the The Official incharge of Subfia was division Palaiyam was absent. The Tamil known as Subedhar ayyar and avyan being University Copper Plate dated in the reign suffix. the administrative the honorofic For of Shahji (1701 A. D.) records the grant convenience the country under their con- of land by the Pajaiyakkarar of &rk21i- trol was divided into five major Subhas Imaie to some brahmana residents of the viz. PattukSttai, Mantiarkutfi, Kumbakonam, same division. Ravuttamiijda nayinar seems

Mayavaram, Tiruvaiyaru : This seems to to be the heriditary title of this parti- be only Official classification for internal cular Pajayakkarar of Vadakal, connoting palace records rather than popular adop- the skill in 'Horse-riding' of their ances- tion by the populace- Some other suffixes tors". The title Ravutta was known from denoting territorial divisions such as manda- Vijayanagara times as saint Arunagiri attri- as the lam, slmai pattu, karai tanfyur, valanadu, butes this title to Lord Muruga kurram, chavadt, were known from either best rider on horse in his Tiruppugal. rods which were used Chola or Vijayanagara inscriptions, thereby The standard 44 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA for measuring the lands were of varying Nayaka at Nagapattinam was reopened and 21 length viz. 24, 12, 14, and feet in revived jointly by Ekoji and the Dutch different places and periods of Mdratha Company with exclusive privelcge of audi- rule. ting the accounts to the ruler. In consonance with the articles of the agreement, As such it can be inferred there is authoristation was given to mint two de- not uniformity or standardisation in re- J nominations of gold coins of 3 */2 and 8 /2 gard to the survey lands. S 'indents of of mat in or fineness viz. 'Panakambattam history are well sware of some of these and 'Vardgan Kambatlam'* for circulation 'Standard rods' which were in vogue du- in two different territories, with equal rights ring the rule of the Cholas and Pandyas. over the profits on income. The same diversity of usage marks the of land, liquid and grain measures systems The transition of power from Nayakas adopted in different areas in the Maratha to Marathas did not make any dent in period. Thus we get references to the the religious history of the period as evi- measurements of land ma, kuli, veli, and denced by the Copper-plates. The Mara- liquid and grain measurements, such as thas of Thanjavur were Saivities in their kalatn, lai^uni, kandl, xer, padi, nali, uri, faith, and in addition they are noted for tuiii, ma, tondi, kudam and measurement their catholicity. Both Vaishnavism and of weights manu., and tulam. The cur- Saivism received a paternal care. This Hindu rency of Marathas are not available for kingdom preserved the ancient culture and study. However some references are seen its symbols the temples uninterruptedly. in the inscriptions about mint (Kambattam) Islam and Christianity too flourished with and coins such as panam, pon, Varahan, trieir liberties uncurtailed. Though the and Rajigopzlachakram, tulcii-pon etc. The members of the fairsex are not figuring observation of the giant historian about in the pra&asti portion of the Maratha coinage in general is worth remembering records along with their Royal husbands, "The absence of prominent land-marks or sons, some of the grants made by them in the numismatic history of Southern to various., temples bear testimony to the India and the small of inscri- proportion 8 religious piety and philanthropic disposition. bed specimens of coins discovered so far The widow of the last ruler Kamakshi- have stood in the way of scientific treat- wife of ( yambaBai, Shivaji 1832-55 A. D.), ment of the coinage of the South. At deserves mention here as various the same time the relative richness of temples received gifts from her benevolent hands. Epigraphical material has contributed to A Bronze statue of Amunu Ammani moul- make the of South India study History ded in the form of a 'PSvai Vijakku' in largely dependant of the always difficult in the MahalingeSvara temple at Tiruviciai- and none too certain conclusions of numis- marudur is a fine 7 specimen of Bronze matics. The statement holds good for the cast. The donotrix had donated this as period under riview. to thanks-giving the Lord for having ful- Mention was made earlier about a filled her desire to deep marry the prince, mint (Kambuttam). This old mint of the Pratapsing with whom she fell in Jove. SOME INTERESTING ASPECTS OF MARATHA RULE 45

The Prince was the son. of the deposed The reference to the reign of Sambaji ruler A. Amarsing (1798 D.). The Princess in the Copper plate casts a shadow of is potrayed as holding the lamp with re- doubt whether Chidambaram was under verence, parrot perching on the right shoul- the control of Marathas of Thanjavur or the der, plaited hajr dangling on the back Marathas of Gingee-during the period of and the bsautifal feminine contours add stabilisation as we know Shivaji was not dignity to the lady of the lamp. This pleased over the bequeathal of Bangalore exquisite icon is of 125cm in height and Jagir or the southern places of conquest weight about 41P/4 ser. The pedestal con- to Ekoji and rose in revolt with his younger tains the message of love, accomplishment brother, during his expeditions to the of the cherished desire by the Grace-Devine South. The absence of Nataraja image and the commemoration of this event by for such a pretty long time and perhaps the celebration of Lakshadipa. Instances the clandestine itinerary of it to places wherein the royal house-hold took keen of safety and religious asylum to Madura i interest in the upkeep of the temple with and Kuclimiyanialai may in all probabi- gifts and donations are not uncommon. lity be attributed with reasonable certai- to the Muslim infiltrations in the These copper-plates as a whole high- nity

heart of the country ; light some of the important events which Choja apprehending from the had not come to the notice of the historians. the dangers of distractions icy of the iconoclasts. It is worth The rule of Ramabhadra-Nayakar in between hands here a similar fate shared Raghunatha Nayalcar (1614-1640 A. D.) and remembering 9 Lord earlier in Choja Vijayaraghava Nayakkar (1640-1674 A.D.) the by Ranganatha period and the of the confirmation of joint rule of three sons of Kamakshi, tutelary deity Kanchi her in Ekoji I viz Shahji, Sarafoji I and Tukkoji Kamakotiplta trekking way between 1684, and 1735 A. D. 1(1 the rule of a hammock under the pretext of small- Kanchi to Venkatapati Nayakkar, Gurumurti Nayakkar pox from the distant Thanja- via the Maratha and Rajagopala Nayakar the hitherto un- vur Kumbakonam during known Nayakas in some parts of Choja- rule. rnandalam during the Vijayanagara days, Tiruvarur, one of the Saptavitanka the deposed ruler Amarsing (1798 A. D )had a sthalas, was the hot favourite of the 11 son named Pratap sing and the startling Maratha kings as majority of Copper plates discovery is the absence of icon of the are from this temple. We know from famous Chidambaram for a period well over other source that Shahji (1685-1712 A. D.) ia in his musical 37 years form 1648-1686 A. D. The period eulogised this presiding deity seva and this synchronises with the rule of two kings opera 'Pallaki prabandham' to his succes- Ekoji (1676-1684A.D.) and Shahji, his succes- initiation set a precedence sors to take his cue for the sor (1584- 1711 A. D ). However the copper up particular ( to the or the plate which speaks about the episode refers preference deity Tyage6a cult' as. evidenced the host of MSS to the regin ofSambaji ofGingee(1680-89A.D. ) by andRajaramthe sons ofShivaji (1640-80A. D.) on Music and musicology available in the 46 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

13 Thanjavur Saraswati Mahal Library. It led to the cultural culmination which gave is even said that the worship of the Brahadis- ample scope for many literary outputs vara temple at Thanjavur was regulated and growth in various disciplines of fine and reorganised on the lines of Tirnvarur arts. This was warranted on account of finds out- their self-foisted of isolation with temple. His deep devotion an policy ^ burst in constructing the manijapa at the houses of Satara and Gingee Mara- Manambucliava^i in his capital wherein thas or vice- versa. Lord Tyagaraja is enshrined in the sylvan surroundings of paintings (now decayed Sandwitched between the aggressive and faded due to vandalism). attitude of the then Muslim power in of rule of The 180 years illustrious South and imperialistic, designs of the 13 kings including the illegitimate claimant British bureaucracy coupled with subtle Katluraja (1738 A. D.) and the deposed ruler diplomacy the Maratha power under Sara- Amarsing (1787-98A.D.), the general tendency foji, the great patron of arts and letters, of the rulers was to identify themselves came to the fold of the British who readily and totally with the people whom relegated the ruler a3 a puppet and pensio- they ruled in an alien soil with a sense ner of the exalted Briush. empire, result- to such an career at the of justice and charitable disposition. They ing ingloiious held the ground without coming into end, and signifying only the former great- or wealth and and grips with neighbouring powers people ness, splendour vanity and of their state, in major conflicts. This evanascence of earthly empires.

Notes :

1. S. Raju. Fifty copper plates, pp. 1 ff,

2. Ibid, pp. 2 ff.

3. Ibid, Introduction, p XIX.

4. K. R. Subramanian, The Maratha Rajas of Tanjore, p. 97.

5. Fifty copper plates, p. XXXVII 1.

6. Ibid, p. 32.

7. K. A. N. Sastry, Colas, (old Edition) p. 443.

8 Fifty copper plates, pp, 194-202.

9. Ibid, pp. 112 ff.

10. Ibid, pp. 25 ff.

11. Ibid, PP. 195 ff.

12. J&iA PP. 268 ff,

13. Gown Kuppuswamyj op. cit. p. 63. 8, FIVE PANDYA KINGS OF THE 14TH CENTURY

SSI. Sethuraman

Introduction commenced my research work in the Pandya chronology in 1978. I am still The extreme South of the Indian Penin- continuing my research. I visit many sula was the Pandya kingdom. Madura was temples and see the stone records in situ. the traditional capital of the Pandyas. In I also get necessary transcripts from the the course of seven hundred years i. e., office of the Chief Epigraphist, Mysore. I from 1000 to 1700 A. D. scores of Pandya compare the records, consult the internal kings existed. had only six names- They evidence and apply the astronomical data. often The six names were Kula- repeated. The discovery of the Sanskrit poem Pandya- s*ekhara, Srivallabha, Vira Vikrama, Sundara kulodaya also throws new light. In the and Parakrama. were either Jatavar They process of finding the truth, wherever ad- mans or Maravarraans. Kings with the same justments are warranted, I never hesitate or different titles ruled or concur- jointly to accommodate them. My paper "Two of the is com- rently. Overlapping reigns Jatavarman Vim Pandyas of accession 1253 mon. The is more phenomenon prominent and 1254" presented in the annual congress in the 13th and 14th centuries. When one of the Epigraphical Society of India held tries to the ofthese study chronology Pandya in March 1983 at Gorakhpur are such he is liable to confuse one with kings examples. In this paper also there are another. Kielhorn Jacobi (1907J (1911) some revisions which I shall explain some- Swamikkannu Filial and Robert (1913) where below. In the 14th century there Sewell identified (1915) eighteen Pandya were many Panclya kings. I have identified who extsted between 1162 and 1357 kings some of them vide my book "The Imperial A. D. in their foot in Following steps, my Pdydyas" and my 1983 Gorakhpur paper. books "Medieval Pandyas" (edition 1980) In this article I identify five Pandya kings and "The Imperial Pandyas" (edition 1978) namely, Jatavarman Sundara Pandya 1330- I identified two more twenty Pandya kings 1347, Maravarman Vira Pandya (I) 1334- who existed between 1000 and 1400 A. D. 1367, Maravarman Vikrama PSndya 1337. Jatavarman Vira The investigation of the Pandya records 1343, Pandya 1337-1378, and Vira 1341- is not easy. There are many obstacles and Maravarman Pandya (II) hurdles. In the midst of many difficulties 1388. I progress slowly and identify the hitherto In my book "The Imperial Paqdyas" unknown kings. In my books "The Im- when I identified Jajavarman Sundara of perial Pandyas" and "Medieval Pdrjdyas", accession 1329, I mixed up the records of I have dealt with in detail the methodo- his In this the is \ junior. paper junior logy which should be followed in the identified as a separate king Jatavarman investigation of the Pandya records. I Sundara Pandya of accession 1330. In my 48 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA earlier research, I surmised that Maravar- Maravarman Vira Pandya II of acces- man Vikrama came to the throne in 1334 sion 1341 is an important king. In his and he was called Rajakkal Nay an with Tiruldcalakkudi (Ramnad district) record natal star Hasta and acceession star Rohini. dated Friday the 12th September 1371, In this paper I have found that Mara- Vira Pandya states, that the Vijayanagar varman Vikrama came to the throne in prince Kampana drove out the Muhamma- 1337. There wai another Maravarman Vik- dans and established orderly government. rama Pandya with a surname RajakkaJ This statement, which agrees with the Nayan, natal star Hasta and accession star records of Kampala, Tamil Chronicle Ma- RQhini. He was a different king. I know dunii tola varalaru, Sthtiflikar varalaru his date but I have not introduced him and the Sanskrit poem Mathura - vijayam in this paper Swamikkarmu Pillai surmi- is a turning point in the history of Tamil sed that there was only one Maravarman Nadu and also South India. Vira Pandya and that king existed in the JATAVARMAN SUNDARA PANDYA 1330-1347 14th century with the accession date 1334. In this article I have identified two Mara- Jatavarman Sudara Pandya came to the varman Vira Pandyas with accession dates throne between the 25th January and the 1334 and 1341 respectively. The existence 7th July 1330. In the year 1343 he gilded of two Maravarman Vira Pandyas is a fixed the Tiruvendipuram Vishnu temple. He point in the Pandya chronology. In the was called koyil pon meynda Perumal "lord history of the Pandyas from 550 to 1400 A^D. or king who gilded the temple". To some there were two Maravarman Vira Pandyas extent he was successful in fighting against and they existed in the 14th century only. the Madurai Sultanates. This is evident Their records are available in all the districts from the appearance of his records dated of Tamil Nadu with the exception of the 1339 and 1340 at Kajaiyarkoyil which is Tirunelveli and Kanyafcumari districts. This 60 kilometers east of Madura where the information is a fixed point in the metho- Muhammadan invaders, Sultans, were dology in the investigation of the Pandya ruling in that period. Probably because records. If we find the name Maravar- of this success Sundara adopted the title man Vira Pandya in the records found paliyll pugalanan "he who became famous north of Madura, we can immediately con- in removing the bad name". His rule clude that the records belong to the 14th upto the year 1347 is known. The records of Thus century. the two Maravarman Vira Sundara are tabulated below. The logical us Pandyas help in identifying the contem- arguments of how, the kings are identified porary Pandya princes also. are detailed in the discussion.

Record-Village Year, data and other details Date

453/1966 4, Karkataka, fiu 4, 16th July 1333 A.D. Tirunallar Uttiram and Friday FIVE PANDYA KINGS OF THE 14ra CENTURY 49

Record- Village Year, data and other details Date

25/1900 6, 3u. 4 Karkataka, 24th July 1335 A.D. Taramangalam Uttiram and Monday (Lands were sold to the brahmanas of the colony Sri Laksh- mar^a ChaturvedimaAgalam founded by Nallutfai Appar)

137/1902 ba. 10, Karkataka, 5, 26th July 1339 A.D. Tiruvendipuram Monday and RevatI (see discussion)

583/1902 Year lost, Dhanus, ku. 9, 10th Dec. 1339 A.D. Kalayarkoyil Friday and RevatI (Year must be 10-see discussion).

584/1902 10, Dhanus, Su. 3, mistake for ba. 3, 19th Dec. 1339 A.D. - Kajayarkoyil and Sunday (tit hi is restored in bracket

as thuthikai. It must be trithikai"),

581-A/1902 11, Dhanus, didikai for ba. 2, Punarpus'am 6th Dec. 1340 A.D. Kalayarkoyil and Wednesday.

119/1944 17, Makara, s*u. 5, RevatI and Wednesday. 17th Jan. 1347 A.D. Rishivanjiyam The king is called Port Parappina-peruma} (who covered the temple with gold).

On the basis of 119 1944 the star RFvati is known. Only seven records with astro- in Makara of 1347 falls in the 17th year. nomical data are available. The other Accordingly Revati in Makara fo 1330 records of this king are identified with falls in the regnal year Zero, The star the help of internal evidence. This we was current on 24th January. On the shall see below under discussion. basis of star Revati in Karkataka 137/1902 Discussion of 1339 falls in the 10th year. Accor- Taramangalam record 25/1900 of the dingly Revati in Karkataka of 1330 falls table is dated 1335. The record1 states that in the regnal year one. The star was lands were sold to the Brahmins of the current on 7th July. Brahmin colony iSri Lakshmaija - chatur- 1 330 = 24th January Regnal year Zero. vedimangalam which was founded by Na- 7th July 1330 s= Regnal year One. llu^ai Appar. This colony was under construction by Nallutfai Appar in 1316 Jatavarman Sundara Paij^ya ca'me to and 1317 A. D. This is evident from Ta- 2 the thone between the 25th Janury and the ramangalam record 24/1900 and 23/1900 7th July 1330 A. D, His reign upto 1347 A D, discussed in Appendices III and II of my 50 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

paper "Jn-o Jatavarman Sundara Pandyas TirukkandisVaram is in the 14th year of J 4 of accession 1303 and A304' -presented in the Konerinmaikondan. The proper record 9th annual conference of the Epigraphical belongs to the Tiruvendipuram Vishnu Society of India held in March 1983 at temple. Since the lands mentioned in the Gorakhpur. transactions are in the village Tirukkandis'- varam, the record is engraved on the walls record 137/1902 of the Tiruvendipuram of the Tirukkandi^varam iSiva The 3 Temple. table is dated 1339. The record registers record refers to the service called Sundara the settlement made by the villagers of Pandyan sandhi instituted in the name of gojakulavalli Nallur. The chief U^aiyar the king. The record mentions the Brah- alias Puttulan Tiruvarangachelvar was plea- min colony Puttulan, Brahmadelam situated sed to be present in the meeting. Certain in the village Tiruvendipuram. We have villages were assigned to the temple. already seen that this brahmin colony was Puttulan Tiruvarangachelvar founded a new founded in 1339 by Puttulan Tiruvarnga- Brahmin colony called "Puttulan Brahma- chelvar Villavarayar. Evidently this record detain" in his name. The villages and belongs to Jatavarman Sundara year 14 the Brahmin colony were declared tax corresponding to 1344, The record states free in accordance with the royal letters that in the 13th year of the king (i. e., received from PerumaJ Sundara Pandyadeva, 1343) the chief Puttulan Tiruvarangachelvar Petunia] Vikrama Pandyadeva and PerumaJ Villavarayar granted 30 veils of lands to Vira Pandyadeva. The internal evidence the Tiruvendipuram Vishnu Temple. Lands supplies the following information. were also granted for those who worked The Brahmin colony Puttulan Brahma- for forming the garden called ulagamundan dekm was founded in 1339. This is im- tirunandavanam called after Lord Krishna. portant and it will be referred to some- The income from the lands was to be where below. The royal letters were utilised as follows : received from three kings namely Sundara a) For offerings to the image (of god) Pandya of this record, MSravarrnan Vik- called koyil pon. meymda perumaJ rama Parj^ya of accession 1337 and Jata- set uy by the king in his name in varman. Vira Pandya of accession 1337. the Tiruvendipuram Vishnu temple. The three kings figure in 1339 (the date of this record) in the chronological order. b) For the service called Sundara They were contemporaries. In this record Pandyan sandhi instituted in the Tiru- one of the signatories is Sankaramake^ari vendipuram Vishnu temple in the Muvendavejan and he figures in 406/1921 name of the king. year 6 corresponding to 1347 discussed It is evident that Litavarman Sundara under Majavarraan Vira II of accession of accession 1330 was also called "koil 1341. pon meynda peiumaT i.e., "the king who The village TirukkancUsVaram is within gilded the temple". Probaibly he would a few kilometers from the village Tiru- have gilded the Tiruvendipuram Vishnu A record vendipuram, which comes from temple. The garden is mentioned in the FIVE PANDYA KINGS OF THE 14rn CENTURY 51

records of Maravaiman Vira I and II 9 dis- 4) A record (151/1904) which comes cussed below. from Tirukkandi^varam belongs to Sundara year 14 to The Rishivanjiyam record 119/1944 corresponding 1344. The record states that Milai- dated 1347 (listed in the table) rightly calls Tiruchirram- the king "pon parapplni perumaf Lord yaji Kilaft Alagiya 5 balam Marjrir or king who gilded the temple. Udaiyan Kuijikkum PerumSn. alias AbimSna tunga The above chief Puttulari Tirevaranga- Pallavarayari of Meyurmade grants chelvarvillavarayar figures in the records . to the temple for conducting a of the Maravarman contemporary Icings service called paliyil pugalanan i.e., Vira I Pandya of accession 1334, Mara- "became famous in removing the varman Vikrama acc3ssion 1337 Paijdya of bad name"-probably in the sur- and Maravarman Vira II of acces- Pandya name of the king. A signatory sion 1341. We shall see those records by name Kannarnarigalani Udaiyan below. figures. The two individuals of

this record figure in the records 1) The above chief figures in the of Maravarman Vikrama of acce- record of Maravarman Vikrama ssion 1337 and the two Maravar- dated 1340. This is Timvendi- 8 man Vira Pandyas of accession puram record No. 143/1902 and 1334 and 1341. This we shall see it is discussed under Maravarman in the records discussed under Vikrama. those kings. 7 2) A record which comes from Tiru- Kajaiyar Koyil records vendipuram belongs to Maravar- man Vira Pandya I or II year Record No. 583/1902 (listed in the 10 corresponding to 1244 or 1351. table) belongs to Jatavarman Sundara and 10 The record refers to the agree- it states that Nangudaiarj Avudaiyan ment made with Uclaiyar Puttulan Perunkarunaiyaian, a merchant of the city Tiruvarangachelvar alias villavara- Srivallabhanperunteruvu, institutes (kattuki-

yar. ra) a service called Peruhkarunaiyalan the The 3 sandhi in his name in temple. 3) Another record which also comes word kattukira is in present tense. I have from Tiruvendipuram bslongs to restored the regnal year as 10 after con- Maravarman yira I or II year 15 sulting the following records. The date of corresponding to 1349 or 1356, the present record is 10th December 1339. The record states that ulagamundan 11 of the same tiruttoppu the garden called after Another record temple Lord Krishna was founded by belongs to Jatavarman Sundara year 10 to the Peru- Puttulaji Tiruvarangachelvar alias Margali 24th day. It refers instituted villavarayar. We hava already seen nkaru%aiya}an sandhi (kattina] that in 1343 the same chief was by the same individual. The word "kattina' constructing this garden. is in past tensd This is justified by the 52 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

data which with 21st December 1339 ajrea known Jatavarman Sundara Pandya. The which is than 10th December date later data agree for Jatavarman Sundara Pandya of the record. previous of accession 1323 only.

Record No 584/1902 of the same temple Note : Kalayar Koyil is approximately 13 in the is in 10. The (listed table) year 60 kilometer east of Madura. The record record refers to sandhi Peruhkarunaiyatan of Sundara dated 1339 and 1340 are found instituted - in the (kaffirta past tense) by in Kajaiyar Koyil when the Muhammadan same individual. The date of the record Sultans were ruling in Madura. The is 19th December 1339. Pandya records indicate that the Pandyas Record No. 581-A/1802 of the same were slowly moving towards Madura. 13 temple (listed in the table) is in year 11. JATAVARMAN VIRA PANDYA 133? - 1373 The record refers to the service Peruh- karunaiyalan sandhi instituted in (kattina) Vira Pandya ruled from past tense by the same individual. The 1337 to 1378. He figures in the Tiruven- date falls on 6th December 1340. dipuram record No. 137/1902 (dated 1339) Satisfying the internal evidence the discussed under Jatavarman Sundara of data of the above four records do not accession 1330. The records of Vira Pandya supply dates in the reign of any other are tabulated bslow.

Record-Village Year, data and other details Date

69/1924 40, gaka 1298, Mithuna 22, Pu^arvasu, 17th June 1376 A.D. Perichikoyil Monday mistake for Tuesday.

'81/1940 13, Kanni, 6u. 9, Tiruvoijam and Monday.' 21st Sep. 1349 A.D. Tiruvattiyur

Pd 431 42, Dhanus, ba. 12, Anuradha and Friday. 17th Dec. 1378 A.D. NeivaSal

In the first record the title Jatavarman December. On the* basis of the Peri- or Maravarman is absent. The other two chikoyil record star Pujiarvafo in Mithuna records supply the title Jatavarman. of 1376 falls in the 40th year. Accordingly On the basis of the Neivafol record Anuradha in Dhanus of 1336 falls in the star Anuradha in Dhanus of 1378 falls in regnal year Zero. The star was current the 42nd year. Accordingly, Anuradha in on 2nd December. On the basis of the Dhanus of 1336 falls in the regnal year Perichikoil record star Punarvasu in Mithuna Zero. The star was current on 2nd of 1376 falls in the 40th year. Accordin- FIVE PANDYA KINGS OF THE 14 CENTURY 53

gly star Punarvasu in Mithujja of 1337 falls MARAVARMAN VIKRAMA PANDYA 1337-1343 in the first year. The star was current on 1st June- Maravuman Vikrama Pandja came to the throne between the 20th May and 2nd December 1336= Regnal year Zero. the 15th August 1337. In the year 1340, 1st his chief Abhimanatunga Pallavarayan cau- June 1337= Regnal year One. sed the image of Sri Varaha to be set Jatavarman Vira Pahdya came to the up at the sacred entrance of the Tiruvendi- throne between the 3rd December 1336 and puram Vishnu temple. This Varaha is the 1st June 1337. The Tamil kings nevjr praised in the Vaishnavite Chronicles of ascend the throne in the month the later period. The reign of Vikrama December which falls in the inauspicious is known upto 1343. The records of month Margali. Jn the circumstances we Maravarman Vikrama are tabulated below. can surmise that Jatavarman Vira came to Jatavarman Sundara of accession 1330, ihe throne in the first quarter of 1337. Maravarman Vira I of accession 1334, His rule upto 1378 is known. His Jatavarman Vira of accession 1337 and other records can be identified provided Maravarman Vira II of accession 1341 are the texts of all the Paij^ya records are the then contemporary princes. They are published. referred to in the discussion.

Record-Village Year, data and other details Date

143/1902 Makara, fa. 4, mistake for su. 14, 14lh Jan. 1340 A.D. 3,^ Punar- Tiruvendipuram pusSam and Friday (see-discussion)

Kuth fa. 124/1904 4, ba, 3, mistake for ba 3, Sunday 4th Feb. 1931 A.D. Tirthanagari and Uttiram (see discussion)

ba 104/1944 4, Rishabha, 5, Uttiradam and Sunday. 6th May 1341 A D. Tiruvendipuram

120/1896 5, Dhanus, fa, Revati and Sunday 16th Dec. 1341 A D. Tiruvenkadu (see discussion)

6, fa. Hasta 410/1909 Kanni 1, and Sunday. 1st Sep. 1342 A.D. Siddalingamadam

252/1256 7, Sirhha, ba. 4, Re/ati and Sunday 10th Ain. 1343 A.D. Tiruvendipuram (see .discussion) 54 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

On the basis of 104/1944 star Uttira- meant for conducting services to the dam in Rishabha of 1341 falls in the 4th year. image of Sri Varaha which image Accordingly star Uttiradam in Rishabha of was caused to be set up by Milai- 1337 falls in the regnal year Zero. The yan Kilan Manril Kiujikkum Perumari star was current on 19th May. On the alias Abin'.ri Varaha and also supply oil. the throne between the 20th May and Incidentally the record also refers to the 15th August 1337. His rule upto 1343 the grants made by Puttajan Villava- is known. rayar who figures in the records dis- Discussion cussed under Jatavarman Sundara of accession 1330. 1, TTrthanagari record 124/1904 (listed in the table) of Vikrama is dated A record 17 which comes from Tiruvadi 4th 1341. The record 1 '1 February belongs to Maravarman Vikrama. It is in % the of 20 ma of registers gift lands by year 3 corresponding to 1340. The record Tamandai Vejan Tiruvannamalai Ud- states that the chief Milaiyan Kiiari Manrjl iyarj Tennavarayan o f perunganur in Kunikkum Peruman alias Abimana'unga Panchavan Madevipuram in Kuvalaiya Pallavarayar of Meyur formed a ga den nadu in - Raja Raja Valanadu to the in his name and gifted it to the Tiruvadi of the Tiru- 13 kankayikarayattar temple temple. Another record of this temple as ttinainagar Udaiyar tinmamatiuk- is the order of the same chief and it refers kani, A record' 6 which comes from to the same garden formed by him. this temple belongs to Maravarman The village Tiruvendipuram is about Yira I or II of accession 1334 or 20 kilometers east of Tiruvadi. A record 1 * 1341, year 9. It is dated either 1343 which comes from Tiruvendipuram or 1350. It refers to the 20 ma of belongs to Maravarman Vira Pandy II It is in lands formerly given as tinmamattU'- year 4 corresponding to 1345. It states kkani by the above individual Tam- that Milaiyan Kiian Majir.il Kunikkum andai Tennavarayan of Perutiganur. Peruman alias Dipattarayaft of Meyur 2. record of Tiruvendipuram 143/1902 caused the image of Si i Varaha to be set Vikrama (listed in the table) is dated at the up sacred entrance (tiruvSijppadiyil) 14th 1340. The record menti- January of the temple. Here the donor is called ons several One of them was grants. DIpattarayaa instead of Abimanatunga FIVE PANDYA KINGS OF THE 14iH CENTURY 55

20 Pallavarayaii. DJpattarayaii is a title. It that Amarakoii did not pay the taxes means "Officer for lights" (in the temple). accrued on the lands from 1335. In the The record states that the actul consec- year 1343 in the reign of Maravarman ration of the image of &i Varaha was Vikrama he sold some lands and made done (pratishfai pannlna) by Bharadvaji part payment. Again in 1347 in the reign Adiyarkku Meyyan alias .SingapperumaJ of of Marvarman Vira II he sold some more Arumbhakkam. 21 lands and cleared the dues.

22 Jata- 3. Tiruveokadu record No. 120/1896 of 5 Discussions 1 to 4 prove that accession 1330,, Vikrarna listed in the table) is dated varman Sundara of 1341. In this record the same chief Mar.avarman Vikrama of accession Maravarman Vira I of accession Milaiyan Kijarj Manril Kunikkum 1337, 1334 and Maravarman Vira II of Peruman alias Dipattarayan of Meyur 1341 his full address. accession were contemporaries. figures with He makes 9

grants for burning lamps in the temple. 2 * A record which comes from the village

The same chijf figures in the Chidam- Vikravaodi (South Arcot district) intro- 23 baram record of Maravarman Vira I or duces the king as Sakalaloka Chakravartin II year 9 corresponding to 1343 or 1350. Raja Narayanan Vikrama Pandya. Probably local chieftain Again' the same chief figures in the Tiru- Vikrama defeted the then vadi record 406/1921 dated 1347 listed Sakalaloka Chakravarthi Raja Narayaija and discussed under Maravarman Vira II. Sambuvaraya arid adopted his title. The village "Vikravandi" is a corrupt name 4. Timvendipuram record 252/1956 of of Vikrama Paijdi or Vikrama Paridya- Maravarman Vikrama (listed in the puram. table) is dated 10th August 1343. It states that Periyadevan Amarakdfl TWO MARAVARMAN VIRA PANDYAS OF inherited lands from his father - in ACCESSION 1334 AND 1341 law Nayakaperuma"]} as Sndfiana when Swamikkannu Filial surmised that Ma- the latter died. Amarakon did not ravarman Vira Paijdya came to the throne pay the tax dues' accrued on these in 1334. He futher surmised that no other lands from the 17th year of Sundara kin-*o of this name existed in the 13th or Paadya to the 6th and 7th year of 14th century. His conclusion was that Vikrama. So Amarakon sold some there was only one Maravarman Vira Pan- and in 1343. lands paid part payment 1 '1 dya and that king came to the throne Tirvuendipuram record 249/1956 dated 27 in 1334. 1347 is discussed under Maravarman 21 Vira II. It repeats the same story. The clue which points out the accession

It states that Amarakon sold some date is found in the Kovilur record Pd. 450 cleared the dues, more lands and engraved on the south wall of the central

1 Sundara whose 17th year is quoted shrine in the BalapurisVara temple. The 20 is J \tavarman Sundara Papaya of acces- record belongs to Vira Pandya. The title sion 1318. The above transactions re veil Maravarman is absent. The other data PATRIKA 56 PURABHILEKHA

star. In the second record 8th solar ; solar day and are ; year 34, month Ani, day is also In the circum- and star Malcha. The week day is absent. week d.iy quoted. 28 4th June It sUncjs we have to acknowledge the two The date is certainly _1367. records Pd 450 and 451 as and was 8th day in the Tamil month Ani and genuine all and that two star Makha was current upto 8 4 3 A. M. perfect in respects accept The record indica'es that 1334 was the kings by name Vira Pandya existed. The 1334 arid accession year of the king On the basis senior came to the throne in of this record Pillai consulted some more the junior in 1341. As we shall see be- records and surmised that Vira Pandya low both had the same title Maravarman. was a Maravarman and he came to the We shall consult those records which were throne in 1334. However certain dates consulted by Pillai and also the records recent discoveries. shall on suggested by Filial are not satisfactory. of We rely the internal evidence and establish the

Another record Pd 451 is found on existence of the two kings. the same south wall of the central shrine MARAVARMAN VIKA PANDYA I 133-1-1367 of the Kovilur BalapurlSvara temple. The Maravarman Vira Pandya I came to record belongs to Vira Pandya. The title the throne between the 25th January and Maravarman is absent. The data are ; the 7th June 1334. His surname was Kali- year 33, month Vaika^i 29th solar day. (?). His reign upto 1367 is Wednesday and star Vi6aka. Pillai correctly yugaraman known. The records of this king are equaled the data to Wednesday the 24th discussed below. May 1374. It was 29th VaikaSi and the star was current upto 6-30 P.M. The record 1. Record No. 481/1916 is found on indicates that U41 was the accession year the Nambantattai rock in the village of trn king. But Pillai said that the regnal Pappakudi in Tirunelveli district. The data are restored as 2 2 year mentioned in the record was proba- year [2] Karkataka [2] 29 and bly a mistake for 40. This suggestion is 6u- 14, Saturday Uttiram a mis- not acceptable. take for Uttiradam. Swamikkannu Pillai said that the reading was doubtful30 in Pd 450 do^s not the supply week day many cases. Anyway he suggested two It is taken as the foundation to establish dates either 5th July 1354 which was 8th of VTar ivarman the existence Vira Pandya Karkataka or 19th July 1354 which was of ac;ession 1331 Pd 451 is engraved on 22nd Karkataka, ba. 14 and Punarvasu. the sami wall and it supplies the week The regnal year does not admit 1334 as day. But Pillai corrected the regnal year the accession date. The data are techni- this record in Why should we accapt a, cally imperfect and they were restored record in whic'i the we day is absent from the damaged portions. The record and correct the record in which the week belongs to a later Pandya of the 15th or 16th day is quoted ? century. Because in 1354 Maravarman Vira could not have influenced his autho- a As matter of fact both the re- rity south of Madura where the Sultans cords supply the regnal year, solar month, were ruling at that time. FIVE PANDYA KINGS OF THE 14th CENTURY 57 2. Record No. 422/1917 comes from rejected. Kuttalam (In Tirunelveli district). The

data are ; year 23, FLishabha, hi Wed- 33 5, Pillai assigned the above two records nesday and Pushya. Pillai 31 suggested 2-Ith to Maravarman Vira I of accession 1334. 1357 and also 12th May May 1445. The I have given the reasons for rejecting internal evidence proves that this MSra- them. Records which are assigned to varman Vira existed in Panclya the 15th Maravarman Vira I accession 32 Panclya (of century. This record should also ba 1334) are tabulated below.

Record-Village Year, data and other details Date

227/1916 11, S u . Karkataka, 7, Saturday and Svati 17th July 1344 A.D. Senoamal (Vai^ya and Van.niya merchants of 18 districts constructed Alahkdra-matha for Dharma Dhavala Kuttar.

360/1938 14, Tula, hi. 11, Monday and Sadayam. 15th Oct. 1347 A,D. Kunjiram

578/1902 14, Makara, ba. 5, Hasta and Sunday. 20th Jan, 1348 A.D. Kajaiyarkoyil

346/1925 21, Tula, ba 13, mistake for ba. 11 or 12 13th Oct. 1354 A.D. KiJtvaram Uttiram and Monday.

Pd450 34, Arji 8, Makha (The king is called Vira 4th June 1367 A.D. Kovilur Pandya. The title Maravarman is absent).

On the basis of 57P/1902 star Hasta A record which comes from Idaiyar" in Makara of 1348 falls in the 14th year- indicate that Kaliyugaraman was the sur- Accordingly Hasta in Makara of 1334 falls name of Maravarman Vira Paadya. Since in the regnal year Zero. The star was cur- there were two kings of the same name rent on 24th January. On the basis of Marvarman Vira Pandya, we are not in a to Pd. 450 star Makha in Arji of 1367 falls position identify the king who had the surname in the 34th year. Accordingly Makha in Kaliyugaraman. For the present we shall the 35 An.i of 1334 falls in the first year. The accept report and assign star was current on 7th June. the surname Kaliyugaraman to Maravar- man Vira I of 1334. 24th January 1334= Regnal year Zero. Pandya accession This surmise will not do 7th June 1334=Regnal year One. any damage or harm Maravarman Vira Pandya I came to in the construction of the chronology. the throne between the 25th January and However if fresh evidence comes up in the future, the surmise is also to bs revised the 7th June 1334, His reign upto 1367 is known. in favour of that evidence. 58 PURABHILEKHA PATHIKA

known. The data of Kilvaram record also 12th September 1371 Vira Pandya mentions produce a date in the reign of Maravar- the success of the Vijaynajara prince Karh- man Vira Panciya II of accession 1341. paija udaiyar who established orderly government after destroying the Muhammadans. Vira refers to this historical event MARAVARMAN VIRA PANDYA II 13411388 Pandya in the record which comes from Tiruk-

Maravarman Vira Paij^ya II came to fcallakku^i south of Madura. The records the throne between 8th May and 12th June assigned to Maravarman Vira Pandya are 1341. He ruled till 1388. On Friday, the tabulated below.

Record-Village Year, data and other details Date

386/1913 5, Sirhha, u. 8, Saturday and Afluradha. 6th Aug. 1345 A. D. Erumbur

406/1921 6, Mifla, &u, 4, Saturday and Rohiiji 17th Mar. 1347 A.i>. Tiruvadi (Jatavarman mistake for Maravarman-see discussion).

249/1956 7, Kajini, ^ti. 14, Wednesday and Uttira- 19th Sept. 1347A.D. Tiruvendipuram dam mistake for Uttirat^adi (see discussion)

160/1906 7, Tula, ba, Friday and Svati 5th Oct. 1347 A.D. ElavanaSur

281/1921 10, 4u. Uttiram and Kanni, 2, Friday 3rd Sept. 1350 A.D. Attur

277/.910 10, Tula, iu. 1, Sunday and Svati. 3rd Oct. 1350 A.D. Tiruyitfandai

57/1903 14, Mlfla, ba. , 1, Saturday and Hasta. 28th Fcb, 1355 A.D. Tiruvadi

fa. 6/1922 15, Vrifchika, 5, Monday and Utlirattadi 9lh NQV. 1355 A D Tiruvamattur mistake for Uttira^am.

395/1909 15, Dhanus, ba. 8, and Saturday Hasta. 26th Dec. 1355 A .ix Siddhalingamadam

3(6/1925 21, Tula, ba. 13, mistake for ba, 11 or 12 25lh Oct. A Kilvaram 1351 D Uttiram and Monday. 59 FIVE PANDYA KINGS OF THE 14ra CENTURY

Record-Village Year, data and other details Date

1366 A.D. 483/1963 25, Rishabha, ba. 6, Tiruvonam and Friday. 1st May Tiruvadavur

Mar. 1365 A.D. 27 A/1903 24, Mesha, s"u. 4, Wednesday and Rohini. 26th Tittagudi

1371 A.D. 64/1916 33, Kanni, 6u. 3, Friday and Svati (Refers 12th Sept. Tirukkallakudi to the success of the Vijayanagara prince Katnpana-udaiyar see discussion)

1374 A.D. Pd451 33, VaikasSi 29, Wednesday and ViSakha 24th May

Kovilur (king is called Vira Pandya ; title Mara- varman is absent)

June 1384 A.D. Pd453 44, Mithuna, ba, Thursday, Rohini. 16th

states On the basis of 483/1963 Tiruvorjam in year 7 dated 10th August 1343. It inherited in Rishabha of 1366 falls in the 25th year. that Periayadevan AmarakQrj Accordingly Tiruvonam in Rishabha of lands from his father-in-law Nayaka-peru- death. 1341 falls in the regnal year Zero. The man, as Sndhana after the latter's star was current on 7th May. On the basis Amarakon. did not pay the dues accrued of of Pd 453 Rohini in Miihuna of 1384 on these lands from the 17th year Sundara i e. from falls in the 44th year. Accordingly Rohini Perumal Pandyadeva 1335 17th of Jatavarman Sun- in Mithuna of 1341 falls in the first year- (the year the 6th The star was current on 12th June. dara of accession 1318) to year and also the 7th year of Vikrama. There- 7th May 1341= year Zero. Regnal fore Amarakofl sold some lands to pay

12th June 1341=Regnal year One. the r dues,

Maravarman Vira Pandya II came to Tiruvendipuram 249/1956 listed in the the throne between the 8th May and the table belongs to Maravarman Vira II dated June 1341. Adanur record 454 ]2th Pd 19th September 1347. It repeats the above belongs to Maravarman Vira year 47. Pro- story and states that Amarakon sold some bably his rule extended upto 1388. (The more lands and cleared the dues. 39 record mentions vajdl vali tirandan payam 2. Tiruvadi record 4C6/1921 listed -a coin called after the surname of Jata- in the table* is dated 13J-7. It introduces varman Parakrama of accession 1315). the king as Jatavarman Vira Pandya. I Discussion got the transcript from tLe office of the and studied 37 1. Tiruvendipuram record 252/1956 is Chief Epigraphist the text . listed under Maravarman Vikrama. It is The internal evidence reveals that the title PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

38 Jatavarman is a mistake for Maravarman We have discussed this under Jatavarman In this record the chief Meyur Milaiyan Sundara of accession 1330. Kihln Manril Kunikkum Perumaj; alias The Muhammadan invaders captured DIpattarayan of So|akulavallinallur of Pa- Madura and ruled therefrom 1323 to 1371. ttan Pakka - nadu in Naduvil-nadu alias This is e/ident from Madurai Tola Vara- Raja Raja Vaja-nadu figures Two signa- Idru and Sihanikar Varalam discussed be- tories Kannamangalamudaiyan Tennavara- low. The Paridyas put up stiff resistance. yati and Sirraru Poygai Kil.an Velan Tiru- - From the year 1339 they started valanjuli udaiyag alius Sankarama Kesarl- moving towards Madura. This is evident from muvendavelaft also figure Kajaiyarkoyil records dated 1339 and 1340 The chief DIppattarayan with his di cussed udder Jatavarman Sundara of full address and name figures in the accession 1330. records of Jatavarman Sundara of accession Jatavarman VIra accession 1330 and Maravarman Vikrama of acces- Pandya of sion 1337. We have discussed those records 1297 ruled till 1342. His Tiruppattur record under Sundara and Vikrama. The same 120/1908 is dated 16th June 1342, The record states that the Miihammadans chief figures in the Tiruvendipuram record who the were driven out. From 9^/1943-44 of Maravarman VIra Pandya occupied temple year 4 discussed under Maravarman this date the Pandyas gradually start mo- towards Madura. The Vikrama foot notes 6 to 8. Again the ving following records confirm this surmise. chief figures in the Chidambaram record of 320/1913 of Maravarman VIra 9. year Sakkottai is a village in the Tiruppa- ttur taluk of Ramnad district. In the Among the two signatories, the chief - inscriptions the village is called Kannamangalam udaiyan figures in the Saykhijur and the Siva temple is called Tirukkandi^varam record 151/1904 of Virasekari ISvaram udaiyar. Three records which Jatavarman Sundara year 14 corresponding come from this to 1344. temple attract our attention.

The first record (102/1946) to The other signatory Sankaramakes'an- belongs Maravaiman VIra Pandya I of accession tnuvendavelan figures in the Tiruvendi- 1334. It is dated year 14 puram record 137/1902 of Jatavarman Margali first solar day corresponding to 28th Sundara dated 1339. For further details November 1347. The record states that the please refer to the discussions made under chief Danman K-impin alias Jatavarman Sundara of accession 1330 DaflmarSyan made grants to the temple and also for and Maravarman Vikrama of accession 1337. providing to the offerings deity Vikrama Vijaya The chief Puttu3[a R Villavarayan figures Pillaiyar (Vinayaka) set up in the temple in the records of Jatavarman Sundara of by Alankara bliattan. accession 1330, Maravarman Vikrama of The second record accession 1337 and (40/1947 , belongs the two Maravarman to some king year 9 Margali 8. In view VIra Pandyas of accession 1331 and 1341. of the internal evidence this is to be FIVE PANDYA KINGS OF THE WTH CENTURY 61

assigned to Maravarman Vira Paijclya II and captured Madura in the Kaliyuga of accession 1341. The date of the record year 4472 corresponding to >aka year 1293. is 4th November 1349. The record refers The date falls in 137L to the deity Vikrama Vijaya* Pijlaiyar set Madurai Tala Varalaru^ which is a up in the temple by Alankara prose introduction to Madurai Tiruppani- The third record (105/1946) belongs malai states that Kaihpaua - udaiyar drove to Maravarman Kulas'ekhara II of accession out the Muhammadan invaders and restored 1314 year 37 corresponding to 1351- The the worship in the Madurai temple after record refers to the grants made by the purificatory ceremonies. The poem Mathurd village assembly for providing offerings to Vijayam states that Kampana entered the deity Vikrama Vijaya Piljaiyar set up Madura after driving out the Muhamma- in the temple by Alankara bhattan. dans.

In the last chapter we have seen the AH put together it is a fact that Kajaiyarkoyil record (578/1902) dated 1318 Kaihpana captured Madura in 1371 and 41 of Maravarman Vira PancJya I. Tiruvada- put an end to the Muhammadan rule. vur record (483/1963) listed in the table However there is one obstacle and it belongs to Maravarman Vira II and it is can be easily overcome. Coins the dated 1366. This village is east of Madura. bearing Hijira year A. H. 779 corresponding to The village Tirukkallakudi (Ramnad 1377 A. D., issued by the Sultan were found is near to Madura. Record 45 district) very in Madura . This shows that the Maduai No. 64/1916 of this village is dated Friday Sultan continued to live upto 1377. This the 12th September 1371. In this record can be easily explained. According to 39 Maravarman Vira Pandya states that the Manu Dharma the enemy would be killed Vijayanagara prince Kampana-udaiyar drove in the battle. If the enemy surrenders he and established out the Muhammadans will bo allowed to live peacefully. Follo- orderly Government. This agrees with the wing the foot steps of Manu Dharma, historical event. The earliest records of Kampana allowed the last Sultan -who Vira Kampana found in Ramnad district probably surrendered in the battlefield to 10 come from Tiruppullajji and they are spend the evening of his life in peaceful dated July 1371 and September 137L retirement. The tomb of the last Sultan 11 Madurai Sthanikar Varalaru states that exists even tody on the Tirupparankunram Kampana drove out the Muhammadans hill near Madura.

Notes :

1 Taramangalam SJJ.. Vol. VII, 25.

2 Taramangalam S I.I , Vol. VII 24 and 23.

Vol 76I. Please refer to E. 3 SJJ, VII, I. Vol. Vllf, page 278. KielhOrn Suggested 2rd July 12Si He corrected the as 9 regnal year 10 and surmised that Ja^avarman Sundara II came to the throne URABHILEKHA PATRIKA 62

in 1276. In my book '"The Imperial Pandyas" I have proved that there was no Jatavarman Sundara with accession date 1276. Jatavarman Sundara II came to the throne in 1277. Also see page 306 of E. I, Vol. XXVII. Venkatasubba Aiyar equates the date to 24th July 1312 and identifies the king with Jatavarman Sundara of accession 1303. Aiyar further states that Vikrama who figures in this record attacked Malik Kafur in 1311.

The internal evidence of does not 137/1902 place the kings in 1311. Similarity of the names confused the earlier scholars. The record belongs to Jatavarman Sundara of accession 1330 only.

150/1904; S.I.I., Vol. XVII, 170 this record to assigns Jatavarman Sundara I of accession 1251. The internal evidence is against this surmise. The record is to be assigned to Jatavarman Sundara of accession 1 330 only.

A.R.S.I.E., Part 1943-45, II, para 20 rightly assigns this record to Patj^ya king. The arguments advanced by the report are convincing. But the report assigns the record to Jatavarman Sundara of accession and the data to 1251 equates 9th January 1269, the 17th regnal year of the king. It means that the king did not come to the throne til! January 1252 whereas his accession date is 1251. The surmise of the report is to be revised in favour of Jatavarman Sundara of accession 1330.

143/1902 ; S.I.I., Vol. VII. 767.

144/1902 ; S.I.I., Vol. VII, 768.

145/1902 ; S.I.I., Vol. VII, 769.

151/1904 ; S.fJ., Vol. XVII, 171.

S.H., Vol. VIII, 177.

581 B/I902 ; SJJ., Vol. VIII, 174.

S.I.I, Vol. VIII, 178.

S././., VoT. VIII, 173.

SJJ., Vol. XVM, 144. The report equates the data to 2nd February 1253 after correcting the star Uttiram as Uttiradam. The internal evidence is against this surmise. The record belongs to Vik- rama of accession 1337 only.

Tirthanagari 122/1904 ; SJJ., Vol. XVII, 142.

TJruvendipuram S /./., Vol. VII, 767.

Tiruvptfi 52/1903 ; SJl., Vol. VIM, 327.

Tiruva^i 53/19O3 ; SJJ., Vol. VIII, 328.

Tiruvindipuram 99/1943-44-Miravarman Vlra II year 4,

A.R.S.I.E., 1943-45, part II, para 14.

to I am thankful Dr. K. V. Ramesh, the Chief Epigraphist who kindly supplied me the transcript of the record on my request.

Tiruvegkadu S.IJ. Vol. V. 985 Maravarman Vikrama year 5. FIVE PANDYA KINGS OF THE 14 CENTURY 63

23 Chidambaram 320/1913 Maravarman Vira, year 9.

24 A.R.I.E., 1955-56 page 6 last para It makes a useful surmise.

25 I quote here threa records of Jatavarman Sundara of accession 1318.

to 10th a) Namakkal 376/1940, year 5, Kar.kataka 13, ba. 11, Saturday. Rohirjl corresponding July 1322.

b) Vafiji Nagar near Madura! 291/1973 year 7, Kanai 12, ba. 6. Rohiiji and Sunday corresponding to 9th September 1324.

c) Sij}}jamaaur near Madurai-437/1907 year 7, Makara 3, Pwrva-paksha, Friday and Mrigaiira corresponding to 28th December 1324.

d) All the three records are perfect in data and supply the solar dates also. They produce the above three dates only and confirm the existence of Jatavarman Sundara of accession 1318.

26 Vikravari^i 288/1915 regnal year lost.

27 A.R.S.I.E. 1917, page 92.

28 A.R.S.I.E. 1918 pages, 112 and 113,

of Parakrama 29 A.RS.I.E., 1918 Part II, para 55. The king was a contemporary Tenka^i 1422-63.

30 Indian Ephemeris, Volume I, Part II, page III. 31 Iflaiyar 282/1928-29 Maravarman Vira, year 9.

32 A.RJ.E., 1928-29, Part II, para 21.

33 A.RJE., 1955-56. page 6.

34 i am thankful to the Chief Epigraphist, Mysore, who supplied me the transcript of the record truth. Most of the individuals 406/1921. I compared it with other records and found the who figure in this record also figure in 151/1904 (S.I.I. vol. XVII No. 171) of Jatavarman Sundara year 14 corresponding to 1344.

35 Mistakes in the titles are not unknown in the Pai.icLyan records. Such mistakes can be found with the help of internal evidence only. Let us see some records.

' a) TirunalJar records 110 and 111 of 1969 belong to Jatavarman Kulaiekhara year 22. They men- of tion va{aJ vali tirandan panim a coin called after Jatavarman Parakrama accession 1315. Evidently KulaSekhara mentioned here is Maravarman Kulaiekhara II of accession 1314 and the title Jatavarman is a mistake. gaka 1239 b) Vrinjipuram record 177/1939-40 belongs to Mar.avarman Vira Pagtfya regnal year 21 dated 5th February 1318. This is Jatavarman Vira of accession 1297. Maravarman is a mistake for Jatavarman (A.R.S.I.E., 1939-40 to 1942-43, page 250).

Vira The data c) llayattankugi 34 and 38 of 1926 introduce the king as Maravarman Paijgya. agree with 22nd March 1275 the 22nd year of the king. The title Mar.avarman is a

mistake for Jatavarman (Vira I of accession 1253). The record states that the donor 5majagiyan alias Kalingattariyan set up an image of Lord Vishnu. The same donor figures in the same temple record 35/1926 of Majavarman Kula&ekhara I year 39 corresponding

to 1307 and it is said that the donor made some more gifts for services to the same image of Lord Vishnu, g4 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

Kulaiekha'a I and it contains the praiasti d) Kanur record 378/1962 belongs to (Jatavarman) the title Maravarvan instead of puvin kilatti etc. But in the record appears Jatavarman.^, Mijavarman is a mistake for Jatavarman.

36 A.R.SJ.E., 1916, Part II, para 33.

37 Tiruppullani records of VIra Ka&paija HI/1903 (S.T.I VoF. VIII, 397) dated July 1371-106/1903 1371-114/1903 Vol. 22nd October (S.I.I., Vor. VIII, 392) September (S.U., VIII, 400) 1374.

38 Sentamil Volume V page 141.

39 Sentamil publication No. 27.

40 Sanskrit poem Mathura Vijayam ~ by Gangadevl the queen of Vira Kampala. The Pandyan kingdom edition 1972, K. A. N. Sastri.

41 Kampala died sometime after 2nd October 1374. In the Tiruvaggamafai record 573/1902 dated 17th December 1374 Jamuna states that his father Kampala is no more.

42 have coins of the last Sufan of Wa Madura Alaudin Sikandar Shah dated A.H. 779 corresponding to 1377, Brown, the Coins of India. LAND RECLAMATION OF FLOOD-DAMAGED AND SAND-CAST LANDS- A STUDY IN PRICES, RENTALS AND WAGES IN LATER CHOLA TIMES A. D. (FROM 1070 to A. D. 1210)~BASED ON SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTIONS.

R, Tirumalai

A number of 7 large inscriptions from and the other in 1170 A. D, Presumably, about the 10th 1080 if 1 year A.D., not earlier these should have brought to account addi- to the 48th 1118 A. year D. of Kulottunga-I tional extents of land fit for cultivation, from SriraAgam temple record transactions or that were already under cultivation, but of reclamation of flood-damaged and sand- not brought to account, They could have cast lands, granted as devadana to the also brought to light lands to be reclai- &irangam temple, The lands were mainly med and utilised for horticulture even if located in Karaikkudi and Tandurai villages agriculture was not practicable. in Vijattur-nadu 'sometimes called Vila- In line with this of land utilisa- 8 process for short) and also in and Karku^i tion the reclamation of the devad'dna lands 3 ilku^i, located on the South bank on the south bank of the river Cauvery of the river Cauvery. The grants should on an extensive scale is evidenced by a have been made even as early as the first spate of records from ^rirangam. Some half of the 10th if not earlier. Century, inscriptions state that the lands were da- to the in the bund or The process of reclamation had con- maged due breach embankment of the river that had tinued in the reign of Vikrama Chola, Cauvery occurred some 100 earlier. But the intensity of effort and the extent (UddeSam] years occurrence some 50 involved appear to have diminished in his Others date the years 8 earlier. The lands were sand-cast, and reigft, if the quantum of evidence availa- there over-burdened with earth ; here and ble is to be of any guide. Some parcels were and all were of land still left for reclamation in the depressions (kutfam) for Where Were south bank of Cauvery as in Chinta- left uncultivated ages. they all like horse-gram and mani area-which even today is liable to cultivable, dry-crops 9 cotton were raised. inundation when Cauvery is in floods-were 4 taken up as late as in 1290-91 A. D But From the reference to the Cauvery of the reclamation work had the bulk floods as having occurred some 100 years the 1070 been undertaken during period earlier we might infer that they should 65 to 1135 A D., in a span of about years, have occurred in the middle of the 10th there was a breach The reign ofKulOttunga-Ihad witnes- century. Actually big of the river sed some scrutiny of administration of of the embankment Cauvery 5 A. D. As a the lands in temple endowments and noteworthy acti- in 937-938 result, the north-eastern of Allur vity in land reclamation, with a view to part village, Two land also on the south bank of the river Cau- augment garden and wet lands" A. were sand-cast and A long surveys were conducted, one in 1086 D., very, damaged. 66 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

and 1 * painstaking reclamation activity bit by dary of Paluvur. Paluvur boundary also bit had been undertaken from the time of extended to the north of the damaged ParSntaka-I 13 tapering off (to infer from the lands. The headmen of Paluvur had re- extant evidence) towards the end of the claimed the lands to the west and to 10 of . reign Rajendra-I the southwest of a parcel reclaimed in 14 Karaikudi, These were located in ViJ- The lands reclaimed 'in the reign of attur-nadu or Vila-nadu in which the Kulotturiga-I and after lie south-east of townships of iSrirafigam and Paluvur lay. Allur. The river flows in embankment fsnrangam was on the north bank, and and the channels taking off deflect sharply Paluvur on the south bank of the river. even could southwards, today, which in- e The nadu' had extended to either bank dicate that the gradient or the contour slopes of the river Cauvery flowing in between. southwards. A narrow strip in between Paluvur is identical with Palur in Tiru- the river and the canal being on a high 15 chirapaJli Taluk (village No. II), Two level-perhaps as much resulting from sand natives of Karaikudi have made land gifts accretion due to floods as causing further for offerings in the temple at Pajluvur damages to the lands lying south could alias and for have had the full Rajendra-Chola-nallur, singing impact of the velocity " Tiruppadiyam in that In the of the flood or flash- flows with movement temple. 39th of of in year Rajakesari Kulottunga-I (A.D. sand, even the floods of 937-938 A.D., 1109) at the instance of Chediyarayan lands and could have got worsened by further were gifted as brahmadeya to 108 bra- deposits in subsequent floods. hmanas in Paluvur. 17

LOCATION : Gudalur can be identified as the ham- The lands damaged by floods and let of the same name lying south, south- for taken up reclamation were in two east of Kayakucli in Muttarasanpettai village devadana vitlages-Karaikudi and Tan^urai, limits (village No. 10) of TiruchirapalJi endowed for kitchen provisions, and food taluk. offerings to the deity at 3rirangam (iiru- madappalltputam). Bulk of the lands fit From these locational details, Karai- fcudi could be for garden were recovered, including some identified as Kayakudi, a suitable parcels for wet cultivation. The hamlet lying west-south of Muttarasanal- lur. The latter were allocated for providing sus- flood-damaged lands were then west of the tenance and support to the gardeners. The lying present Elandavattalai gardens so laid were named after the- do- channel, taking its bend sharply to the south and in nors or their principals. between the Cauvery river bank and the Tiruchirapayi-Karur highway From the boundary descriptions the on the north, and Gudalur hamlet to the two villages to bs each south. The appear adjoining Karur highway had its Choja other, almost lying cheek by jowl. To precursor in the Konguperuvali mentioned their east and south lay Gudalur village" in some inscription as the northern boun- and to their west was the eastern boundary of the sand- cast lands. LAND RECLAMATION-BASED ON SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTIONS 67

The total extent of land as far as can In the later years of Kulottunga-I, the be computed from the available data, taken plots sold are surrounded more often by tip for reclamation in the reign of Kulot- the already reclaimed plots (vi{again) endo- as for maintai- tunga-I alone was 55 veH (about 350 acres). wed as gardens or wet-lands Chola's In the subsequent reigns of Vikrauu Chola ning the gardens. In Vikramu reign - and his successors, another S'/4 veil or the Konguperuvali and Jayangonda va>k- about 55 acres were sold for reclamation. kal occur as the southern boundary of two 1 The recorded evidence accounts in all for parcels/ As already stated, the Konguperu- about 400 acres of flood-damaged lands vali was the precursor of the Tiruchirapa]Ji- The Karur trunk road running along the sold for reclamation ( Append ix-1). The total period during which this reclamation Cauvery river bank. Jayarigonda-vayk- kal and the cultivated lands nilam) activity was in progress had extended from (vifai Tandurai occur as the southern boun- about 1080 to 12r9 AD, in the reign of of 32 in a few cases and in others as Kulottuiiga-IIT, a time spread of about 130 dary 23 or both. 24 The Can- years. northern boundary, very bund and Konguperuvali occur as the for reclamation The lands taken up northern boundary of the plots to be re- in the reign of Vikrama Chola lay closer claimed. 26 These are clear indications that to the north lo the Konguperuvali, lying reclamation was being taken up in Vikrama 18 to be reclaimed. It could first 12th of the lands Chola's reign, i.e., in the half of work had be inferred that the reclamation century, in the lands nearer the channel- proceeded from the southern end to the heads and the river-bund and the highway north upto the river-bund. The plots sold on the northern extremities. were often contiguos to for reclamation The lands had belonged to the deity under reclamation or just the plots already of Srirangam and were devadana in tenure 19 for it. The taken up taken up plots for meeting the ki'.chen expenses and the for a garden earlier for reclamation laying food services. They were so damaged by 25th of Kulot- called 'Gunavalli' in the year floods and sand-cast that they could not D. as the boundary tunga-I 1095 A. figured be utilised for any wet cultivation, gene, some another allocated for reclamation could be raised for for rally, but only gardens the in 1110 A.D. The vendee in also 15 years later the supply of flowers and occasionally to be connected with the latter case appears of fruits to the temple. The reclamation given vendee in thefomieiv" Invariably, plots work consisted of levelling the lands, dig- boundaries were aheady reclai- the level and as southern ging and depressing raising held as or as wet-lands. smaller for wet med lands gardens garden crop. The plots could have The density of sand deposit cultivation were far and few between and southern end with the velo- been less at the were far less in extent. and hence they were city of flow lessening reclamation were assi- were The lands for easier to reclaim, and comparatively or sold under the orders (Sval) of The more difficult areas gned taken up earlier. executive the SrikSryam Adhikaiigal, the Reclamation had procee- were to t'le north 29 ac;ual deed officers of the temple The ded from the south-east to the north-west. 68 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

was drawn up and attested by six mem- Some idea of the exchange value of bers of Sri Vaishnava vdriyam (a commit- diramam to a kas"u could also be had as tee of Sri Vaishnavas attending to the it had obtained in the 40-42nd year of the diramam temple affairs) together with six other reign of Kulottunga-I. 220 were members of Sri Bhanddra variyam (the paid for 4 veil of land in Karaikkudi which

committee supervising the temple treasury), were sand-cast. (1 1.20-21 of No. 93). One the Sn Vaislmava kanakku (the accountant veli then was priced at 55 diramam. If the for the body of Sri Vaishnavas), and the lands were identical with other sand-cast Sabha kanakku of Srlrangam (the acco- lands sold for reclamationas they appear untant of the sabha or the township to be from the rate of rental fixed at 8 - organisation of the resident landholding kalams per veil as for dry lands 55 diramam brahmanas of. >rirangam)-m all about 16 could be taken to be the exchange-equiva- persons including the temple accountant. lent for 1 ka&u, the normal price taken 81 This bespeaks for the care taken to ensure for such lands sold for reclamation. the collective responsibility for administe- The to whom the lands were ring the temple lands and public know- persons entrusted were not themselves the cultiva- ledge that was enjoined, of the conclusions but were the benefactors or the donors. of such transactions, when they were tors, There is a distinct the reduced to writing. It is noteworthy that reference to actual tenders of the or those the organisation of the brahmin towship garden, in-charge of Some of whom them- of Jsrirangam as such (the sabhaydrs) it. might have, whose exstence is referred to as in No. selves, been the gardeners providing their own labour. 29, or of the townships in which the These were the ddsars or the lion -brahmin devadana lands were located did not figure Vaishnavite devotees of the in the documents, though the sabha acc- temple. Some others were temple service holders. The ountant of Srirangam was a signatony temple authorities themselves therein. cited the persons who were to be inchargc of the garden in the sale deed often. 32 The transcations are described as adai

otoi, or assignment or entrustment for re- The responsibility of those undertaking clamation. The full land value does not the reclamation was to apply their capital, appear to have been realised, but a only engage labour, remove the sand and earth, fee (tiruttadai or tiruttuvi- oradaippukkuli)^ depress the level and make the lands fit for reclamation of lai)-or price land or for raising flower-gardens or orchards. nila-vilai the land for price reclamation. They could also cultivate where feasible The standard rate for such was 1 the lands with price wet-crops and appropriate ka&u per veil (or 6-60 of land. Con- the cents) paddy for the maintenance and wages sideration seems to have been paid to the of the labour engaged in attending to the reclamation cost, and expenses and hence where this garden, was not feasible, alter- the concessional price of 1 ka&u If the native parcels already under wet cultiva- land was reclaimed already (palan-tiruttu\ tion or suited therefor were 30 purchased the rate was at 2 kaiu 1 doubled, per ve//. or assigned. LAND RECLAMATION-BASED ON SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTIONS 69

A rental (kadamai) (in lieu of assigned rate of levy was higher for arccamit grown than for the arccanut revenue) of 8 kalams per veli, a rate pre- on the river padugai on (No, 123;, vailing as for dry-lands, was stipulated grown the dry lip-land*} the reclaimer to the to be paid by temple, In a few cases, a moratorium of five the devadana land-holder. Exceptionally, 43 so that the years or less was provided, at 7 kalams or at 7 3/ 4 miuht ne it was specified actual process of reclamation 34 ve//. Half of this to bene- kalams per quantum completed and the lands brought at the after Mich was to be delivered temple ficial yield within that period. During other to the first crop was harvested and the moratorium, the full yield \\.i> alkmed 85 The rate was him\ell half after the second. again be appropriated by the reclaimer termed as of the irai concessional. It is sometimes (murruttu-undu).^ The payment due to a dues for svami-bhogam, or the share at the optimal level was postponed 3 * mora- to the land-holder after the expiry of the crop year ^ of full to with the time of irai torium synchronize The residual part (irai-mi \\ere The labomers or the gardeners, land dues from yield. thai is of the assigned ihihu on the hereditary occupancy the was to be utilised for maint- given lands, themselves and their heirs tenders of the land for the gardeners or the aining But there were instances when orchards. (vargattar}. the were ineligible the gardens endowed sales had occurred, moit- Where composite for sale or for making usufractory recl- the cultivable wet-lands and these were transgressed comprising gaae of and if lands, the total were to aimed dry or sand-cast vendees who acquired the garden at a have been fixed rights.*" grain dues as igai forfeit their acquired property 8 kalams level. The excess over higher AND WAGES : attributable to the LABOUR veil was perhaps per 38 labour for reclaiming from the wet-lands. The provided yield-share mantaining the gardens the lands (?) and was far the garden proper worked out at one person Sometimes, generally the lands i." This island. But acres and 30 cents located at SriraAgam T/ 2 vsli (3 and the the lor for the support of the gardeners should be taken as requirement actuil reclamation of maintenance of the garden (tirunandavana- maintenance. The have a lot more the land would required of labour to be deployed. 39 river, in Taijdurai were The wages for the gardeners was stipula- cases, the rental of per day, In some normally one kunmi paddy the form of flowers, of two to be delivered in a capital deposit ted were olat- per head plus of the fruit-yields head, the proceeds or a Portion was oold kaiu (For ktou) per excess over the Kafimai for the Annual ed* The of which were adequate some cases for special offerings From 10-0 A D. utifiied in clothing to the supplied." for feeding fin Vaish.a- annual supply or cash deposit for to the deity,- one case or so, this festivals and in became reduced r for specialP of clothing (pudaval *./) 70 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

to I kuu. If a rate of interest of about require it, the parcels were resumed and 20% to 25% were to be presumed the granted to another. In the instant case, yield of 0.4 or 5 ka&u was adequate the stipulation was 200 lotuses were to be - for the annual supply of clothing of a supplied daily (nittcmi) to the deity at dhoti or two per labourer per labourer Srirangam. To maintain the labour enga- per year. Sometimes, the grain compo- ged in picking and supplying them the nent of wages was higher at kuruni and excess over the rentals or kadamai had to 17 4 na{\ per head. The labourers (kudi) be utilised The 2 ma kilarai of wet-land free attached was 6 were from the obligations priced at ka&u ; the 9 ma of garden - to the tenantry or the cultivators of (a) land cost only 1 ka&u-m all 7 ka&n.^ contributing free labour (vetti) or (b) SECTION-II physical labour at the palace or the Inscriptional evidence throws up inter- temple and such obligations ; sometimes esting data on the. comparison of the level they were even relieved of the obligations of price of paddy, and of the wages and (c) to keep a watch over the river bund the changes that had occurred therein during (kulaikappu, kaval) and (d) to contribute this period. labour for strengthening the earthwork

PRICES OF LAND ', embankment for Cauvery river and (e) channels for clearing the (of silt) at the The price of land sold by iSrirangam time of freshes and (f) to put up a temple from out of the devadana grants across the Korombo work river to divert could be compared with the private sale of water into the channel. lands supply But these , in the same location. Secondly, the were not uniform. Specific reservation of land-values of devadana lands situated on

the obligations (c), (d) and (e) had been the south bank, and those on the nortli made. These were enjoined in a few cases, bank of the Cauvery river would also bo on the cultivators and garden tenders des- revealing. pite the arduousness of the reclamation PRIVATE SALE AND DEVADANA SALES : work and maintenance. 48 The maintenance In the 45th year of of the security of the river embankment Kulottunga-J, A.D. 1115, a Brahmin lady, the wife of and clearing the channels of silt were of Taya-nambi-piran and paramount importance and could not admit __ daughter of an Athreya-gotra of any indifference. Brahmin, Damodaran Narayanan, by name Sri AndaJ Sani, sold for a The progress of reclamation and the big garden 6 ma of land in several course of to some Sri the direction it had been taking parcels Vaishnavas, including as gleaned from the inscriptional evidence Tiruverigada Pichchar and another. (The has been location of this land is already delineated. Portions of unfortunately not the lands reclaimed or available in line 10 of already under en- the published epi- were six ma in one The was joyment excluded, case, graph) price 23/80 kaiu, i. e., it and the was on the works out to &0 charge remaining nine almost one ka&u per ve//, ma and mukka/ii. If an earlier assignee Sales of other lands in different loc- had not reclaimed the land or did not ations are set out in Appendix-Ill, It LAND RECLAMATION-BASED ON SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTIONS 71

could be inferred that the prices of garden grain wages were the same, or sometimes lands of devadana tenure on the northern higher. bank of Cauvery, especially so within There was a rise in wages from the tfrlrangam island, were higher, particularly time of Uttama Chola to the first part of when there was a well within, which could the reign of Kulottunga-I (i.e., 1090 A. D.). be of avail for baling water in summer The wages in terms of capitalisation for months. The price gets weighted if there the supply of clothing had however, halved were yielding trees in the garden lands. from the 21st year of Kulottunga-I(i. e., Of course, the wetlands were far more from 1090 A.D.) and the trend had con- valuable then the garden lands. The flood tinued during Vikrama Choja's time. Both damaged sand-cast lands on the south grain wages, and capital requirement for as bank, extensive they were f were priced annual clothing supply had got doubled at one kabu per veil; regard bsnig paid form that level some 120 years later, i.e., to the reclamation cost. The re- Ba possible 1246-60 A D. currence of such floods could also be a damper. It could be inferred that from 1090 A.D., the interest yield on one ka&u was In H56A-D. Kodai Ravivarman, the adequate to procure the requisite clothing Keraja ruler, donated cash for a lamp- for the gardener; prior to that date double service. There was reluctance explicitly that quantum was necessary. Logically, stated that if the cash were invested on either the interest rates which was usually land, when the lands were damaged, the as high as 20-25 percent should have service could not be kept up. But if the doubled for the deposit quantum to come cash was deposited in the temple treasury, down to half. Alternatively, the price of the proceeds could be utilised for perma- cloth should have come down to half. It 51 nently the service. maintaining is not conceivable that the supply rate of clothing could admit of 50 percent WAGES THROUGH THE AGES : reduction. Of the two possibilities, the Some idea could be formed of the price of cloth should have altered more level for the the for the due wage gardeners during , favourably consumer, perhaps Choja times, from the time of Uttama to batter availability and production. This ChSja to the reigns of Kulottunja-l and trend had continued in the reign of Vik- Vikrama Choja and Rajaraja-III and also, rama Choja as well. The cloth price should for comparison, the wages obtaining at have risen to its earlier level by the middle Chidambaram some 120 years later during of the 13th century. the time of Kopperunjinga- They are ta- MOVEMENT OF PRICE OF PADDY : bulated in Annexure-V. The inferences are as follows : The ratio of a supervisor to A third economic trend is them ove- the number of workers had varied from ment of paddy to Ka$u ratio and it can

1 : 17 to 1 : 24. The dairy attendants got be viewed in juxtaposition with the trends wages in between a gardener and a supe- in wages. The number of kalams sold per rvisor, in terms of clothing, though the ka&u that can be gleaned from inscriptions PATRIKA 72 PURABHILEKHA

986 to 1131 A. P. was from 6 is set out in Annexure-V. The following rally from 8 a rise of inferences are plausible: naif, to //, 33-1/3 percent, if one could compare the rates in Ching- The paddy was cheaper in Uttama in 986 A. D. leput and in Thaiijavur ; perhaps time kalams) than in the time Choia's (10 labour was cheaper in Kachchipedu (Kanci- of and his successors including Rajaraja-I puram) than in Thaiijavur, but in the Cauvery This seems to ta Virarajendra (8 kalami) delta and the riverine tract, they were even in the southern parts of the case constant at one ku^urii per day. It had in time where 7 Chola empire Rajaraja's occasionally increased also (H kuruni) to could b-3 had for one k36u at Gan- kalam? 12 nali in the period 1070 to 53 perday District.) In the gaikondan (Tirunelveli 1098, but had settled at one ktiruni of the Chola empire, paddy-avai- heyday again from 1099 to 113] A D. In the mid ka&u was far less than in the lability per 13th century, grain wages have increased earlier or the later periods. By the reign by 100 percent, when paddy prices had could be had at of Kulottunga-I, paddy got depressed by 50 percent. Cheaper kd&u as in the same level (\ kalams) per grain availability would not necessarily time. In the later half of Uttama Chela's guarantee a concomittant lowering of wa- it was even (13 his reign, cheaper kalams) ges. If grain-Ar^M ratio was elastic, so were in the earlier half, in some locations in of than the wages ; not merely terms grain, But as at Alangudi (Thaiijavur District). but the interest yield required for annual 1 l times the of by 12 "9 A. D., ^ quantum supply of clothing. The price of cloth see- be had ka&u paddy could per (15 kalams} ms to harden at a time when grain avai- was obtainable in the earlier than what lability was cheaper in the mid 13th-century half of Kulottunga's reign. Strangely, grain a trend which was somewhat of a contrast of the decline was cheaper at the time in the mid 12th century of the Cho|a& than in their hey-day. The While paddy prices had become further season and crop condition, and availability depressed, the cloth prices had increased of grain in any particular year and specific as between the periods 1090 to 1135 A.D. locality would account in part for this and 1246-60 A.D. The price per unit of fluctuation, and unless these details are supply in terms of interest yield on cash filled in, the contours of economic trends deposits had doubled. In any event, a are apt to be puzzling. gardener in the mid 13th century should have been tatter but not better clothed Making allowance for all possible varia- fed, than his at earlier time. bles, it still stands out that at a time when counterpart any On the a paddy was cheaper at percent in the mid whole, long stability in wage level had continued from 978 to 1090 AD. 13th-century, the wages had doubled. Wages The had had increased even at times when the wages somewhat become cheaper thereafter for about half a But price of paddy had declined to the con- century. about 125 the sumers' advantage The former had occurred years later, wage levels had risen sharply, almost doubled. despite or should we say, because of the latter. The increase in grainwages gene- These are pointers to the areas for LAND RECLAMATION-BASED ON SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTIONS 73

further investigation into the economic commensurately, but even more elastically ? trends of the Choja and the Panclya times. Was it because the grain was cheaper though, The composite and complex economy of but demand for labour was far more, the times had a substantial part of the the rate of increase in wages for labour transactions made in grain, and it would had been higher than the rate of decrease imply grain perfoiming the function of in the price of paddy? Only further pa- money. Could it be, then, that if grain tient collection of data and analysis can was cheaper, wages would have risen, not provide answers to these questions. ANNEXURES

Annexure I. The extent of land reclaimed and the names of irikaryarn Officials.

Annexure II. The extents of land reclaimed in ^rirangam, and the number of workers and the wages.

Annexure III. Prices of land sold at different dates and locations.

Annexure IV. Wage levels in the Cauvery-Coleroon delta at different periods. Annexure V. Price-movement of paddy.

Note.

The date marshalled in Section II are necessarily based on sampling of available data, and .as such arc subject to the limitations inherent in such sampling. These limitations are sought to be mitigated, to some extent, by drawing the sampling data from a restricted localised area with homogeneous trait-characterestics. The data, as presented, are hence pointers to some tendencies and at this stage the inferences should be treated as hypotheses, subject to further detailed check with fuller data,, if they can be had from identical source-material. In any investigation, it follows, the stage of formulation of hypotheses could well be a cross-road with even contradictory or subaltern possibilities being met with. It will be the endeavour of the author to pursue the detailed check of data as well, as part of his intensive research into the history of the townships. Annexure-I TOTAL EXTENT OF RECLAMATION SALES EVIDENCED BY THE SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTOINS AND THE CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF SRIKARYAM OFFICIALS

yarja Bhat^an 74 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA LAND RECLAMATION-BASED ON SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTIONS 75 76 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

117 -do- 10 1128 . (puli . . ?) Pulivalam udaiyan vel^r Tiruvaykkula- mu^aiyan alias Vajava narayaija muvendavejan LAND RECLAMATION-BASED ON SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTIONS 77 78 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

(1) (2) (3) (5)

153 Rajaraja III 21 1237 400 kuli Somala-deigar 50000 kau for garden and for land for the maintenance of gardens. In.Tirukkurai parru Ten- nolukku.

8 ma= 20 5 OGO 3 veil of land for maintenance =

30,000 @ 10,000 per veli 10000 = 1 vehl

COMPARISON OF RATES OF LEVY OF ARECANUT AND PLANTAIN :

SII., 123, Kulottungall, 7th year (1140 A.D.)

Kadiamai Arecanut SIL 147., 35th yenr of Ku. Ill (1212 A.D.)

(i) in river-bed 1st year per tree 100 p er v //

(Agavarril) 2nd year 200 Paddy - 3rd year 300 1 veil 100 kalam each x 2 crop - 4th year 400 "vambu payir" 50 kalam gO (unsetted cultivation) (ii) Kollai head = 2nd 120 Reclaimed year i 3rd 240 2nd year I 3rd 4th 300 year 4th Full 15 for 1000 year = 2000 trees Kamuku per veli ',

400 nuts per tree

Veil = 3,000 plantain, mango trees=2 kaku per ma

coconut trees 2 ka$u per ma LAND RECLAMATION-BASED ON SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTIONS 79

Annexure-II

THE EXTENT OF LAND RECLAIMED IN SRIRANGAM, NUMBER OF WORKERS, WAGES PaRABHILEKHA

worker can Average take i ve/f for maintenance of gardening ?

Annexure-III

LAND-PRICES IN SRIRANGAM

2og" Reign and Date Location ^rg classification Extent price Remarks

(7)

104 KuiottuAga I, 45 N.A. Garden 6 wa /:a/e- 1115 AD. Private sale by mukkani a brahmin lady

107 -do- 47 yr. Tiruvaranga- wet- ma 11 17 AD, naliur j and Madlmrantaka- k&ju chaturvedi- nilam 4 va/i kaiu mangalam Temple sale 48 KulBttuiiga I, Karaikudi- Garden 6 ma 1118 AD. 6 makani Taijdurai (?) to be re- ka&u -do claimed LAND RECLAMATION-BASED ON SUIRANGAM INSCRIPTIONS 81 82 PtJRABHILEKHA PATRIKA

Note : As set out in the already text, invariably the sand-cast flood damaged lands in Karaikudi and Taijdurai on the south bank of Cauvery river were sold at vsli in the time per of Kulottunga I and Vikrama Choja, for reclamation.

Annexure-IV

WAGE LEVELS FROM THE TIME OF UTTAMA CHOLA TO KOPPERUNJINGA AT DIFFERENT LOCATIONS IN THE COLEROON-CAUVfiRY DELTA. LAND RECLAMATION-BASED ON SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTIONS 83

(1) (2) (3) (4) (5)

Uttama Ghoja Govinda- one kuiuni 1 ka&u One woven SIL, Vol. I4th year 984 A, D. puttur fabric: ipo/j. XIX, 357 (near U$ayar~ At 25% interest. palayam) 1 ka&u could give XIX, 380 %pon for clothing.

Parakesari., 15th yr. Sembiyanma-

985 A.D. devi. Price of cloth : 3 pieces : 3-3/20.

Parakesari, 16th yr. Madras Museum 6 nali 1 kalanju III No. 128 986 A.D. plates Kachchi- for 2 or narakkan padi I ka&u for i ka&u per clothing pudavai Kulottunga I SriraAgam 1 kuruni Ika&u Please see 1070-98 A.D. (occasionally Annex. II (pi. see 1 kuruni, for details. Annex. II) 4 nali)

Kulottunga I l^rirangam 3 kiiuni I ka&u and Vikrama 1090-1131 A.D.

Rajaraja III jSnrangam 3 kururii No cash year (21) 1247 A. D. deposit for cloth

Kopperunj inga* Chidambaram Padakku 2 ka&u For supervision 1246-1260 A.D. -do- 3 kuruni 3 ka&u and garden plant- ing (No. 56) Padakku 11 ka&u Diary attendants (54)

Ratio of supervisors to workers had varied from 1.17 to 1.22.

*For details, please see below :

CHIDAMBARAM PURABHIEEKHA PATRIKA

Uttama 10 Choja Govindaputtur kalams per ka&u S/L, XIX, 357 984 A.D. (Tiruchirapalji)

Rajaraja I Tiruppugalur 8 kalams per ka&u 68 of 1928 1006 A D. (Thanjavur Dt.)

VIra Rajendra Tirumukkudal 8 kalams per ka$u 182 of 1915 5th 348th yr, day (North Arcot Dt ) (16 per kalanju) 1069 A D.

I Kulottunga iSrirangam 10 kalams per kdiu XXIV-44 N,A. Date (Tiruchirapalli Dt.)

JCulottuftga I Alarijudi 13 kalams per ka&u SII., IV, 44 of 1891 47th 1117 yr, A.D, (Thanjavur Dt.) Vikrama Chofa Srlrangam 10 kalams per kaiu XXIV-112 3rd year 1121 A.D. (Tiruchirapalli Dt. ) LAND RECLAMATION-BASED ON SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTIONS 85 ______... ^_-__

15th 1 121 year 133 A.D. 10 kalams per /cfliw SI I., Vol. XXIV- Kopperunjinga Chidambaram 15 kalatfis per kau S//., Vol. VIII, 1259 A.D. (South Arcot Dt.) -15.

Note : The Caveat has to be entered that katu denoted different values at different times but circumstantial evidence could support more or less our equivalence. Please see f.n .52 in the text.

Notes :

the date is lost or is not available. 1. In all about inscriptions. In quite a few inscriptions, 2. S.I.f. f Vof. XXIV, No. 54

3. Ibid., No. 55

4. Ibid., No. 208

5. For eg., please see S.I.I., Vol. V, No. 1356, Tiruverj;iyur

6. Pf. see ARSIE,, No. 201 1919: Tribhuvani; ARSIE., 1922 No. 404 Madurantakam; of 1922 ARSIE., 224; Tenneri; 5.7.7, Vol. V, No. 436, Tirunslveli.

Sastri. 7. "The Cholas," Vol. II, pt. i, p. 51 (1937 Edn)-K.A.N.

be taken to indicate that the 8. No. 38 for e.g.; No. 54 gives it as 40 years. These should lands were lying waste and unreclaimed for long and not specifically for tne number of years. The numbers refer to S.I.I., Vol. XXIV.

9. Ibid., No. 59.

10. On this please see the author's detailed study "Allur and Isanamafigalam Re-visited" * in "Svasti tfri," Dr. Chhabra. Felicitation Volume (1984) (Agam Prakasham, Delhi). Allur is a village, just two miles north-west of KaraikujLi lands belonging to drirangam temple.

11. S.U., Vof. XXIV, No. 102 Linen.

12. Ibid., No. 64, Line 12.

13. Ibid . No. 64 Line 13.

14. Ibid., No. 72.

15. ARSIE,, 1918, No. 346-352

16. Ibid.. No. 358 Parakesari - 3rd year. Ibid., No. 349 - Rajakesari - 6th year.

17. Ibid., Np- 350 - One Karuma^ikkam Aditta Devan alias. Chediyarayan had a land assigned to himself in Karaiku^i village, the deyadana of 3 irangam temple in the 40th year of KuIottuAgal (1110 A.D.). Please seeS./,/., Vol. XXIV, No. 88. PURABHfLEKHA PATfllKA 060/r

113. Some plots lay even further north of the 18. PI. see 5.7.7., Vol. XXIV, Nos. 111, 112, habitat. PI, see No. 120, highway and to the north of Karaikudi the eastern boundary of the plot sold, a land was 19. PI. see the boundaries in No. 85. On a had already been reclaimed. On the west, already under reclamation. On its South, parcel the north the riverbund of Cauvery, there was wet-land held by the potters. On lay 20. PI. see Nos. 72 and 87, ibid.

21. Ibid.. 119

22. Ibid., 99

23. Ibid., 39 &

24. Ibid. 65 1121 A.D. 8th of Vikrama 25. Ibid., Nos. 111, 3rd year of Vikrama Choja 113, year Choja of 1130 A.D. 1126 A.D. ; 119, 13th year Vikrama Choja

26. These executive officers appear to have been officers appointed by the king and were Their frequently changed, unless there were more than one officer simultaneously in-charge. tenure appears to be for about 1 or 2 years at a time. Persons of the same name could be noticed again after an interval and if they were identical they had been resposted after a a break. The officers are either styled Brahmadirayan (Brahmin) or Muvenda V&\M (other than Brahmins). A tabulated statement of officers from the 10th (1080 A.D.) to 44th year

of I (1114 A.D.) of Kulottunga I and from the 3rd to the 15th year 1114 A. D. KuISttunga and from the 3rd to the 15th year of Vikrama Choja 1121 to 1133 AD. is provided in An-

nexure I, It will be an interesting study if we could have an analysis of the change in incum- bsncy, their tenure and their reposting and to trace the same officer's postings elsewhere.

Likewise, it will be interesting to study the composition of the committees, and the incum- bency and get at their tenure the frequency of rotation of the same members and the identity of the persons composed in the committees over the corresponding periods.

27. 577., Vol. XXIV, No. 59.

28. Ibid., Vol. XXVI, No. 77.

29. A price of one ksu for 1/2 ve/i in No. 72 and 87 appears to be exceptional.

30. Ibid., No. 59. The four parcels totalling 1 veil sold at 2 kaiu in No. 119 also appears to be of this category as some of the lands were readily cultivable.

31. S'll.. Vol. XXIV, Nos. 91 and 93.

32. Ibid., Nos. 77 and 83.

33. Ibid.. No. 32,

34. Ibid., No. 86, 65

35. Ibid., No. 68.

36. Line 12, No. 55 ; also No. 54

37. Ibid., No. 86

38. e.g., No. 35 the text has a number of and gaps henoe this shoufd ortfy be treated as & SUrmlsl, LAND RECLAMATION-BASED ON SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTIONS 87

39. No. 39. e.g., No. 119.

40. Please see No. 33. The inscription is damaged.

41. e.g., Nos. 29, 123 Kulottunga II - 7th year. The garden TirukkQraiparru appears to be located

within Srirangam island. Also No. 147, No. KulottuAga III, 34th year.

42. See Nos. 39. 59, 111 and 30 for Surabhlvi tagctm (I. 9)

43. e.g.. No. 69, line 9; also No. 64

44. e.g., No. 31.

45. SI/.. Vol. IV, No. 512. Even as early as in the 4th year of Rijakesari, the Mdiauhhti of no resident therein 3rirmgam prohibited those who left the township (imndai) and longer from- holding, cultivating and enjoying the dentdana and garden lands. Any transgression was visited with a fine of 25 Pan to be severally paid by the members of the committee 51 (variyam) and the accountants (SII., Vol. IV, No. 6J.

46. Vide Annexure II.

47 No. 28.

vetti and 55. Please see the wording "Kolai-kappu, xcnnlr 48. . g., ibid; also Nos. 33, 38, 39 ooli- in Nos. 99, 111, among the alladu matl'e-pper pattuduvum tavirndu". Korombu is added gations to be rendered.

49. e. g.. No. 28.

50. /hid , No. 104.

51. Ibid., No. 125.

of different dates had identical 52 The argument assumes that the kaiu occurring in the inscriptions and could hence be a weakness. Th.s could value an assumption which is not without hazards lend But circumstantial evidence could sup- hence' be a weakness. This could bear a check. concerned, this possible so far as the grain-wages are port to this assumption. At any rate, weakness could not vitiate their comparability. the same value when more confidently betaken to convey The kaJam. if not the totu. could totu nexus, as both the units >*"" used to express daily wages, but not the paddy ,. henc. the and time to time The need and of currency could vary from area to area of the economic conditions from nw""** to attempt a detailed history greater w.th.n such penods and to reg.on. For even period to period within the same, reign, region same reign. there are fluctuations and short-term changes in the

53. SII, Vol. V, No. 724. 10 CHANDAVARA INSCRIPTION OF KADAMBA BIRADEVARASA

M. D. Sampath

In recent years a number of inscrip- of the date portion (line 33) may be

tions have come to light from North noted here. Kanara District, Karnataka, The existence The record opens with an invocatory of as many as five inscriptions in close verse in Sanskrit invoking god Nrisirhha. proximity to one another at Chandavara The refers to the >aka date in Honnavar Taluk of North Kanara Dis- epigraph in words. The term used is nu.ra-nalvatt trict was of considerable importance during azaneya. It is, obvious, that 'Savirada' the Kadamha times. It was the headquar- is omitted. For, the palaeography and the ters of a branch of the Kadamba family. internal evidence takes the record The earliest of these lithic records is a definitely v to the period of 13th It refers slab inscription lying in the compound of century. to the rule of chief Biradevarasa of the Masnrker's house in the village Chanda- vara. 1 Kadamba family and is dated in the &ika year [1*]146, the cyclic year being Sva- Before taking up the discussions on bhanu, Chaitra 3u., 11, B[h*]riguvara. this important I wish to ex- inscription, These details of date do not work out press my sincere gratitude to the Chief satisfactorily in the preceding or succeeding Epigraphist, Archaeological Survey of year. In the given cyclic year the tithi India, Mysore for his kind permission occurred on 13th April 1223 A.D., the to publish the record in the of pages week-day being Thursday and the month this journal. Vai Sakha. The cyclic year Svabhanu falls The in writing consisting of forty eight the Saka year 1146 which was current. lines in all is well preserved but for the But the Christian date noted above might last few be lines. The language of most part taken as the intended date. of the record is Kannada verse and prose The object of the record to and the script is Kannada comparable to is register the grant of lands those found in the records from the by Kadarhba-chakravarti Biradevarasa for the neighbouring places in the Kumta and the daily food-offerings to the deity Honnavara Taluks. They are regular to Paripurna yoga-Nrisi- the ihhadeva consecrated Kirti period to which they belong. At the by Narayanit on the above date. It beginning of the record there are two also records the of lands Narana Sanskrit verses in Annshtubh metre. grant by darhnayaka, made after purchase, for a price-value, from The epigraph contains a few ortho- the different families of gayigas (cowherds) graphical errors. Su is written for $u in for the purpose of amga-ramga-bhoga of IwsivarasBla (line 11). The omission of the same god. The last portion of the in the- case b aspirate of in the week record is day damaged and hence, details arc CHANDAVARA INSCRIPTION OF KADAMBA BIRADEVARASA

not clear. The extant 1 portion states that vara of North Kanaia District.'- Takin- the guilds like into mumuridaihda, nanad~eai, consideration the several name-, refe- etc., of rred to [Banava*]se-12000 divison stipul- in different epigraphs from the ated that a fixed measure from any corn aforesaid places, Punchamukhi li.u stated sold in the market was that the to be made over Kadaraba family of CIumi:.varu for the was food-offerings to the deity. ruling from Sal, a 1000 to 114f> nwr the 3 The record Honnavar region. This family is ic- happens to be a royal presented by about grant and the donor chief Biradevarasa twenty-two inscripnons besides is described the new ones recently copied from with a long string of epithets Chandavara. The records from Gundhalv' and titles (11. 7-13), some of which are which gives the genealogy of Malliile\a significant. The assumption of high-soun- commencing from Chandra I are stated ding title chakravartt proves beyond to have been dated in Saka 1063. He \\u% doubt that the chief must have enjoyed ruling over Haive-5CO, Konkaiui-900, Buin- an indcpendant status. Just as the other vasi-12000 and Santaliye-1000 divisions on members of the Kadarhba lineage, the this date from his camp (nelevidu) at ruler of the present record is stated to 4 Siriyara. have borne a number of epithets, like Banavasipuravaradhlivara, Kadamba-chakra- The record from KanagiP in Ankola varti, Mlayuravarmma-kulabhushana, Kada- taluk mentions the rule of Sivachitta rhbar-abharana, Jaycmtl- Madhuke&varadeva Tribhuvanamalla. The date and other de- labudha-varaprasada, etc. He was a devotee tails are lost. In a damaged inscription three other Kadam- of god Mahabala of Gokarna (Gokaraqa from Ankola," figures, Mahabale&vara - divya - inpacla-padm-arddha- ba chiefs of which one is named Bvisa- was over /ca). This ruler is further described as videvarasa who administering division. The name of the second pardbala-sdJhuka, hutsivarabula, chaladamka Haive-5GO chief is while the name of Rama, nigalmka-malla, gamdara- davani^ Kali[devarasal is lost. These chiefs are aUo kaligala-mogada-kai, subhata-chudamani and the third the same titles as the ones satyokti -kaminlldla. The titles Kadambar- found bearing borne Biradevarasa of the record. abharana, BanavasipuravaradhUvara, etc., by present title which the chiefs seem to associate the chiefs including BI- More noteworthy Ankola record is the radeva with the Kadambas of Banavasi. figuring in the had, This record The existence of a branch of the later epithet trilochana Kadath[ha*}. is not far removed by date from Kadambas of the Banavasi stock who ruled which date of Chandavara record now under from Chandavara, contemporaneously with the also in characters of early 13th- the members of the main line holding study is between the chiefs a century. The connection at Banavasi is referred to in. power Basavidevarasa and the other number of Hthic records that are coming Kalidevarasa, cannot be made out - whose name is lost from Kekkar, Kumta, Haldipura, Malla The unknown ruler has Hebbaranakere, for the present. puru, KonaHi, Aunsalji, 7 been identified with Malhdeva. It is quite Chandavara, Ankola, etc. in Oundbal*,* that this chief was the son of Malla taluks of Kumta, Ankola and Honna- likely 90 PURABHILEKHA PATRFKA

12 or Tribhuvanamalla and grandson of is Sivachilta VIra ICavadevarasa. This is Kama II who is referred to in the Gu- dated in the third year of his reign, This

3 ndbale record Further, the Ankola record year along with other details of date, Vijaya, refers to a Kavadeva whose identity is Phalguna u. Padya, Wednesday correspond not clear. The area Homnavara referred to 1234 A.D., February 1. It is obvious, to here was probably being ruled by this theiefore, that he started his reign from chief. If this is accepted, we will have 1231 A.D. Though the titles panchamahd- to presume that the administration of Aabda, mahamaridale&vara, mahamahebvara, etc are of subordinate this new territory appears to have been , indicative the held by Kavadeva, while Chandrikapura position of the Kadaihbas to the Kalyana was the camping place of Biradevarasa Chalukya rulers, Kavadeva started using whereform the earlier members of this his own regnal year. The gap between the branch of the Kadamba family started last date of Biradevarasa and the accession ruling. Honnavara was, therefore, never date of Kavddeva is just eight years and lost to anyone and reoccupied at any time hence, Kavadeva may be considered as 9 as held by Panchamukhi. The details the successor of the former. But their exact given in the Ankola record at this juncture relationship is not clear. That this chief 13 can neither be ignored nor the details (Kavadeva) ruled for a period of 56 years can be made out. However, it may be i.e.* till 1287 A.D. is known from some other record. suggested that the chiefs seem to have had a joint rule. The only record of Kavadeva that is available It is interesting to note that the record from Chandavara is dated in the 14 from Chandavara mention the names of 10th year of his reign. Taking 1231 A.D., as the date of his his 10th three chiefs viz , Kalidevarasa, Biradeva- accession, year 10 rasa and VIra Kavadeva. Of these, the would correspond lo 1241 A.D. It is tem- two records of Biradevarasa are earlier pting to suggest that the Naraija-damna- in point of date, while the date of the yaka or -Kirtinarayana of our record is records of Kalidevarasa and Kavadeva identical with his namesake figuring in the 11 are little later. The hero-stone record record of Kavadeva. It is not difficult to of Biradevarasa found in a field in the 'be sure about this identification, for the records to above place is dated in the year Bahu- referring them are coming from one and the same dhanya, Chaitra u 5, Thursday corres- place i.e., Chandavara. On the other hand it be ponding to 1219 A.D., March 21, f.d.t. .37, may suggested that this continued It states that he proceeded against Malli- dandanayaka to serve deva of Gutti and in the course of a under Kama (Kava) deva also, atleast for about two decades after the rule of cavalry fight at Sujiyakere, a hero named Bira- devarasa. Saleya-nayaka died. Not much is known The territory of Chandavara no about this ruler who ruled from 1219A.D. doubt continued to be under the sway of to 1223 A.D. the Kadambas of this branch.

The next member of this family figuring The principality that formed the in a record from Mogta, Ankola Taluk territory of Kavadeva included an area CHANDAVARA INSCRIPTION OF KADAMBA BIRADEVARASA 91

of five miles south- east and ten miles he styled himself as Ravi's son, as Ke- north of Kumta in Kumta Taluk, the charadhipa and as Bhargava's son in valour, strip of west coast in North Kanara in enjoyment and in truth. The verse District and portion of the Sagar Taluk describing thus is an example of Sabda- 15 in Shimoga District. These geographical lamkara. He had truth as his banner. references are known from the records Another verse states that he was very of Gokanja plates of Kamadeva and of powerful in binding the nerves (naravam) his namesake of the Kamba}ikoppa ins- and the intestines (kantla] of the enemies cription. 18 with twisted braide. The next sloka, of Of the two ancestors of this Kadamba which the second half is little defaced, also his viz., Vira and Taila, the latter is met praises fame. That this was not with in both the records while the former at all a tall claim of Biradeva is proved Vira is known only from the Gokarna by ihe praise showered upon his general 17 in a fine plates dated Saka 1177 (1256 A.D.), It is Kirtinarayana Kannada verse in Sardulavikndita metre. known from this plate that the grand- father of Kama was Vira, a king who We further learn that, to substantiate established his command on the heads the claim alluded to in the preceding of multitude of kings. It was from the verse in Kanda metre, he donated lands place Chandavura that Kama, the donor for the purpose of food-offerings to his of the plate also ruled. It is tempting tutelary deity Nrisimhadeva. He is stated to identify the Biradevarasa of our record to have sent word to the gayigas (cow- with that of his namesake, the grand- herds) of the different families (the names father of Kamadeva of the Gokarna of which are given) and got their lands plates. The nearness of data, the place in full settlement (mula-parichchhedav-dgi] of his capital and other details does not after paying the money (arthumath-kottu) stand in the way of establishing this towards its value. The same which was identification. in their possession or enjoyment was gifted In addition to the details known to the deity as stated above. The bounda- already, the record of Biradevarasa dated ries of the gift lauds and the channel the are Saka [1*J146 (1223 A.D.) gives an additional excavated by damnayaka specified. information that KJrtinarayana was born The names of the families (bali] of the to Soma and Chathdrarhbike. Also he was gayigas viz., jadiya-ba\\, bekarana-bali, a brahmana belonging to Amgirasa-Gau- sirikuva-bali, kunyaluvana-bali, homneya - tama-gotra. homna-bali and tailanayaka-basavana-bali, are of In the present record Biradeva is de- which are hitherto unknown, scribed as Virabhubhuja. As a great warrior, social interest.

TEXT18

3-5 8 [Metres: Verses 1-2 Anushtubh; Champakamala ; 6-7Kamda; nrikesarim 1 gri Padpurna nrikesarine namahp*] nity-anamdamayam vamde paripurna Lakshml kucha- 92 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

2 yugollasi vuksliesum bhakta rakshakam n [1*] Namas = tuniga-SiraiS-chumbhi'bi)- chamdra-chamara-chara-

3 ve n [i] trailokya-nagar-arambha mula-stambhaya Sambhave [2*]

4 [Samadhi]gata-pamcha-maha-^abda mahu-maheSvaram tryaksha-kshma sambhavam chatur-a^Iti nagar-adhishti-

5 tarn lalata lochanam chaturbhuja jagad-vidit-a[pa]~da^-a^vainedha-yajna-dii<:sha- vikshitam-himavad-gi-

6 Imdra-[rumdra] bhujaga samsthapita fiila-stambha baddha madagaja maha &rl mahimabhirama Ka-

7 damba-chakravartti Mayuravarmma-kulabhushana pemmatti turyya uirgvo(nirgho)^a (sha)nam iSakhacharemdra-dhvaja

8 virajamana maii-ottumga simhvalamchhanam dattartthi kamchanam samara-jaya- karanam

* 9 Kadambhr-abliarna(raija) Banavasipuravar-adhidvaram Jayamti Madhuke^vara-deva- labu(b)dliavara-prasadam. ma-

10 rkkoluvara-gamda gamdabamdara(na)n-ajjauasimga sahasottumga sahaja mrigamad- amodam Sri Gokarijii(karana)-

11 Mahabajadeva dibya^rlpada-padm-aradhakam parabaja sadhakam husivara-sula(Aula) chaladamka-Rama niga-

12 Jamka-malla gamdara-davaiji kaligala-mogada-kai subhata-chudamaiji satySkti-kamini- lolar ii-

lS m=appa ^rima[t*]-tribhuvanamalla-pratapa vira-Biradevarasara vijayarajyam-uttar- ottar-abhivri(vfi)ddhi pravaraddhama- 14 nam-achamd=arkka tarambaram Chamdrikapurada nelevldi-noju sukha-samkattra- vinodadim ra-

15 i jyam-geyvuttamire husivara-sula(4ula)n-emdu nigalamka-mahipatiy-emdu na [i*]vasata Kadamban-emdu

16 sale satya-patake nripHradran-emdu bani [i*hnisuvud-ilata!am parte(ri)du eamdara-" . dayani-yam paramgana[i*] byasa-

17 na-viduranam negajda viranan-aliavaramgadavanam [3*] Ravijane Kecharadipane Bhfi rggava putrane virad-e- 18

19 CHANDAVARA INSCRIPTION OF KADAMBA BIRADEVARASA 93 20 nya ' narapSlara homnaravam karam-gajim purikojvam (luvan)-negam hosedu mup- purigudida damavalliyo-

21 i [Julfl) i karula liiijilu(lva)galam samedu mujeya gutanian-alenattukelu(l) biramda- raneyde bamdisane gam-

22 dara-davani " virabhubhujam [5*] n ire vitana tare paritavatiya didrajagemdradi rahwn naiha tumga-

23 baiji hanamiti namgga grihai^varyya aryya vicharyya bhamimnya bhu aribetya nija- pati . rama samprayo-

24 . . . da chitkale sana " ku[rbba]^inaiva jaghana bliurbham[gu]rah purttam-eva [6*1 tadlya rajya samuddharakam 25 Kirtinarayaija-damdajiathana mahatvanamnte (vam-emte) [m*]dade n amit-odara-guna kalanidhi vi[fii] sht-Amgi-rasa- 26 sya-Gautana-gotram dvij'a-rajan-attnajankam Somam sut-amnvayottame Chamdram" bike yenalu 27 Narayanam [tajne putti mahichakram-aiiuddharippen-enutam Narayaijam puttidam n

28 i dharirji puvilram-adudu varijasambhavan sapti sapta[ta] vedayti i charuguija mam- trim am-

29 i ^ana Nai-ayana nimdavemdade nialiatvam [7*J jnanambhonidhi yogivrimdatilakam samduddha chidru-

30 i pi ni tyanamdaprabhu sa(^a)^vatam matu nij-aradhyam mukumdam sure ' dranikar- chchita pada padma[rya]-

31 i gan-ajdam BIradevaip. dhari tritnatham tanagemdodem piriya[na]-sat-Kirttiaaraya- ijam " [8*3

32 a mahanubhavam tamma kuladeyva Paripurnna(na) yoga-Nrisimhadevaram sakavar-

shada nuj-a- 33 nalvatt-araneya Svabhanu samvachharada Chaitra su(^u)ddha yekada^i bri(bhri) gu- varad-amdu pratishte-yam 34 majvudum-adevara nitya naivedyakke ^rimatu BIradevarasar-adevara badaga-dese ye-

35 radu hajlad-edeya tamdasina . . ijadevargge dhareya neradaru mattam Naraua-dam"

36 nayakar-adevara amga-bhoga-ramga-bhogakke ve[va]dikekara gayigar=appa [ja]diya

37 ya bekarana-baliya bediverggade sirikuva-baliya kunyaluvana-baliya horn 94 PURABHILEKHA PATRIICA

38 neya homiiLi-b4iya tailanayaka - basavana-ba|iya malachaiiimti-inibarumam kareyal- atti

39 y-avarura holaaa maieya begaliya kelage temkana-sime moradi paduvana-sime hudu-

40 kitiya halla vayabyada-sime hajlada kudalu badajalu yi&anya pariyamta damijaya- karu ka-

41 ttisida nlruvariya vallmere agirdda samasta bhumiyau-a gayigarig-artthamam ko-

42 ttu mula-parichchhedav-agi marugomda mu . ra kaiyal-adevargge varayi.

" 43 . . . birimda dhareya nerasidaru Chamdavurada . . gain bitta dharmma ga

44 [Banava*]se pannirchchasira gudikomdu sakala mumuridamda nanadesi .... 45 .... petheyal-avadhanyav-ajadadam kotta varalo

46 kiya mele devara nivedyake yippanafya]

47 ra nivedyake voppane (ya]

48 sahita 1D

Notes :

1 A.R.Ep. ; 1380-81. No. B

2 I Prog, of K.R.I. Province, 1941-46, Pts. and II, pp. 6-7.

3 Ibid., p. 7.

4 Ibid.

5 B. R. : Minor Gopal Dynasties of South India : Karmtaka, p. 75 ; Kamatak Inscriptions, VoF ' VI ' No, 77.

6 K.I, Vol. V!, No. 78. 7 Minor Dynasties of South India : Karnataka, p. 75. 8 Prog, of K.R.L, 1941-46, p. 7.

9 Ibid.

10 A.R.Ep., 1980-81, Nos. B. 11 Ibid, No. B.

12 KJ.i Vol. VI, No. 76.

13 B. R. Gopal : Ibid,, p. 75.

14 A.R.Ep., 1380-81; No. B.

15 Ep. Ind., Vol. XXV! I, p. 160.

16 Ibid., p. 159.

17 Ibid., pp. 157 ff.

18 From Ink impression. 19 Macron over wherever required has not been used in the text of the Inscription [Ed-] 11. HYDERABAD PRAKRIT INSCRIPTION OF GOVINDARAJA VIHARA

P. V. Parabrahma Sastry

In the eastern out skirts of Hyderabad records, which resembles na of the late city in Andhra Pradesh, on the right period in the southern letters, It is also 1 bank of the Musi river, a Prakrit inscri- noticed in the Alluru Prakrit inscription ption has come to light recently, It is of C. second century A D. The letters incited on a big boulder, b^low which on of the present record although basically the wall of a small cavity a carved image belonging to that variety, are more developed of the ta a e. God Narasirhha, locally known as particularly f medials and Anusvara Kosagundla Namsifhhasvami is being wor- is represented in the form of a small shipped. The inscription has been noticed cipher as in some northern records of the about five years back; but owing to the period, as against the usual southern pra- it a dot class rough nature of the rock and light incision ctice of denoting by or the of the letters, no good estampage could nasal (eg. pdmdahul-avasam, 1. 1; piftda~ 1. 3 1. 4 be taken and it was descarded as useless. patika ; parampara ; safogha and But again the residents of that locality, Govirhdaraja gamdha,!. 5; samvasa, dhararh and 1. 6. Another feature called Chaitanyapuri reported the matter thapitam the record is that the anusvara is to the Director of State Archaeology, seen in of a dot not on the Dr. V.V. Krishna Sastry. With the kind written by means top assistance of his staff members and the of the letter on which it should be but on tke temple trustees I re-examined the inscri- top of the proceeding letter. The bottom and ra is ption in situ and prepared a tentative tran- of the letters ka terminated with a small curved bend to the left but not script of it, which along with my observations I place before the scholars. elongated upwards as in the southern script The letters belong to the late Brahmi of third century onwards, The medial i is a crescent-like curve the left type and although big in size, about 10 just facing on the of the letter. The letters ka, to 15 cms., the incision is very light. top ra thus exhibit a The record runs into six lines. It is about and and medial i, marked difference from the Ikshvaku letters. three metres high from the ground on the They resemble those of the Alluru hillock. It is interesting to note that there inscription. In the last of line 5 one ka seems is yet anothar record in four lines, at a part to be a vertical line with the hori- still higher part of the boulder, which is just bar above the middle and the inaccessible. The letters exhibit certain zontal small serif at the This resembles features of northern Brahmi. The letter top. almost the northern ka of the fourth la is very similar to that of the Gupta century. TEXT8

3 4 1 Purimavi[4a]la Paclamhulavasarh pu^hagiri mahS- 2 vihara patithapakasa Vasudeva giridamasa maha- 96 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

5 3 vitaragasa [madaja] Pimdapatika Daniadharasa"

7 8 4 paramaparagatasa Bamradeva [The]virasa sisena Bhadamta 9 5 samgha devena Goviddamraja - viharasa gamdhaka chivarika10

11 13 6 . . ta-sela samvasa dha(gha)ram patithapitam [n*]

The inscription is not dated. If we Pantfavula-gutta and Pandavula-gullu attri- have to consider palaeography the letters, buted to Megalithic burials. So there is la, ha, da and ja are similar to those no wonder that the site either Pudhagiri of those of the Aliuru Brahmi record or the place of the record was once incited above, which is ascribed to the habited by that ancient tribe. Or, the second A.D. The ta century letter, looks place intended in the record may represent to be latter in its form. When compared the northern Buddhist site, named Patidava- with the northern letters of the period parvata near Rajagriha where according to the record can be to a assigned later Suttampala (in Pabbajji-sutta) king Bimbi- period, say to the latter half of the sara met Bodliisatva. 13 In such case also fourth A.D. In century any case the letters the word Pdndavula -f avasa has its corrupt do not seem to be later than the fourth from in Telugu as Panduhnhi + civcisa, that ' century A.D. is the avasa of the Panâvas. Avasa in the The of language the record, although Buddhist terminology means a place of Prakrit in general, unlike other Prakrit retreat for the monks in the rainy season. records of the Deccan exhibits the influence It might be the intended sense of this of Pali, do We not come across any corrupt word. Such corrupt forms are compound letter in the record, leaving not uncommon in Tulugu, for example. the name Bamradeva in line 4. Pad! 4- personal enu padihenu ; pad! 4- dm = This feature also suggests' the northern padahdm etc. Similar in the word influence of the particularly Pali language. PnnQahulu, About Puphagiri, it can be iden- Influence of Sanskrit is also noticeable in tified with Pushpagiri, the ancient place the words vltaraga, parampardgata and on the left bank of the Penna river in. This does not gamdhaka. mean that the the Cuddappah district, Andhra Pradesh. record" is "free from the local totally Coming to the inscription, according influence. A in this as- glaring example to the tentative text, it records that a is the word Patfamhuldvasam in line pect stone residential cell (selasarhvasa-(gha}ra} 1, instead of a word like Pandavavasam. was built for the use of the persons in Pandavulu is the Telugu plural form with charge of incense and clothes, attached which the is made with the - compound to Govindaraja vihara, obviously situated word avasa to mean the abode of the not far from the place of this inscription There was an Panâvas, aboriginal tribe by a certain Bhadahta Sarfighadeva the di- know as in the Panâvulu Telugu speak- sciple of (the ascetic) Bamhadeva Thevira, area and ing probably in some other belonging to the line or school of the also. We notice parts certain places as (Buddhist) mendicant Pinâpaiika Damn HYDERABAD PRAKRIT INSCRIPTION OF GOVINDARAJA VIHARA 97

to him (or Varna) dhara, who again was a disciple the Hmayana Buddhists, According to of the great vitaraga Vasudeva Siridama, Devadatta pleaded with the Buddha 'the establisher of the Mahavihara at Pu- include Pindapata, who was living only on 14 the food that can be obtained in phagiri, the residing place of the Pandavas. by begging of The word puritnavididla occurring in the a limited number of houses, as one bhikshus. beginning of the inscription is not the principles in the conduct of the intelligible. The main importance of the inscription lies in the mention of GSvi'ndaraja The vihara mentioned in the record vihara. This stone cell is stated to have Cdn be taken to be of the Buddhists, been set up for those who carry water though it is not stated. The explicitly for the bhikshus of that vihara. About Word Pmdapatika is generally noticed in the identity of Govindaraja, we know their writings. one king by that name in the Vishnukundi from the two 16 From the above it is understood that family gopper plate grants discovered at vi- a great Buddhist vihara was established recently Tummalagudem which was situated about forty ki- at Puphagiri by a certain Vasudeva Siri- llage lometers down the river Musi. In one of dama, who was reputed as a Vitaraga, these copper plates Govindaraja is credi- that is free from the evils of raga or ted with the installation of several stupas attachments- It is not known whether this ascetic and vihdras all over the Deccan. was a royal personage or a Bu- ddhist monk. It seems that the great prati-vishayam= ati-bahu-prakara-manoram vihara which he is said to have established -odara karmm-adbhuta-stupa-vihara-chu?t- at Puphagiri was probably near the Puri or amanibhir=alankrita-saka]a-dakshinapatha- ia capital, that is Rajagriha, if the identity sya of Pandabulavasa of the record with Pa- He is also known from those records ndava - parvata is acceptable. Here I am to be the founder of the independent not able to interpret the word viddla. Visbnulcundi kingdom and predecessor of Pa ndava- as parvata said before is a noted Madhavavarman, the great. It is worth hill near Rajagriha, where according to noting the attributive phrase applied to him

Suttan'pata, Bodhisatva is said to have in the same charter (set II). stayed for some days and Bitnbisara - - - king 'Shadabhijna pratiharya adetan anugra- met him there. If this view is acceptable, ha-janita-Sugata asan-abhiprasadasya vibu- we have to assume that a vihara of the - dha bhavana- pratisparddhi Sobha-samuday Theravadins affiliated to the mahavihara -adhika-maha-vihara-pratishthapan-adhigat- of Rajagriha, flourished in the of - - vicinity ananta brahma punya-sambharasya maha- modern in the centuries - - - 17 Hyderabad, early raja ri Govinda varmanah of the Christian era. The influence of He is also called in the same northern features in the and Govindaraja script language 18 set. So Govindaraja of the present record of the record also support this view. can be taken to be the founder member of Prof. A.M. informed Shastry me that the Vishnukundi dynasty. But, the pala- were a Pin^apatikas separate sect among eography of the record poses some diffi- 98 PURABHIIEKHA PATRIKA

cha- culty in accepting, this identity. The when he married the Vakataka princess. racters as observed above even after allow- As it seems to be a political alliance, we he ing the possible marginal adjustment may not be wrong in assuming that indicate a period not later than the fourth entered into a marital alliance with the the century A.D. The Prakrit language and Brahmi Vaka^akas some time in the fifties of also this fifth and that script of the record support century, by queen, likely view. Dr. S. Sankaranarayanan has placed not pattamahishi, had his son Vikramendra 1S A.D. 422-460 I. So some considerable Govindavarman I between ; leaving ruling and Dr. N. Venkataramanayya between period to Devavarman, probably the son A. D. 405-445. Now in view of this discovery of the chief queen or pattamahishi and it may not be altogether impossible to his son Madhavarman III, Vikramendra I re-adjust Govindavarman 's initial regnal might have seized power from the colla- year to sometime between C. 375 and 380 teral line in the first decade of the sixth A.D. A. D. S and a rule of about forty years, century and had a rule of fifteen with his closing date between C. A.D. 415 years or so. Thus it may not be very and 420 A. D. His Tummalagudem set I difficult to re-adjust the Vishijukuij$i might have been originally drafted in chronology. The early part of their chro- Prakrit language and subsequently re-wri- nology is only a tentative arrangement tten, in ornate Sanskrit kavya style. His based on certain assumptions. The follo- son Madhavavarman II, the great, might wing scheme may be considered in the new

have ruled till C. A.D. 475. It is not known light, with the appoximate dates indicated,

Govindavarman (C. 375-420 A. D.

Madhavarman II (C. 420-475 A.D.)

(by pattamahishi) (By Vaka^aka princess) Devavarman Vikramendra I C. 505-555 A.D.

Madhavavarman III Indrabhattaraka C. 475-505 A.D. C. 520-555 A. D.

I Vikramendra II

Thus Govindaraja of the present record can be taken to be Govindavarman the founder member of the Vishnukundi dynasty. HYDERABAD PRAKRIT INSCRIPTION OF GOVINDARAJA. VIHARA 99

CONCLUSION local news paper about his discovery 23 of a stupa on the hill Pushpagiri. This record takes back the antiquity The place become a popular religious of Modern Hyderabad to the early cen- centre in the turies of the Christian Era as a Bud- Rashtrakuta period. There now exist a mafha of the dhist site of the Pindapatika School Advaita School and some good temples (of the Hinayana sect). There is a bearing considerable number of ins- likelihood of its being affiliated to the of the medieval The mahavihara of Pandava-Parvata near criptions period. reported stupa is yet to be thoroughly Rajagriha. investigated. The place Puphagiri can be identified 3. of Hwith Pushpagiri on the river Penna As the identity GSvmdavarman, in the Cuddapah district of Andhra the founder member of the Vishnu- Pradesh. In one of the inscriptions kundi dydnasty is acceptable, this of Nagarjunakon^a21 a certain Bodhisiri would be the earliest record of that is stated to have constructed a stone family. It would establish the origin mandapa at Puphagiri. Recently a of that family in Hyderabad-Nalgonda- research scholar has reported in a $rrparvata region of Telangana.

Notes :

1 SVUOJ., Tirupati, Vol. XX, pp. 15ff. and plate facing p. 87. See also ARSIE., 1923-24, p, 97 and plate.

2 From Photographs. I am thankful to the Director (Epigraphy,), Archoeological Survey of India for kindfy visiting the findspot and arranging to have the Inscription photographed. I am also thankful to him for several of his suggestions in the reading of the inscription.

3 Read Paihdahulavasam.

4 The correct reading is Puphagiri [Ed.]

5 The correct reading is mafia [Ed.]

6 The correct reading is Vamadham [Ed.]

7 The correct reading is Bahmadeva [Ed.]

8 The correct reading is Thivirasa [Ed.]

9 Read Govithdaraja.

10 The correct reading is gamdhakuti vSrikSna ima [Ed.]

11 The correct reading is fn iidita sela. [Ed.]

12 The correct reading is vamfii

13 Dharmanda Kosambi, Buddha Bhagavan, Ch. V. 100 PURABHIIEKHA, PAJTRIKA

to 14 The purport of the inscription is record the establishment of a habitation on the hillock

the water bearer of the by Mita SflAgliadevft, nUlihti of Govindaraja-vihara, who is i

1 described as the of Bamhadiva of disciple Thivira the lineage of Vasudeva Sirldama, the

establishef of the nlm on the great Pushpagiri and wkMMMk Vainadhara [K, V, RJ iw A * 4 MW

15 Ikiati, Hff and July, Vol, 411, 1965, Jone, pp, pp,2ff, If. Mrta, II, pp.

16 Vol, II, 4. Milieu, II, p, 16, 23-24

17 M, p, 15, II. 4-6,

18 Rp, If,1,28

Us 19 FWijaWte ml Mi Tim, p, 13

20 Miiikilmh (Telogy), pp, 2W5

Vol, F, 21 4, W, XX, 3, p, 22

22 D CWcfe November 1383, 6, Sunday, 12. SOME IMPORTANT INSCRIPTIONS FROM DAULATABAD

IV! F. Khan

c Daulatabad, "the abode of wealth" is sor of Alau'd-Din Khalji marched towards situated about 15 km. to the north-west the Deccan., attacked Deogir, killed its of 1 Aurangabad in Maharashtra State, It ruler and annexed this part of country is famous for its hill fort, which was one finally to the Sultanate of Delhi. The next of the most strongholds both in design mention of Deogir was when Muhammad and 2 construction, of the medieval period . Tughluq changed its name as Daulatabad

Now reduced to a small village, Daulata- and made it his capital. He ordered all bad was once the capital of Yadavas who his courtiers and officials to migrate to his ruled 8 all the western part of Deccan during new capital from Delhi. He built spacious 1210 to 1318 A. D. and it was then known bazars, laid out beautiful gardens, dug out as Deogir or Devagiri, "the hills ofgods" step wells for the use of common people and was famous for its prosperity and and erected magnificent buildings in a be- wealth. 3 fitting scale. Thus Daulatabad enjoyed the The first Muslim invasion of the Deccan honour of being the capital of India. Un- took place in 1296 A. D., when 'Alau'd-Din, fortunately as the people suffered terribly the nephew of Sultan Jalalu'd-Din Khaljl, and on account of the Mughal raids attacked Deogir and Ramachandra Deva, in north India, Muhammad bin Tughluq was the Raja of Deogir was forced to submit. compelled to abandon this city. Thereafter 'Alau'd-Din, returned back with imense on account of wide spread disorder in 4 booty. In 1380 A.D., it was again attacked the Deccan, the hold of Tughluqs over under the command of 'Alau'd-Din's gene- Deccan became loose and out of this, cul- ral Malik Kafur as the Raja had stopped minated the establishment of Bahmani dyna- 7 paying the tributes to the Sultan. But on sty in 1347 by 'Alau'd-Din Bahman Shah. his making submission and offering sump- Daulatabad remained under the Bahmanis tuous he was 1500 A. D. it gifts, pardoned and officially upto when was passed to the installed as governor of Deogir with the Nizam Shahis of Ahmadnagar. Under the title of Ray-i-Rayan. During the last days rulers of Nizam Shahi dynasty, Daulatabad of his indifferent health, Shankara, the became their capital in 1607 A. D., but it was then Raja of Deogir asserted his indepen- taken away from them by the Mughals in dence 5 ' and withheld the payment of tribute. 1633 A.D., after a long seize of four months Therefore Malik Kafur was again sent in After the downfall of Mughals, Nizamu'l- 1313 A.D. who killed Shankara and installed Mulk Asaf Jah, a distinguished general of Kampala Deva on the throne. After passing Aurangzeb, the founder of the Asaf Jahi three- ^ears Harapala proclaimed indepen- dynasty in 1724, transferred his capital from dence. Taking this revolt seriously, Qutbu'd Aurangabad to Hyderabad making Daula- -Din Mubarak Shah, the son and succes- tabad an integral part of his dominion." 102 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

should not do Although Daulatabad remained under shes the soul, they gargling Muslim occupation for about five centuries into it." but very few remains of that period have The second inscription is of the time of survived today. It is also a wonder to see that Muhammad bin Tughlug. The inscriptional neglible number of Arabic and Persian ins- slab which was laying loose in the fort criptions have been found from Daulatabad has now been kept in the Regional Museum so far. About five Arabic and Per- thirty 11 at Aurangabad. Its text which runs in to one sian Inscriptions were copied till now by line of Persian prose is inscribed in Naskh the Office of the Superintending Epigraphist, and states that a mosque was constructed Arabic and Persian Inscriptions, Nagpur. in A. H. 733 (1332 A. D ) by Malikush- These inscriptions cover a period of nearly Sharq Saifu'd-Daulat Wa'd-Din akhukrbek-i- five hundred years from A.M. 722 (1322 A. D.) Maisara Qutlugh, Malik Safdar. Also men- to A. H. 1270(1853 A. D.), and throw light tions that the work was supervised by on the history of Daulatabad. Of them the Shad I, the deputy Kotwal of Deogir. The important inscriptions of Tughluq, and Baha- importance of this record is two-fold. Firs- mams published earlier in the series of Epi- tly it mentions the name of the city as graphia Indo Moslamica and Epigraphia In- Deogir though by this time it was rena- dica Arabic and Persian Supplement are med as Daulatabad. It seems that the described in this paper. new name was not so prevalent. Secondly The earliest inscription available in Dau- this record is the only source of informa- latabad is fixed on the southern wall of tion from where we could know full titles 10 the tomb of QuttSl Shahld. The text runs and designations of Malik Safdar though into eleven verses in Persian inscribed in Diyaud-Diin Barni, the author of "Tarlkh-i- fairly good Naskh. Jt records that during Fituz Shahi", mentions him in his list of the of reign GhiySthu'd-DIn Tughluq Shah, officials. The epigraph furnishes us that a step welt was constructed in A. H. 722 Maliku'sh Sharq Saifu'd Daulat Wa'd-Din (1322 A.D.) by Thakkar Nanak son of Jagbir. Qutlugh Malik Safdar was the trusted no- As is evident from the text, the well was bleman and akhurbek-i-maisara (superin- constructed for the 12 purpose of providing tendent of the royal stable), Another drinking water to the public. The most official ShadI, who supervised the constru- of interesting part the epigraph is that certain ction work, was the deputy Kotwal of conditions have been laid down for the Deogir as mentioned in the epigraph. people before taking water from, this well. For the interest of the scholars, the trans- The third inscription is also of the lation of that of the text portion is given time of Muhammad bin Tughlug It is fixed as under, "Those who desire to enter this on the eastern gateway of the enclosure well should walk step- bare-footed on the of the Dargah of a celebrated saint of ground. They should not touch its water - fladrat Nizamu'd Dm at Kagzipura, a with unwashed hands and should not draw village about two km. away from the pres- water with pitchers whose bottoms 13 are ent Daulatabad. This Kagzlpura must smeared with mud. Since its water refre- have been one of the localities of the then SOME IMPORTANT INSCRIPTIONS FROM DAULATABAD 103

17 city of Daulatabad and famous for its paper Chand Minar. It contains twenty one making industry, but due to passage of Persian couplets. The epigraph states that time it has become a separate village. The 'Alau'd-DIn Ahmad Shah through its far> epigraph comprising two lines of Persian man issued from Bidar bestowed Daulata- prose in Naskh characters records the con- bad to one of his favourite slaves, Parwiz struction of a mosque at the instance of son of Qaranfal. Accordingly Parwiz came Maliku'l-Umara Ikhtiyaru'd-Daulat Wa'd- to Daulatabad alongwith his brothers and Dln Ulugh-i-A'zam Qubli Sultani entitled took the administrative charge of the fort. Nasmi'1-Mulk in the year A. H. 733 (1332 He constructed a beautiful edifice which was A. in the A. H 849 D.}. The record is quite important as it completed year (1445 AD.) has preserved the name and honorofic titles in a period of three years. The record of one more important official of Muham- provides us valuable information about the mad bin Tughluq, about whom little is Minar, the duration of the period taken known from chronicles of that time. Diya- for its construction and the builder of this it is u'd-Din Barni" mentions one Nasiru'1-Mulk minaret ; hence quite important. Qubli who might be the same person as One more to given in this record. inscription belonging the same king was found on the main gate the four Bahroani Among inscriptions, of the mosque situated at the foot of the the first constitutes the earliest record of Yak Minar. It is undated and contains Muhammad Shah I, It is carved on the only one Persian couplet in bold Naskh 1B Central mihrabofthe Tdgah. It consists 20 style. The text invokes prayers for the of nine couplets in Persian inscribed in happiness of the reigning king and expre- three lines, in Naskh characters. The epi- sses a wish that the edifice may prove auspi- graph refers to the construction of an cious for him. It is to see that details ( strange Idgah during the reign of Muhammad regarding the nature of edifice, the name Shah Bahrain Khan in by Ulugh Qutlujh of the builder and the date are not mentio- the year AH. 760 The builder (1359 A.D.). ned in the record. As the gate and the Bahram Khan is no other than the trusted mosque seems to be newly constructed, nobleman of Muhammad Shah. According it is possible that the praiseworthy edifice 1 " to Tabataba, he was the king's sister's son referred to in the epigraph is no other but as Farishta's statement he was like per than the Minar. 18 a son to the king. He was appointed as a Na'ib-i-Arid of the royal army. The fort The last inscription also of Ahmad of Daulatabad was placed under his charge. Shah II was found at Kagzlpura. The in- It would be seen that the is a epigraph scriptional slab is fixed on the southern valuable record which furnishes informa* wall of the Masjid-i-Haud and consists of about tion an important nobleman of the six lines in Persian prose in Naskh chara- 81 Bahmani period. cters. According to the text the mosque The other Bahmani inscription belongs situated on the bank of Zainasar was con- to Aljmad Shah II, It is fixed on the structed by the slave of the king. Malik' sh southern wall of the mosque adjacent to Sharq Malik Parwiz son of Quranfal in 104 PURABHILEKHA

about the year A.H. 861 (1457 A.D.) The record is us the valuable information Parwlz It son who continued important in more than one aspect. gives of Qaranfal having the name of the tank on which mosque administrative charge of this region uptq was constructed as Zainasar. It was so called A.H. 161 (1457 A. D.). If it is so, Parwlz after the name of the celebrated saint seems to have been a.powerful nobleman Zainu'd-Din Shirazi who lies buried in who remained in one"" region upto fifteen 23 A. H. 771 at Khuldabad. It also furnishes years holding charge of Daulatabad fort.

Notes :

1 District Gazetteer, Aurangabad District (Bombay-1977), P. 964

2 Sidney Toy, The strongholds of India (London-1957) P. 33

3 Sherwani, H.K., History of Medieval Deccan, Vol. I (Hyd-1973), P. 79

4 Firishta, Tarikh-i- Firishta, (Lucknow-1864), PP. 117-18; Radhey Shyam, "The Kingdom of Ahmadwgar, (Varanasi-1966) P. 5

5 Sherwani. Op. Cit.

P. 136 . 6 Firishta, Op. Cit, _

7 Sinha, S.K., Medieval History of the Deccan, Vol. I {1964, Hyderabad), P. 29, Radhey Shyam, Op. Cit., P. 6

8 Dist. Gaz , Aurangabad Op. Cit, P. 122

9 Dtst. Gaz, P. 938.

10 (ARIE.,) 1958-59, D43.

11 ARIE., 1962-63, D113.

12 Diyau'd-Dln Barani, TSrlkh-i-Pirus Shahz, (Calcutta-1862), P. 454

13 Kid., P. 454,

14 ARIE., 1958-59, D-52 ; EIAPS., 1957-58, P. 39, Pl.X(b) Bashiruddin Ahmad, Waqiu'at.i- Mumlakat-i-Bljapur (Agra-1915), P. 260.

15 Barani, Op, Cit., P, 455.

16 ARIE., 1958-59, D44 ; EIAPS., 1964. P. 22, PI.VII (b)

17 Tabataba, Burhan-i-Ma'dthir (Delhi-1936), P. 29

18 Firishta, Tarikh- 1 -Firishta (Kanpur-1884), P. 277.

19 No. ARIE., 1958-59, D35 ; Epigraphia Indo-Moskmica 1907-08, PP. 21-22 ; Bashiru'd-dln Ahmad, Op. Cit., PP. 279-80 SOME IMPORTANT INSCRIPTIONS FROM DAULATABAP 105

20 ARIE., 1958-59. No. D36 ; EIAPS., 1964, PI. XII (a), P, 38.

21 ARIE., 1958-59, No. D54 ; EIAPS,, 1954, Pl.Xtl (P. 38.

22 Syed Sabahu'ddln Abdur Rahman, "Bazm-i-Sufiya", (1949-Azamgarh), PP. 287-88. Shaikh- Da'ud entitled Zainu'd-din was the son of burnt at Shiraz Khwaja Husain He was (i.e. Iran). He came to India & settled at Dalhi but he migrated to Daulatabad at the instance of Muhammad-bin Tughlaq. He was the disciple of the celebrated Saint Hadrat Shaikh Burhanud-

din Ghasib. Malik Raja of Khandesh, the founder of the Fariiql dynasty had great reverence for him. He popubted Zainabad after his name on the other trade of the rvlvr Tapti 'near Burhanpur. 13. BARSI PLATES OF KRISHNA H. S. Thosar and A. A. Hingmire

is but the rules of The present set of three copper pla- Sanskrit, sandhi, vigraha etc. have not been observed. Pro- tes was in the possession of Shri M,M. strictly Sho- minent mistakes such as omission of letters Hadge, a resident of Barsi, district are indebted (lines 29,35) and repeating a verse in toto lapur in Maharastra. We deeply 4 to are noticed in the to him for making these plates available (lines 6) present of grant. At the same time there are many for study. It is a matter great pride scribal errors also. For example in line 29 to note that this is the third successive the place name Amarakantakarii has been new set of. copper plates provided by Shri wrongly written as Amarakamkata. The Hadge since last three years. of letters varies at different size shape places. The plates are rectangular in As va is used measuring 28 cms and 15 cms in length regards orthography throughout the charter to denote ba. After and breadth respectively. The plates were r the consonants are invariably doubled. held together by a copper ring passing The letter ta is doubled before ra such as through a circular hole, having a diameter 'gottra'. The of the final of 2 cms, The is lost The weight dropping visarga ring c is frequent. Semi-Prakrit words such va of the set is about 3 kgs. The plates are rishati' in lines 20-21 are found. The in a good state of preservation. signs for half and full stops have not been As found in most of the cases, the used regularly. edges of these plates are thickened and raised inside for the protection of the The object of the present charter is are matter. The first and the third plates to register a village grant by Rashtrakuta inscribed only on the inner side, while king Krishnaraja I to a learned brahman a the second plate is inscribed on both the named 3ridharabhatta. The endowment first contains fifteen lines sides. The plate was made on the occasion of a solar eclipse and lines the second plate thirteen twelve in the Jyeshtha Amavasya in the iSaka on the obverse and reverse respectively year 687. The name of the samvatsara has sides while the third plate contains thirteen been given as ^ubhakrit-samvatsara. Accord- the text contains lines. Thus altogether ing to Indian Ephemeris, Subhakrit-samvat- fifty three lines. sara falls in 3aka 684, while the name of the The characters, belong to the Southern samvatsara in $aka 687 was Vi^vavasu. There type of Brahml which was in vogue during was a solar eclipse on the Jyeshtha Ama- the 8th century A.D. The script of the vasya in aka 685, the name of the sana- 3 present charter is identical with the script vatsara being Sobhana. The details of the 1 of the Talegaon and Bharat Itihasa Sa- date given in the grant will correspond 2 thdsdhak Manual plates of Rashtrakuta to 4th June 764 A. D., the week day being 1 king Krishna I. The language of the grant Monday. In spite of the discrepancies BARSI PLATES OF KRISHNA i 107

mentioned above in the date, the charter The present inscription thus brings to light seems to be an authentic one. a new fact about the reign of Krishna I.

The grant opens with the well known However, the grant does not provide auspicious symbol for siddham followed by information about the an any enemy against invocatory verse in praise of Vishtju and whom the expedition was undertaken. In >ankara. Verses 2-15 give the genealogy this the can of regard following possibilities the Rash|rakuta dynasty from Govinda be conjectured. Among the main adver- to I Krishnaraia and the description and ex- 9 saries of Krishna, the name of Rahappa ploits of the ruling king. Verse 16 speaks is mentioned in several Rashtrakuta records. of the king making the grant (brahmadeya) The identity of this person has not been having thought of life as transient and established so far. Dr. Altekar has sugges- worthless. Then follows the prose passage ted that he be Krishna's contem- which might give all the details of the grant. 10 porary ruler of Mewar. If it is so the When the endowment was made, king vijayaskandhavara in AmarakaJjtaka on was on an in Cen- Krishnaraja expedition the banks of the river Narmada from which tral India. It is stated that he issued the the present grant was issued might be Kri- present charter from a vijayaskandhavara sbrga's camping place on way to Mewar. in Amarakantaka on the banks of the river Besides Rahappa, one relative is also men- Narmada. The record seems to be present tioned in some records among the enemies a very important one as in no other publi- ousted by Krishna I." The identity of this shed record Krishna's campaign upto the person is also yet to be established. Dr. Narmada river is mentioned. the Secondly Altekar has surmised his identification with Bharat Itihasa Sarhs'Qdhafca Mandala grant Karka II of the Gujarat branch of *the 5 dated 758 A. D. is the earliest so far known 12 Rashtrakutas. This view does not appear record of this ruler. The 6 and Talegaon to be convincing, because the relations 7 Bhandak plates of the same ruler are dated between the Imperial Rashtrakutas and the in 768 and 772 A. Therefore D., respectively. Rashtrakutas of Gujarat remained cordial the present record which is dated 764 A.D. during this period. Even after this period ranks second in order of chronology the rulers of this branch continued to rule among the charters of Krishna I. published in Gujarat as the vessals of the Malkhed Till the discovery of the Bhandak plates, house. Therefore the relative ousted by Krishna's conquests into Central India Krishna might probably be from the Vidar- were not known at all. The Bhandak plates bha branch of the Rashtrakutas as nothing were issued from i.e Nandipuradv&ri, , Nan- is heard about this branch after the pro- durbar in the Dhulia district of Mahara- clamation of sovereignity by Dantidurga. shtra. 8 The present record reveals that Prior to it the Rashtrakutas of Vidarbha Krishna had undertaken an expedition in as well as the ancestors of Dantidurga were Central India even farther right upto the the subordinates of the Chalukyas of Ba- banks'of the 13 Narmada river and that too dami. After the overthrow by Danti- eight years bsfore the of issue the Bhandak durga a trial of strength among these two plates. equals was quite probable. In this conflict 108

1 the'Rashtrakutas of Vidarbha seem to have trakuta -empire . It -is- Nijunautfa vishaya/.

been completely 'Crushed and their territory On the bads of phonetical similarity a,s incorporated into the Rashtrakuta empire. well as the location of other geographical this are That is 'why no records of family names mentioned in the present grant, fouh'd' after this -period'. 'Orithe 'contrary Nigunaura can be identified' with Neknur

' Krishna I and his Successors from the in the district Bhir h] Marathwada ' the] '' from imperial Ime donated villages 'the region -of Maharashtra. Along with Nigu- 14 ' Vidarbha- region'. Tii'e expedition referred naura-vishaya all other, placenames occurr-

1 td in 'thV present grant niight^be' in this ing in the present record can be easily ar^d

' ' ix ' '<">' connection-' klso. satisfactorily located in the' adjacent 'parts ' of "Bhir" 'and OSmanalbad ^districts. Th4 - - The ck>nee's name has been as f given Nigunaura-vishaya thus seems to have com- {srldharabhatta who belonged to the ICaS-? prised the, adjoining , parts ", of these two yapa-gotra and who was \ well-versed iji districts.' 'On 'the north it was bounded grammar,, (&abd-arthavedine), Veclaa .as, well by ,pharaura-vishaya and Uppalika 300 and as Vedanga. ,He was the son of ,R.avisvamin. on the south by the Ivlurumba 'and i^anaka- was a and who dvivefiji^iidsdmayajin the, 16 ------i

vishayas. , , grandson of Duggaiyopadhy^ya, The donated as well, as the b9undary The present charter introduces' a hithero villages along with the names of their " modern unknown division of- the Rfch- 18 " are (vishaya) * equivalents "as under. ' ' _*.'."' ; i .

name Modern Inscriptional , , , I.^No. equivalent Taluka , District

.. ( 1 , l Bhir. Bhir

' ' > ! orlt^j , -. j .' a^agramai- Wadgaon-kalsambar- 55

' 3 KStesamvara-grama .Kala'sambar" 5 J )U ' '' 4''" Vihilambagrama YallkmGh'at . "

5 , ., , Karagrama Karegavan- , ,, t

. : 6-, .yayylagrama Devrbabhulgaon , ,

' j ' - 1 Pdppalagrama Pimrtelgaon .'. . " r .--8 - - -Palidhara ^'- ! Pali

" " 9 Kuranganadi River to the north of _ Wadgaon

- 10. . T , . Hiyra Bk. , ^ Yjiha^/Virak^" \ , \

11 , , . M S^raijagrama _ 12 Viralclravira: . \ Ida

' 13 SarolagrSma - PLATES' OF KRISHNA i (100

' '" " r SI. Nb'. Iritariplional name Modern equivalent Taluka Districl

r ' 14 - Vakkadagfama ', \ Wakdi- '.'-. Kallam ""/Osibanabad " 2 15 Junavali Junoni Oiinanalad '",,"

1 ' 16 . - . o , . Amarakanta'fca. Amarkantaka . M. P.

- - - 17 N armada Narma'da river .-- ...

' Besides the endowment of ; Vafagrama was the s'ame India -.who -tad composed and 17 Ka]asamvaragrarn,a-to Sndharabhatta, , r,the Talegaon and the 'Bharat Itihas^ the record also land 18 present registers grants "SamSodhaka Marsala plates of Krishria ! to. other 120 bnalimanas. and the 19 by Krishnaraja Samangailh grant of . ' Dantidurga ' 1 '*'' 1 xali- Taradeva, the son of Vatsaraja was the The composer of the present grant engraved. -

TEXT20 ' ' ' - - r ' ' . '-' 1 ! .' ,' i." ..." . i j I ''j

24 ; [Metres: verses 1, 7, 17-18," 20-22," Anushjubh verses 11-14, 16 ^rys; verse 15 " \ verse 19 ; verse 6 (//// ; verse 26 Aryagiti Indravajrd Pushpitagra ', verse 2-5 8 Vasantatilaka ; verse 10, 23 Surdulavikridita]

- - - ^ r . -i, r ;;.' . _ ^,

FIRST . , i JPLATB f - u : ,

1 ,Sidd,ha.m ai Sk. Vedhasa ;II*] vd=vyads= dharaayan'-nabhikamalam kritam IL(l') Hara^=- cha " yasya Ka[m]tendu kalaya kaifi=a'larfakfitaA(tamr [1 "*3 Asi[d*]=dvishat -

-, . . tirni,- ,

2 ram = - 'abhiraukho 'rana'-' udyata mandalagro dhvastin=nayann= 5arvvarishu"i'bhupah c=.iv==^pta- digasta(nta) -kirttir=gGovimda"

3 iti Raja rajasu raja^sim'ghali [2*1 Tasy=atmaj5 -jagati Vifrtita-dlrgha . kirttir= -artt==artti - hari - - - , Hari vikrama-- dhama dha ,

22 4 - - ri[l*] bhupas=trivishtapa nripanukritih kptajnat ^ri Kakkaraja iti 'gottra - j

.. , abli maijir=-vy! avah{-va) "[311*].. Tasy=satinajo: jaga

5 ti vi^ruta - - - - - dirgha kirttir=artt=artti hari Hari-vikrama dhama dhari i bhupas=

kritajjaa^ iri-,. i- trivishtapa.^-nrip-^nulcnititi i,.v M.- .

- 3:> 6 Kakkaraja iti gottra maijir=vvabhuvali (va)[4n*3 Tasya prabhinna^'karata- 7 ------chyuta danti ? ruchir . d^pa lTj 0aqta pijaftpra 51U ., j

- !t 7 khit amsa-plthahi[l*] kshmapa^ kshitau kshapita- &trur=abhut=tanujah sad'- Tasy=6 - HO PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

- bhokta bhuvafci pSrjita- tapasah tanayas=chatur udadhi valaya malinyah [1*] - Satakratu - sadri^alj in Da

- vairi - varariati 9 ntidurgga- rajo=bhut [6"*] yasy=ajau raja simghasya vittrasta 24 sval=laja stambham=unmu -

- - - 10 lyd jnayante kv=api no gata[h*j n[7*3 Kanch i^a-Kerala nna(naJradhipa-Chola Pa^ya - 5riharsha - Vajrata - vibheda - vi -

11 dhana daksham Karnnatakam va(ba)lara=anantam=ajeyam=anyair=bhrityaiti - kiyadbhir=api yah sahasa jigaya "[8"*] A bhruvibham-

12 gam==agrihita - ni^ata - ^astram=ajnatam=apranihitajnam=apetayatnam[l*] yo - - vallabham sapadi darida valena ji

13 - - - - tva rajadhiraja parame^varatam= avapalj(pa) !i[9*] Asetor = vvipul opal avail - - - Ha(Ia)sat Io(llo)l 6[r*]mmi ve -

14 1-achalad-a ------praleya kalamkit amala $il jala[t*] tushar achalat [i*] a purvv apara - varira -

- - - 15 6i pulina pranta prasiddh avaddher=yen=eyam jagati sva - vikrama - va(ba)len = - aik atapattra(ttri)krita^(ta) n[10n*]

SECOND PLATE, FIRST SIDE 16 Tasmitn^divath prayate Vallabharaje kshata - praja - vaddha[h*i] in - Kakkaraja-su- - nur=mmahipatihi Krishijarajo=bhut "[12"] ya

- 17 sva ------sya bhuja parakrama nihêsh otsarit ari dik chakrath i Krishâsy= ev akfishâm charitam ^ri - Krishnarajasya n[12*]

- - - - - 18 - - - Subhattuipga ttumga turaga pravriddha ret? urddhva rudha ravi i c kiraijam grishme pi nabho nikhilam pravri^kalayate spa -

19 3 - - nirbhara - - shtarfi(tam) [1 "*] Ud[d]ama darppa mahSvala prachalitasya bhu - pjish^e f Saknoti ko niroddhuri) prasararh vara - nna(na)ra -

20 samudrasya [14*.i] Dm-anatha-praijayishu yatheshta-chishtam samihitam=ajasrain i tatksha?jam= Akalavari -

21 sh5 varshati - (Akalavarsho) sarvv artti-nirmmathanam(nam) n[15*] yena niia-raivam= - iarjitam=aneka-bliupalam palita

22 - - m=anantaih[l*]gri Rashtrakuta santati - - Krishna - chudamatji ' rajena iri6*n] Ten - edam=anila- vidyu - 23 [t*lchamchala.jivitam=asaram . kshiti - dana - - parama punyah* ^pravarttiteIdV llLluo brahraadeyo=yam(yam) n[!7ii*]

24 Sa cha - pj-ithivivallabha - maharajadhiraja parame^vara paramabliattkara - Akalava- BARSI PLATES OF KRISHNA i HI

25 - - - - 25 rsha - i ya6o mahanidhifc Sri Krishijaraja devak sarvvann=eva rashtrapati - - vishayapati gra

2 26 ma - " - vu(ku)ta mahattaradim(n) samajnapa[ya*]ti astu valj samviditatfa yatha maya mata - pitror=a-

- - - - 27 tmanaS=scha i - - ata puijya ya^o vriddhaye gak'a nyipati samvatsa[ra*] shafke ia(sa)pt-aiity:=uttare

- 28 i " - sadhita $ubhakrit samvatsare Narmada tat avasita vijaya skandhavare Mahe^vare 27

SECOND PLATE, SECOND SIDE

29 Jyeshtha - masi Amavasyayam Surya - grahe(ha)[ga*j - nimittam gate Amarkarh- 28 - - katam sri Vallabharaje Niguija

- - - 30 lira vishay antarggatah Vata gramah Kalasamvara grama dhana samopeta i 29 yasya purvvato Khadaka

30 31 - 31 Virakaravira 1 agneyyam di^i Saiyalasarola grama|i i dakshiijataliL Vihllamva gramalj i nairttyarh (nairittyam) Nigu

32 32 nauram ' pa^chimata^i Niguija[u*jra -pravrita(tta) Juqiavaijiyaka gata vata eva I uttarato Kuramga-

34 33 nadi" Kara-gramaj=cha i Nigupiirasya ajiieyarh di^i Vakkada - grania^ Kinihika 35 - Saraijama gra

34 madhana dvayena saha i yasya purvvato Vrihadvirakah i dakshinatalj Vavula - 36 - - gram5 Pippala gra

57 - 35 ma6=cha i pa$chi[ma*]tab Pani(li)dhara uttarato i purvva lli(li)khita - Vihilamva-

gramah '

- - - 36 Evaih chatur aghat opalla(la)ksliitam grama panchakam i Duggaiyopadhyaya - - pauttraya ' Ravisvami dvive

- - da - Soma - ' a^esha 6abd - artha - vedine - 37 yajina puttraya veda vedaifaga-paragaya - mahasatvaya ' Kadypa

38 38 Sridhara - i - a - sa-gottraya bhattaya purvva bhujyaman eva in Vallabha-rajena apratigrahaka iti matva

39 âsanam dattam tena cha - tebhyo gramebhya^ vithâty==uttara~ âta brahmaije- - - - bhyalj veda vedamga para

40 gruti - smriti - vihita - - - - gebhyaft*] karmanushthana parebhyal? dyuta chourya - - - gamana nirddha|ana pa 112 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

THIRD PLATE

- n Achata - - - 41 rebhyah llo(lo)k ottarebhyah pratipaditam bhat apraveSam raja(ja) - - va(ba)dha-rahitam bhurai - chhidra nyayena prati = - 42 paditam sa cha asmad vamSyair = anyair vva svadaya nirviiesham pratipalam- - yah i Uktatn cha bhagavata vedavya

- ' 43 sena Vyasena i Va(Ba)hubhir = vvasudha bhukta rajabhih Sagar adibhilji yasya - yasya yada bhumis = tasya tasya tada pha - - dattam va hareta vasumdharam 44 lam(lam) [18ii*] Sva dattara para yo [1] shashtim ' - iha varsha sahasraiji vishthayam jayati krimilj [I 19*] yan - 45 dattani pura nna(na)rendrair = ddanani ddha(dha)rmartha ya^askaraiji [l*]nirmmal- yavantam pratimani tani ko nama sadhuh - 46 punar-adadlta ii[20"*] SvaA datum sumahach chhakyarh du^kham = anyasya - palanam I dSnam va palanam v = eti dana

47 - - ch chhriyo nupa]anam(nam) n[21*] Shashtim varsha sahasraiji svargge modati

' - achhet[i*]a ch = anumanta cha ta

48 narake vaset ny-=eva [22n] Tataganam sahasra(sra)ai aSvamedha-Satena cha ['*] gavam koti-pradanena bhumi-hartta na

49 = ^udhyati [23n*] Ya[Jj*] sampatbhir anudhya(ddha)talj para~hita-vyasam[gi*]nl ======ya[sya*]dhir yya(ya)stan v(mm v)apy upakarttum itya(chchha)ti suhrid var ggasya ka-

i = 50 stha(shtha) dhane Ten Endreijta nna(na)rendra-vrinda-sahitah - = ajnaya prity edam lli(li)khitaih tad ummta-yaSalj pro-

51 dbhasanam ^asanam n[24*] Utkirijam Taradevena Vatsarfijasya sununa I ddha(dha)rm~ adharma-vidhijnena sarvva-satvopa

52 = kariija ii[25*] Itikamal-dal-atnvu-vimdu-ll6(lo)latt iriyam anuchimtya manushya- jivitath cha i sakalam = idam = uda-

53 hntam cha vu(bu)ddhva na hi purushaifai para-kirttayol>(y5) vilopyal? f26*J] Nam o Naraya^aya

Notes :

1 Ep, Ind., Vol. XIII, pp. 275-82

2 B.I.SM.Q., Vol. VIII, No. 3, pp. 165,173

3 Indian Ephemeris, by S.K. Pillai, Vol. I, pt. II, pp. 126-131.

4 Ibid. 113 BARSI PLATES OF KRISHNA i

5 BJ.S M.Q., Op. Cit.

6 Ep. Ind.. Vol XHI. pp. 275-82

7 Ibid., Vol. XIV, pp. 121-130

8 Ibid 43. 9 A.S. Altekar. Rash traku tax and their limes, p.

1 Ibid.

1 1 Ibid.

1, 2_ Ibid.^,^. g^ Karkkaraja, Piatisifutn 13 Thosar & Pathy, Bhindiion plates of Rashtrakuta afsoafcrt JJ3SI..TTTCr Vol.\/nl X,y pp.nn 30 ff,ff. 121-130 Ind., Vol. XIV, pp. 14 Bhandak plates of Krishna I, Ep. and ethnography of AtaraihwaJa fun- , , , i &A cultural// U r

published thesis) _ . 16 275-82 17 Ep. Ind., Vol. XIII, PP. 18 B.I.S.M.Q., Op. Cit. 111. 19 7m/. j4n*.. Vol. XI, p. 20 From impressions 21 Expressed by a symbol v 22 Read trivishtapa mistake twice by the scribe by 23 This verse is engraved 24 Read tal-lajja. [Ed.] 25 The correct reading is tyaga read this word. 26 The authors have not not read this word. 27 The authors have 28 Read Amarakaihtakarh word. have not read this 29 The authors is [Ed ] 30 The correct reading 0M [Ed.] reading is Aiyawpodolla 3a The C0rrect [Ed.] ~* ronriina is JnanavSifiyaka- 32 The correct reaamy [Ed.] is Kuda^-na* 33 Thd correct reading is ChaW The correct reading 34 {] is Kinihiid ^ 35 The correct reading is Vaghapa tE 36 The correct reading Lt'J'J + ,oaHina isi= PSniySaa. correct reaamg 37O * The' * B __ frntfytl VH I tCI i J is 5py*- 38 The correct reading 14. THE DATE OF THE MASODA PLATES OF

PRAVARASENA II

Ajay Mitra Shastri and Chandrashekhar Gupta

We published a paper on the Masoda tion of Senapathi Katyayana, who copper-plate charter of the Vakataka king is also referred to in the Pattan plates - Pravarasena II in Vol. X (pp. 108-116, pi. of the twenty seventh year of the same VIII) of this journal. The transcript of king, we proposed to read this word as this epigraph was prepared from the original ekn(ko)[natriiht:a]d, i.e., 29, and accor- plates some seven or eight years ago. But ingly assigned this charter to the twenty- 1 while finalising the text for the pre,ss we ninth year of the reign of Pravarasena II. had no access to the plates and had to This portion has, however, come out very depend on the estampages of the plates clearly in the photographic illustration of in our possession. Due to some mechanical the plate accompanying our article, and defect the portion of the estampage of the word in question can be read as the last plate containing the date was ekunavim&ad (correctly, ekonavim&ad) in- heavily inked and consequently the fourth dubitably, and accordingly the plates in letter of the relevant word mentioning question were issued in the nineteenth, the year could not be read out satis- not twenty-ninth, year of Pravarasena IPs factorily, and depending on the mee- reign.

Notes :

1. JESl, x, p, 114, text. Fine 48 & p. 116, note 39. 15. PALA INSCRIPTION OF KATTIYARASA

M, J. Sharma

The inscription was found engraved Chalukyas of Vatapi was known by the on a hero-stone standing slantly near the name as Katti-arasa (Ranavikrama-Dharmma tank in front of the Panchayat office at -maharajasya Priya-tanaynh Katti-arasa na- Paja in Mundgod Taluk of North Kan- madheyah meaning Katti-arasa as the favou- ara District, Karnataka State. The stone rite son of Ranavikrama Dharma-mahaiaja slab has four panels of which the top- i. e. Pulake&n I). But, Kattiyarasa of the most one, contains the inscription with present inscription cannot be identified with four lines while the other three panels depict Katti-arasa i. e. Kirtivarmman I (c. 566-578 the usual battle scenes, death of the hero AD,) as the characters of the present ins- and his attaining heaven. The centre por- cription belong to a later period i. e. 8th tion in between the inscriptional lines, is century A. D as stated above. Hence, this occupied by a figure of a lotus with sixteen Kattiyarasa who is stated as ruling over petals. 1 The surface of the stone parti- the earth may suitably be identified with cularly the inscriptional portion, is much Kirtivarman II as palaeographically the to the weather and hence the letters exposed record suits to his reign i. e. 744-757 A.D. are out in some worn and damaged places. Kirtivarman II was also known by similar The 3 was me 1 inscription which copied by names 'Kattiyara' or TCatyara'. The Di^gur 1972-73 is edited here with the kind during inscription states that while Kattiyara was of the Director (Epigraphy), permission ruling over the earth, a certain Dosi was of Archaeological Survey India, Mysore. governing the Banavasi Twelve Thousand Another contextual reference to The script and the language of the province. him as in an inscription is Kannada and it is engraved Katyara was found inscrip- in characters of about the later half of tion of the later Chalukyas of Kalyana from 5 Nanded the 8th century A. D. Bimra, Deglur Taluk, District, dated in Chalukya Vifcratna year47(U22A.D.) The inscription, at first, refers to a

who was ruling over the earth Kattiyarasa Of the names occurring in the inscrip- and then states that (prithivl-rajyaihgeye) tion, Dhurtta-gamiga and Bachchara-ballaha Sirimara attacked Pin- when [Padeyejrara Kajjama draw our attention. The former a certain ri Dhurtta [son of] galimoge, one recalls a resembling name Dhutta- attained heaven after killing Dhurttagamiga gamini,* the name of a king of Ceylon. Bachchara-ballaha Kaljama. The stone is sta- While in the other name (Bachchara-bal- ted to have been erected by a person whose laha-KaJJama) the two words Bachchara and is not clear. name ballaha when sauskritised read as Vatsa

The name Kattiyarasa is not new. In and Vallabha and the resultant meaning 3 I as of the Godachi plates, Kirtivarman of the will be KafJama, the king (vallabha) 116 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

theVatsas, So far, there are no evidences the reign of Kirtivarman II, though refe-

to show that any king of the Vatsa country rences regarding them are found during

7 participated in any battle or a fight during the period of Dhruva, the Rashtrakuta king.

TEXT8

1 Svasti iii Kattiyarasan-prithivi~rajyarlgeye Pade[ye'rara Sirimaran

2 . Pingalimogeyan-e[lidu](erik)koivalii Dhuiltagamrgana-magaiHca .

3 &i Dhurttaa-Bachchara-ballaha KSJlamana erjdu svarggalayakk-eridon

4 tavim kotta ka[lla]n-iridon.

Notes ;

at the of 1 See for a partial lotus figure engraved top the A^iir inscription of Kirtivarman II,

in Karnatak Inscriptions Vol. I, pp. 4-8 and plate.

2 AR.Ep,, 1972-73 B.79.

3 Ep. Ind., Vol. XXXVIII, pp. 59 ff and plate.

4 Ibid Vol. VI , pages 252-53 and plate,

5 S. H. Ritti and G, S. Shelke : Inscriptions from Nanded, No. 23, pages XXXIV and 39.

6 : H. Parkar Ancient Ceylon, pages 330-31 and Rasanayagam : Ancient Jaffna, Pages 68-70,

7 Fleet : Dynasties of Kanarese Districts, pages 393-94.

8 From impressions, 16. A NEW WALL INSCRIPTION OF KALIKADEVI TEMPLE AT BALLIGAVE

H. R. Raghunath Bhat

That there has been a socle-cultural one long sentence. It is not dc\ok! of 01- tradition of erecting epitaphs with or with- thographical errors here and there. out inscriptions or sculptural representations The present record may be consider! may be substantiated by a number of as a commemorative- cum- memorial ascri- inscriptions and memorial sculptures in the It records at the - ption. fir>t insi.ince tle BaJligave Banavasi region. A wall (label) death of Ekadamaroja, son of Kahclri -ant inscription along with an interesting relief Majqja of Baljigave. In the second iiiv sculpture of a couple, which has been rece- tance, the inscription purports to record ntly discovered during my field work at the erection of the figures (jmitimc] of Baljigave in Shikaripur taluk of Shimoga Ekadamaroja and his wife (name not men- district (Karnataka) represent yet another tioned), who probably performed sitti and addition to the long list of memorial inscri- died along with her beloved huslund (sdha- ptions and sculptures so far noticed. gamana), by their daughter Vinuyavve, in the temple of Kalikadevi. Along with and The inscription in three long lines is on the top of this inscriptiona! reference found engraved on the lower part of the to the couple, the relief sculpture of Ekada- left or northern wall of the garbhagriha maroja and his wife is equally interesting. of the Kalikadevi temple, which by itself is of absorbing interest because of the Both the husband and wife are seated 1 icon Graphical peculiarities. It occupies side by side in padmantinn with folded kinds 12 cm. The first an area of 86 cm. by in great devotion, The rigat side jiiLt or the last Hue. two lines are shorter than projected &HJia, well buiH pliyMt-jue uhd The size of the letters varies from about moderate ornamentation and line jewellery in The here. 2.5 cm. to 3.5 cm. height. are specially noteworthy Howe\er, Sn is of 5cm.. and wife lack ex- conjunct letters like ({.*) these figures of husband

it the faces are height. pression. Added to slightly worn out. The characters are neither boldly en- in The or southern wall of the graved nor exhibit the perfect alignment ri^ht of the same temple contains the mode of writing. Though not dated, garbhagriha The hero and the struc- another relief sculpture of a couple. on grounds of palaeography with folded hands is seated in pudmasanu ture of the language of early medieval 1243th and his left side is seated his wife in the inscription is ascribableto by period, her devotion to record is the similar pose, showing centuries. The language of the Both these on the ryht and Kannada and the text is in prose style. Kaji. figures (nadu] to have form of left walls of the garbhagriha appear The whole inscription is in the only 118 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA been associated with Kalikadevi temple in Manikoja more than one way. (son-in-law)

Incidentally it may be mentioned here that Kalikadevi temple by itself is one of Kancha^ara Maloja the monuments of from unique Bal}igave I the point of view of composite iconography (son) Ekadamaroja-wife (name not known) of Kaji and its association with the community of Panchalohadhipatis particularly the family of Maloja, a prominent Kan- daughter chagara of BaJJigave. He has been described Vinayavve. in two of the inscriptions on the doorjamb and pedestal of the main deity of the Thus the association of the community of temple as Balligave nagarada putra (worthy Panchalohadhipatis particularly the carpen- son of the Ba}]igave city), Mahanagara- ters and goldsmiths with the Kali shrine 2 da magarh (the son of the great city). The continues even to this day. They repre- wall inscription, in question, is also related sent the officiating prierts of the temple to Maloja's family in the sense that it on special occasions like raihotsava (car records the death of Majoja's son Eka- festival) and other parvas. But the associa- damaroja and his wife (name not known). ted family-deity is iconographical curiosity The cause for the death of these psrsons in so far as the composite relief sculpture have not been specified in this epigraph. which include the three faces with kin fa But the reasons for inserting the relief depicted to the right of Kali, seated Gaija- sculptures of these two great personalities pati to her left side and most curiously the 4 on the wall of the Kalikadevi temple appear relief sculpture of sacrificing elephant. These to be obvious. It was built or rather re- kirifadhari faces may be taken as Indrasena, built in stone by Kanchagara Maloja of Rudrasena and Bhadrasena, three celebra- " Baljigave as evidenced by the temple record. ted sculptors known as Kanchiviras" as Kali happens to be the family deity (kulade- described in a Kannada kavya know as vata) of Panchalohadhipatis, to which com- Kanchipurana. Further study of the Kanchl- munity Maloja belonged; not only that purdria. as well as the study of the icono- Maloja built or rebuilt the Kali temple but graphical details of Kali temple may throW continued to maintain the temple as stated light on this unique composite sculpture 3 in the inscription. Tne prominence or the of Kaji associated with Kanchagara and social status of Maloja is indicated in such other panchalohadhipatis. expression as Balligave nagarada putra and The place-name Baligave for Baljigave, mahanagarada magam He is also described personal names like Maloja (and not as Manikojanaliya ( son-in-law of Manikoja), Majoja), Ekadamaroja, and Vinayavve arc To these known genealogical details are also noteworthy from the point of view now b^ing added the following facts and of social history. figures in relief provided by the recently discovered inscription: Thus the new wall inscription further A NEW WALL INSCRIPTION OF KALIKADEVI TEMPLE AT BALLIGAVE

well as the corroborates the association of the Kali Ekadaraaroja and his wife as of these in temple with Panchalohadhipatis, and brings erection of the images persons out the information probably for the first the KaJI temple by their daughter Vinayavve. time regarding the death of Majoja's son

TEXT5

1 Srlmatu Baligaveya Kanchagam Mardjaru-maganu Ekdamarojcnu

2 svargasthanagalu Yitana-magalu Vinayavveyan yi

3 b[b*]ara pratimaya madise Srikalikadeviyara sthanadalu nilisidalu

Notes :

216 ff. 1 See Janananda, G. Sarita Jnananda, (Eds) Acharya Abhinandana, Bangalore, 1930, pp.

28 ff. 2 EC. Vof. VII, Sk 133(1131) ; QJMS LXVIII (3-4) pp.

3 Ibid.

of ones ; it 4 Dr. A. Sundara's description of the iconography may be taken as one possible a of the however needs, futther researches in this regard. I have taken up separate study Kajika temple of BaJJigave. My thanks are due to Dr. Sundara for his help in this study.

5 From photographs. 17. A NOTE ON THE BARSI PLATES OF KRISHNA I

K. V. Ramesh and S. Subramonia Iyer

In this case The Barsi plates of K rishna I have been District, Madhya Pradesh. the edited by Dr. H. S. Thosar and A A. Hing- expression s'adhita-mahe&vara may be taken mire in the preceeding pages of this journal. to refer to the fact that Krishna I had We find therein some important differences reduced to subjection the strategically im- in their reading and interpretation of the portant township of Mahe&vara in the course text of the copper plate charter. of his campaign in Central India.

The editors have stated that king On the first side of the second plate, Krishna I made a of a to in line 28, the editors have failed to read grant village the words sadhita-MdheSvate which was Jsridharabhatta belonging to Ka^yapa-gotra. have further stated that "besides the perhaps intended by the composer to con- They endowment of and Kalasamvara- vey more than one meaning. The word Yata-grama to the record sadhita means 'brought about', 'accompli- grama 3ridharabhatta, present also made Krishna- shed', 'perfected and mastered', 'subdued' registers land-grants by to anther 120 brahmanas". These two etc (Monier Williams, Sanskrit-English Dic- raja statements are not corroborated by the text tionary, s.v.). The expression Chdlukya- of the charter under review. mahe&varatvam occurring in some of the Wes- copper plate What the charter records is that Vallabha- tern Chalukya charters, much in the sense on the date of parame&varatva, shows that the word raja, i.e., Krishriaraja given five Evath chatur- mahebvaratva, which in a sense is the same granted villages (1136-41 - - as mahetvara, was used to denote the total so- -aghat dpalla(ld)kshitaih grama panchakath - \ I Ravisvami vereignity of the Karnataka emperors. There- Dttggaiyapadhyaya pauttrdya - - -dviveda sdma a \ a&esha fore, the description oflCrishna I a sadhitu- yajina\h,*\ puttray -habd - artha - vedine veda - - mdhetsvara may be taken, for one thing, to vedamga para- - refer to the fact that by finally liquidating gaya mahasatvaya \ Kapysa gottrdya - - ra I Chalukya Kirttivarman II he had success- bhuttaya purvva bhujyamana eva - Vallabha dhaka iti fully established his total sovereignty over rajena apratigi iasanaih the erstwhile Chalukya empire. tebhyo giamebhyah dattam{\*} tena cha - - viMaty uttara &ata brahmanebhyafy Hahes'vara could as well - Alternatively, veda vedamga pdragebhyafy Sruri - smriti - be the name of a acs of - - pi strategic impor- vihita karm anushthdnaparebhyah dyuta - tance, the conquest of which have been - - - may chau[r*]ya iadfl gamana nirddhdjanci - absolutely essential for the successful accom- parebhyah llo(lo}kdttarebhyQhpratipaditam : plishment of Krishija Fs Central Indian "to Sridharabhatta who is described as ap- campaign. There is, as a matter of fact - ratigrdhaka, who belonged to Kapysa gStra, a of place that name even on the who is today the grandson of Duggaiyopadhyaya, banks of the river Narmada in West Nimar the son of Ravisvamin who in turn is dcs- 121 A NOTE ON THE BARSI PLATES OF KRISHNA I

- the south Vihilatiiva to as a dmdin and Smrijin and wlio grama, to grama,

southwest and to the wjsi a had profound knowledge in Veda, Vedamga the Nigunaiira

trees from and grammar (toWrt), fridharabhatta row of banyan extending Nigun-

to the north, in the to 120 aiira to and, turn,ga\e away gift villages Ajna?ava?iyaka

nadi and Kara The three eminent brahmajas". Ku^aiiga -grama, Chakvada Kioi- other grant villages grama,

The five the were situated to villages granted by king hika and Gharagama were and bounded Vata-gramf and Ktomvara-grania the south east of Nigunaiira

fata - taut on the south ( jjrffiwfl J Mmfn ma gram on the east by Vr ikdviraka,

and Gha- - and on smopitalt Chakvada, Ki?ihika by Vavula grama Vaghapa grama,

diki C/ia- The ragama (Nigittmiinisya agneya/ti the west by Panivada boundary village bada Kinihikt to the north of the three gi&mb Gh&ragMQ dwyina if any existing gra-

All these five mentioned in nted not mentioned, wH villages, villages is, however, the in were situ- In the of the above grant two separate groups, light readings* suggested ated in the names of the mentio- Nigunaiira-vishaya, The boundaries regarding villages of the two Vata and ned in the the identification of the gift villages grama grant,

Kalasaravara the editors will have grama were to the east Kha- villagesO suggestedDO by

ira, to the south-east Aiyaijapo^olla- to be revised, BOOK

South Indian and the Chola times and substan- History Society ', cracy during Studies A.D. 850-1800 tiates evi- from Inscriptions , by his own views with inscriptional Noboru Karashima, published by R. Dayal, dences. He shows that the Ch5la administ- Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1984, ration far from being non-existant, had

pp. XXXVI and 217, Price : Rs. 140/-. the required grip inspite of considerable independence enjoyed by persons at the The book which is a compilation of lower levels. research papers written by Prof. Karashima is a new and welcome addition to the litera- In Chapter I, the author has discussed at the nature of in the ture on South Indian history and society. length land-holdings brahmadeya and Though as the author states, the volume is non-brahmadeya villages and the role of land-holders and cultivators. compiled by the inclusion of thirteen rese- There is also an discussion about arch papars, one of them being an English interesting in the lower Kaveri translation based on a paper originally private land-holding published in Japanese, it runs well as a book valley.

as the matter of these is subject papers While discussing about the power interrelated. The is subject broadly structure of Chola rule, in Chapter II, the under four grouped heads l)Land holding in author highlights about the administrative Chola times (2) Integration of Society in divisions like the mandalams, valanadus, Chola times under Cho- (3)Reveuue system nadus etc., which strengthen the author's and and las Panclyas (4) Aspects of later view about the strength of Chola administ- periods. The subheads, which are thirteen, ration. He also discusses about the irrigati- throw much on various light important onal sy terns, temple administration, crema- of the on their aspects agricultural holdings tional .grounds attached to the villages etc., administration the and later during Choja He shows, how by applying statistical period. There is an interesting discussion on methods, some hitherto unknown facts revenue assessment, power structure of the about the Chola administration and the Chola rule, village communities, social and social set up during the Chola period are administrative systems during the Chola revealed. period and the author also dwells on the Chapter III dealing with revenue system sytemsof their contemporaries, the Pandyas. prevalent in the Chola and Pandya areas He also traces the condition of land - hold- gives an interesting account of the revenue ings in the Nayaka period and the place of terms prevalent in these areas and shows mlrasdars in seventeenth and eighteenth that the Pandya inscriptions reveal some centuries. new terms not used in the Choja area. The author has very carefully assessed Chapter IV deals with the land systems the of views various scholars including those and control of land attempted by the of Burton Stein about of the nature bureau- Central and local powers, during the BOOK REVIEWS 123

Nayaka and later periods. He also dis- The author of this book Dr. S. R. cusses about the Ryatwari system intro- Goyal is already known to the world of duced by the East India-company and the indologibts through a number of his of the right mirasdurs in the Chingleput earlier publications. He has already done area. a lot of work on the origin and palaeographical development of the Brahmi He stresses the examination of the data script and a few of his findings in this field provided by the epigraphs on the one hand and are to be well taken while others of a other documents on the other and shows speculative nature deserve serious conside- how the socio-economic development can be ration. The present work is a traced through centuries from the Choja compen- dium of inscriptions of the period to the British times. Imperial Guptas of Magadha and their allies and Coming from the of Prof. feudatories. masterly pen Of the Guptas themselves, Karashima, who has made of both the survey volume includes fiftynine inscriptions the in various inscriptions regions of the including recent discoveries Of the other Tamil country and the of the allied survey regions families, twenty inscriptions find their themselves, with his assessment As scholarly place. many as thirty five well produced of the data and conclusions, very carefully illustrations appended to the volume arrived at, the book an provides upto date considerbly enhance its value. The book and therefore valuable account about very is in Hindi, a point which should be the researches in the field of socio-economic appreciated. All the earlier corpuses of history of South India, of which the Tamil the Gupta inscriptions contain critical forms a The country very important part. comments and notes in English while value of the book has increased multifold Dr. volume will Goyal's help a bigger because of the 1 map ,, notes, bibliography circle of historical researchers to get and index, which the author has prepared closely acquainted with the epigraphs and a meticulous care. with The book is bound history of the Guptas. to be welcomed botli by the students and While his critical established scholars working in the field of making observations on these inscriptions, Dr. has bro- socio-economic history of South India. The Goyal ken much new ground. As significant exa- author deserves our hearty congratulations mples, we may quote here his suggested for the same. The printing of the book is identification of Chandra of the Mehrault very neat and the get up pleasing and quali- inscription with the great tative. For this, we also congratulate the Samudragupta as also his conclusion that the Nalanda publishers. and Gaya copper plate charters ofSamu- Madhav N. Katti. dra^upta may not be wholly spurious but on the other hand could, be later copies of earlier original charters, the Guptakalina Abhilekha : by Dr. S. R. genealogical portions alone being lifted from later Goyal (Kusumanjali Prakashana, Meerut, inscriptions and hence unreliable. 1984, pp. i-xix+385 with 35 plates); Price. Rs 375/-. The author has not spared any pains 124 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA in highlighting all the aspects of Gupta get more closely acquainted with Gupta epigraphy and the presentation of his epigraphs. observations under suitable sub-titles is The book has been well produced systematically done. Because of this, while though the price is a little on the higher side he has rendered the task of research While eagerly recommending the book for scholars who would like to go through the consideration of the scholarly world, the his views and accept the right ones and reviewer would like to congratulate Dr. S. R. reject the wrong ones easier, the present Goyal for a work well done. publication is a great boon to the students of Indian Epigraphy who would like to K. V. Ramesh PLATE I TWO JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM S1YAMANGALAM (A)

PLATE I!

CHANDAVARA INSCRIPTION OF BIRADEVARASA

Q z

= z o SI -J CC o. o CO

H E

cc CL Q

cc LLJO PLATE IV BARS! PLATES OF KRISHNA I CU

[Ha] .Lilbj

PLATE VI

INSCRIPTION OF KALIKADEVi TEMPLE INDEX 125

INDEX

JOURNAL OF THE EPIGRAPHICAL

SOCIETY OF INDIA

(BHARATIYA PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA)

Vols I-X (1974-1983)

Compiled and Edited by-Dr. S. Subramonia Iyer, (Mysore) P. S. Roman figures to the left and Arabic numerals to the right indicate Vol. No. and Page No. respec- have used as in the tively. In a few rare instances however Roman figures been No. original under the Page 126 PURABHILEKHA PATR1KA TITLE INDEX

Agra Inscription, of Kanisbka I IV. 76

Ahada Jaina Inscription of ^aktikumara I, 132

Plates : (The) Ahadanakaram A Critical Study I. 124

Agriculture and Trade in Ancient Karnataka I. 50 Amardaka through the Inscriptions yn. 44

Ariigura Plates of Mali a Jayaraja, Year 3 IV. 70 Anatomy of Political Alliance from Temple Records of Tirunavalur and ' Tiruvorriyur V, 26

Ancient Foundation Stone Inscriptions of Chamba VII. 30

Ankalammaguduru Inscription of Ereyapporu IX. 107 of Anvalda pillar Inscription SSmeivara and Prithviraja I. 119 Aravalem^ Cave Inscription yn. 138

Are the grants of Maharaja Bhuluncla Dated in the Gupta Era II. 42 Art of Dance in the temples of Tamil Nadu-Epigraphical evidence V. 15 (An) Ayagapata Inscription from Mathura VIII. 26

Bagh Hoard of Copper Plate Inscriptions X. 86

Banavasi Inscription of Siva Siri Pujumavi I. 34 of Aluvarasa II Belmannu plates IV. 9 1

Bhatgam Inscription of the Naga king Prataparudra IX. 94 Bhindhon plates of Rashtrakuta Kakkaraja X. 30

Bhitari stone inscription of Skandagupta VII. 86

Bihar stone pillar inscriptions of the Imperial Guptas VII. 49

stones : A Boundary study jy t 42

(A) Brahml Inscription from Hampi yil. g in B:alimi Inscriptions Tamil Nadu I. 26 of Brahml Inscriptions Tamil Nadu : A Historical Assessment I. 104

Chandala Rock Inscriptions jj^ \\^

i in ChOl Hsgemony South India-A comparative and critical Assessment II. Ill (A) ChBja Temple in Karnatafca iy, ^4 Coins of Samarakolahala-A Study U 72 Commercial in Integrity Medieval Karnatafca (A. D. 1000-1600} VIII. ]09 Methods for Computer Epijraphical Studies , VII. 133 TITLE INDEX '

Computer Techniques of Image Enhancement in the study of a PalJava. Grantha Inscription II. 55 Copper plate grant of Gayadatunga VII. 120 Date (The) of the Malhara plates of Adityaraja V. 1

(The) Date of the Malhaia plates of Adityaraja VII 69

(The) Date of Tivaradeva IV. 1

(The) Date of Tivaradeva VI. 1 Did Kakati Rudramadevi Die on the Battlefield ? f. 40

Dodvad plates of JayakeSi III, 1209 A. D. HI. 43

(A) Duplicate Inscription of Chalukya PoIekeSi at Badami IX. 12 Early Epigraphical Refjrcncjs to some Royal Attendants VIII. 5?

Economic implications of the Harihar Inscription of DevarSya I, 1410 A. D. III. 138

Epigraphical Discoveries at Guntupalli V. 48 Epigraphical Howlers V. 10 Epigraphical Notes V. 64

Epigraphical Studies in India : Some observations-(Presidential Address at the Second Epigraphical Scciety Congress, In do re, 1975) III. 9

Evidence of the use of long vowel sign in the Kliaroshthi (Kharoshti) script of India VIII. 45

(The) First Inscription of the Chalukya Vikrama Era From Hampi X. 63

Four unedited Inscriptions from Kashmir VIII. 39 (A) Fragmentary Dedicatory Inscription of Purnarakshita X. 36 Further Note on the Uroa Muhevara Image Inscription from Skandar (Afghanistan) III. 180

(Tlia) [F*] utility and (Fjutilityof palaeography in dating undated inscriptions III. 156

Garhi Matani Inscription of Kanishka I V. 113 (The) Genesis of Temple in India and its from as gleaned form coins VI. 53 " Geographical Data in Gudnapur Inscription IV. 26 (The) 'Gift after Purchase' in Vijayanagara Inscriptions VI. 25 Glimpses of Chola Townships in Srilanka IX. 14 Hampi Inscription of Krishnadevaraya VII, 76 Harishi Inscription of Rashtrakuta Kannara IV II. 96 (A) Hero-stone Inscription from Madavalam V. 82 Historical Archaeology Vis-a-Vis Indian Epigraphy VII. 84

I- 17 Honnudike Inscription of Sripurusha Fresh 1.75 (The) Identification of Kacha ; A Study ' 128 PURABHUEKHA PATRIKA

Identification of Maharaja Sada of the Guntiipalti Inscription VIII, 53 (An) Incomplete Eu]ogy of the Sun God at Udaipur VIIL 97

Indus script and Dravidian II. 16

Inscribed potsherds from South Indian Excavations III. 120 112 Inscriptions of Lokanathadevarasa VII. IV. 23 Inscriptions of Durjayas ; A study

Inscriptions on Hero-stones in Karnataka III. 103 VIII. 63 (An) interesting Epigraph from VadodarS

(An) interesting Persian inscription from Baroda in Gujarat IV. 10

Interpretation of Dvirada-Danava : A Note VI. 50 (The) Itikala epigraph of the Kakatlyas IV. 56 Jaunpur Stone Inscription of IsVaravarman V. 89 Kandhar-Through Epigraphy and Archaeology VII. 22

(A) Kiin ida Heuo-stom Inscription in Madras City V. 103

Karpuravilai VI I. 31 KU'i and Karrtataka X. 73

(The) Kekayas or Kaikeyas of Ancient Karnataka II 47 Kelagundhi Insription of Kadamba Ravivarma-A Note X. 117 Khandavalli Plate of Gaijapati of the Kakatiya family VI. 56

Khandavalli plates of the time of Kakatiya Prataparudra III. 163

Khandpara plates of Maha-Sivagupta Dharmaratha I. 85

(A) Kilgunte Inscription from Hemavati II. 76

Kshlrarames'vara Temple Inscriptions : A study VIH. 105 Kurancli Tintkkattampalli, An Ancient Jaina Monastery of Tamil Nadu II. 84

Lake Inscription from Kanheri, I. 21 Legends on the coins of Chimuka Satavahana and his predecessors V. 136

Local Measures seen in Kollurmadam plates Kollam year 364 IV. 101

Machine Recognition of an Ancient Tamil script of the Choja period VI. 18

Mahasamund plates of Sudevaraja : Year 3 V. 93

Malhar plates of Pa^clava king Surabala II[. 183

(The) Malhara plates of Adityaraja : A reappraisal IV. 30

Malltir plates of Vyaghraraja IX. 4o

Masoda copper plate charter of Pravarasena II, year 29 X. 108

Mathura Inscription of Huvishka, year 50 X, 71 S e '^- ' ofTVVat.ar.ja m the Osiau Inscription dated 1013 and its M,, M Middle " c, ,x ,. Brahm, Inscription on an Indra " Imaget-7 K M ,."',V l S I <-l Migrations with reference to Andhra Country V0| \ More on the Rajghat shell character seal ^ More !x Prakrit Inscriptions from Amaravati %11 ^ - Mudabidure Settra Basti Inscription of Bammadevaipindradeva tl PM .The) Myth of Sujata ~ Griha V1J| ^ Nalanda stone The) Inscription of the reign of YaAovarmadeva - ^ fresh appraisal H} ^^ Vambi grant of Prithvisingh of Samvat 1812 Ratlam, Jv . 93 NTaijeghat of an - Inscription inknown queen A , Historical Re-appraisal 11.59

Nu^eghat Inscription Re-examined III, h6 - [A) New Chalukya Alupa Inscription from Jamba rd y. 85 N^CAV Early Chalukya Inscription -yij j

NTew Epigraphicai light on the History of Madhya Pradesh vil, 93

[A) New Inscription of Ereyammarasa from Balligave IX, 103

New Inscriptions from Kaijheri V. 110

Now light on the Piprahwa Vase Inscription II, JQQ ' Newly Discovered Edicts of A^oka from Karnataka VIII. 101

Note on Kadali plates of Amma II VIL 25 Note on Kalabhras X. 120 (.A) Note on Kandulavu or crown lands X. 55 (A) Note on Patyuparika VII. 54 IX. Note on Ponangy plates of Vijayaditya 88 Note on Sugrihitanaman -* ^1 X. 61 Note on Tembhuriji plates of Vikramaditya MI. 124 (A) Note on the Arjunvada Inscription V. (A) Note on the Date of Tivaradeva 5 the time of Devascna VU 3 (A) Note on the Hisse-Borala Inscription of VaJcataka II V. 9X Note on the Indore plates of Prayarasena 14 VI. 12 Note on the Mathurft Pedestal Inscriptton of Kanishka, year of Yayati, (A) Note on the Orissa state Museum plate MahtfJvagapta -r-v * A VI. JO Regnal year 4 * * J, v" 6 Note on the Raja-Pra^asti Inscription 130 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

(A) Note on the term 'Udiuchchi' of the Kannada Inscriptions III 128

(A) Note on Van'ka of the Inscriptions IX. 31

Notes on Budidagaddapalle, Kotturu and Muttukuru Inscriptions III. 146 Notes on D. R. Bhandarkar's Inscriptions of the Early Gupta Kings IX. 48

Notes on the Kauvatal and Vakratentali charters III. 152

Notes on the so called 'Queen's Edict' of A^oka III. 35

Observations on an 'Unknown Script' IV. 14

One more Edict of Jahangir from Madhya Pradesh VII. 108

On some Inscriptions edited by Fleet IV. 85

On the Greek Epigraphs from Ai Khanum I. 97

Padavarta - An Explanation VIII. 104

(The) Palaeographical study of the Arang Copper plate of Bhimasena II V. 126

Pallava Queen Rangapataka6 Inscriptions IV. 67

Pandya AJupa coins III. H6

(The) Philosophy of Mahendravarman's Tiruchirapalli Epigraph III. 91

Phulbani copper plate grant of Sri Raijabhanjadeva, year 9 V. 115

Pisangaon Inscription of Queen Rajamati, Vikrama 1532 IX. 78

Presidential Address (at the Second Annual Conference of the Epigraphical Society of India, Indore, 1975) III. 104 Presidential Address (at the First Annual Congress of the Epigraphical of Society India, Dharwar, 1974) jj 9 Presidential Address the Sixth (at Annual Congress of the Epigraphical of Society India, Ahmedabad, 1980) yjj Presidential Address the Seventh (at Annual Congress of the Epigraphical Society of India, Calcutta, 1981)

Presidential Address (at the Annual Eighth Congress of the Epigraph^ o r ical Society of India, Bhopal, 1982) IX V Presidential Address (at the Nineth Annual Congress of the Epkraohical& F Society of India, Gorakhpur, 1983) x j (The) Rama^upta problem Re-examined jjj 26 (A) rare Brarai Sealing of Wima from (Kadphises) Ganwaria (Kapilavastu) VII. 98 Raw an of plate Maharaja Narendra yj ** of Kalachuri Rfiyapur plates Ahavamalla and Kadamba Permadideva 1 135 of two Reappraisal Inscriptions from Kanheri jj[ 32 Rre-examination of (A) the Halmidi Inscription of Kadamba Kakustha IX. 78

(The) Regnal year y^ 105 TITLE INDEX !3j

conflct in Religious the Tamil country : A reappraisal of Epigraphic Evidence V. 69 of Religious learning the Pala Kings of Eastern India I. 7

Retrospective Review of Recent Discoveries VIII. 140 Risthal Inscription of Aulikara Prakakdharmma, [Vikramal year 572 X. 96 Sale of land in the Choja period IV. 79

Sarkhej Inscription of Muzaffar Shah VII. 58

Sealings of Sthanesara (or Sthanavisvara) from Thanesar Region IX, 98 of Segmsntation unusually long texts of Indus writings : A Mathematical Approach IX. 68

Self Immolation in Chola times and a New Inscription from Mallal IX. 29

Shankarpur plate of Budhagupta and Harivarman, Gupta year 166 IX. 62

(A) Sharqi Inscription from Aligarh (Kol) IX. 85 (A) Shell character Inscription on a seal from Rajghat (Varanasi) VII. 6 (A) Short Note on Harappan Script VII. 128

Significance of Gstras and Matronymics in some Early Inscriptions VIII. 67 Social and Economic conditions of Ancient Chamba V. 32 (The) Social Status of the Paraiyas as revealed from Inscriptions VII 12 Socio-Economic Roll of Temples in Medieval Karnataka IV. 106 (A) Sociological Interpretation of the Mandasor Inscription of Kumargupta and Bandhuvarman, the Malava years 493 and 529 VI. 32 IX. 23 Some aspects of Bhattiprolu Casket Inscriptions V- 62 Some Epigraphical Echoes of the Sangam Period IX. 37 Some Important Inscriptions from Idar Taluk HI. 69 Some Important Sarada Inscriptions of Kashmir-A Socio-political study Pudukkottai VI. Some Interesting Terms in Vijayanagara Inscriptions of the region 2$ Some More Inscriptions From Amaravati Excavations and the chronology * 60 of the MaMstupa Year 7 II. 50 Some Observations of the Sirpur plates of Sudevaraja, Regnal - Arabic Discoveries in Madhya Pradesh VI. 63 Some problems of Perso Epigraphical X - l04 Sreshthin in Epigraphs X. 82 of of Indus Signs with Jar or lance (A) Statistical Analysis pairs II. 31 and Phonetic values of selected Indus pictograms Suggested Semantic "" Terracotta Plaque Sugh 1L of the ASokan Studies in the Epigraphy inscriptions PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

Ix - 20 SuSilpin Amrita IX 1 Tcmbhurni Plates of Vikramaditya I X. Tcmbhurni Plates of Vikramaditya (Second set) [Q IX. 58 Teuknii Parakrama Pandya and his successors VII. 63 Three Chilukya Inscriptions from Rachanapalle - III A III. 60 (The) Tiruvendipuiam Inscription of Rajaraja study The Inscribed Terracotta Balls from Bhelawar IV. 82 78 Two inscriptions of the Chalukyas of Vatapi VII.

Two inscriptions of the Rathoda Bhfiramalla, Sam 1599 VII. 65

Two Jatavarman Sundara Paijdyas of Accession 1303 and 1304 A. D. X. 15 - Udvahanathasvami Temple Inscriptions A study X. 67

Uma-Mahe^vara Image Inscription From Skandar I- -I

(An) Unpublished Inscription from Kanheri : Clue for the identification of an Ancient Almonry VI. 46

(The) Village communities in Chola times : Myth or Reality VIII. 85 Was Kappe Arabhatta same as Aryabhata, the famour Astronomer ? VIII. 76

Was Puri Ever A capital of the Northern Silaharas ? I. 12

Weights and Measures in Karnataka (Upto 1300 A. D.) 11.81 Were Madhavavarman I and Trvaradeva Contemporaries ? V. 20 AUTHOR INDEX

Agrawal Jagannath 'x Ahmad Nisar v ,' , \ , 126 Annigeri, A. V. m m Asko Parpola n 3| Bajpai, K. D. VL 63 ; VII. V : VIII. 2f

' Bajpai, S. K. VII. 93 ; X. ^ K. M. Bhadri, VII. 65 ; IX 37 3hat H. R. Raghunatha, IV. 26 ; IX. 103 : X. 117 3hat H. R. Raghimatha, and Murthy Narasimlia, A. V. I. 34 ; II. % iliat Vishnu, A. and Lockwood Michael TIT. 91 ; IV. fi7 ihat; S. K. IV. %

ihattacharya, Gowriswar, V>II. 82 ; IX. 20 : X. 36

^liampakalakshmi, R. II. 84 : V.

-liandrasekharan, M. Chandrasekharan R. and Siromoney Gift \ I. 18 ^tiandrasekharan, R. Chandrasekharan M. and Siromoney Gift VI. iS ^li.andrasekharan, R. Chandrasekharan M. and Siromoney Gift VI IK

:tihabra, B. Ch. 1.31 : II. 9

; 3') >eambi, B. K. III. 69 ; V. 32 ; VII. 30 VIII. II. 91 TV. 10; VII. 5S >esai, Z. A. ;

IV. 91 ; V. 9S ; VI. U 3- a^ G. S. I.I; 11-47; 111.180; UIL 63 3-anam, N. M. 3-okhale Shobhana Mrs. 1.21; III. 83 : V.I 10: VII. 22

- s9 : V1L 3oyal,S.R. V ^4 3-randa Peter VI. -r x IIK 3-upta Chandrasekhar and Shastri Ajay Mitra II 116 ^, . n Q 3upia, C. S. Grupta ParraeshwariLal w XT 1 135: Gxirav,^ R. N. v U Gurukkal Rajan, P.M. xt c in 1.^1 Ourumurtny, a. . iWi; Mil tw t, c It" si ; iv. Oururajachar, S. " ^ THCanumanthan, K. R. ^ Hingmire, A. A. and Thosar, H. S. 134 PLJRABHILEKHA PATRIKA

Gift IX. 68 Hug Abdul and Siromoney ; X. 82 S. IX. 94 Iyer Subramonia ; X. 71

Iyer Subramonia S, and Ramesh K. V. VIII. 97

Jain Balachandra IV. 62 ; V. 93

Jain Usha VI. 44

Jalali S. Farriikh, A. IX. 85

Karashjma Naboru * VIII. 85

Kasinathan, N. IV. 79 103 Katti Madhav, N. IV. 76 ; V. ; VII. 138

Khan. M. F, VII. 108

T. III. 128 Kotraiah, C, M. ; IV. 42 ; VII 8 ; X. 63

I. 26 Krishnana, K. G. ; IX. V ; X. 61 Kuppuswamy, G, R. III. 138

and Bhat A. II f. 91 Lockwood Michael Vishnu, ; IV. 67

Mahalingam, T. V. III. 60

Mehta, R. N. VII. 1C4

III. 26 III. 1 1 1 Mirashi, V. V. 1,12; 11.42; ; 86 ; IV. ; V. ; VI. ; VII, 86 ; IX. 48 Manohar Mishra Shyam III. 108 ; VIII. 53 B. N. Mukherjee, IV. 14 ; V. 113 ; VII. 3 ; VIII. 45

Murthy Krishna, M. S. II. 76

A. V. and Bhat R. I. If. Murthy Narasimha, Rajhunatha, H. 34 ; 96

P. N. II. 120 Murthy Narasimha, ; VII. 112

S. S. III. Murthy Ramachandra, 146 ; VII. 18 ; VIII. 105

Murthy Ramachandra, S. S. and Ramesh, K. V. 1. 124 Nagaraju, S. VI 56

R. II. III. Nagaswamy, 72 ; 116 Narain, A. K. 1.97 Narayanan, M. G. S. V. 26 Norman,, K. R, II. 36; HI 35

Panchamukhi, R S. 1. 50

' Pentti Aalto, II. 16

Perumal, A. N. V, 15

Prasad, P. R. K. and Srivastava, K. M. VII. 98

Ramaiah, B. HI. 124 AUTHOR INDEX 135

B. S. Raman, vn> 133 B. Raman, S. and Sharma, M. J. HI. 183 Raman, K. V. I 104 ; V. 62

Ramaswami, N. S. IV. 104

Ramesh,K, V. II. Ill ; III. 156 ; IV. 85 ; VJI, 84 ; IX. 12 ; X. 30

Ramesh, K. V. and Iyer Subramonia, S. VIII 97

Ramesh,K. V. and Murthy Ramachandra, S. S. 1.124

Ramesh, K, V. and Tewari, S. P. X. 96

Rao Lakshminarayana, N. I. 17

4 Rao C, III. 1 3 Somasundara, ; IV. 23 ; VI. 57

S. Rao, R. VIFI. 1

Rath, B K. and Tripathy, S. Mrs. VI. 36

Ritti Srinivas . VII, 1 ; VIII, 101

Saloman Richard VII. 6

M. D. 25 Sampath, VII, ; IX. 88 ; X. 75

LK. V. 48 VII. Sanna, 160; ; 18 ; VIII. 67 ; IX. 23

P. V. P. Saslri, 1.40; IV. 56 ; V. 136

C. A. VII. 63 ; Sastry Padmanabha, VIIL 46 ; IX. 107 ; X. 90 N. Sethuraman, V. 105 ; IX. 58 ; X. 15

Shantakumari, S. L X. 73

M.J. 1.75; V. 85 ; VII. 128 VIII. IX. Sharma, ; 76 ; 78 ; X. 120

Sharma, M J. and Sitaraman, B. jjj 133

Sharma, T, R. . VI 32

III. 152 ; IV. V VI, Shaslri Ajay Mitra 185; 11.50; 30; 20; 5; VII. 69 ; IX, 40

3hastri Ajay Mitra and Gupta Chandrasekhar X. 108

' Shukla, S, P. IX, 98

Singh Sarjag Prasad IV. 82 Sheo Bahadur 53 Singh VI ; X. 104 D.C. Sircar, 1.7; III. 9 ; IV. 6 ; V. 10 ; VIII 24

Siromoney Gift II. 55

Siromoney Gift, Chandrasekharan, R. and Chandrasekharan, M. VI. 18 Gift and Abdul Siromoney Huq IX, 68 ; X. 82

5olomon Richard IX, 26

Somani Ram Vallabh I 132 136 PliRABHILEKHA PATRIKA

C. R. V. 82 Srinivasan, ; VI, 20 ; VII 140

Siivastava Aravind and Thaplyal Kiran Kumar IX. 6 K. M. Srivastava, j[ JQQ

K. M. and P. R. K. Srivastava, Prasad, yjj 9^ C. L Suri, I H9

S. Swaminathan, X. 67

P. VI, 50 ; VII. 54 ; Tewari,S. VIII. 57 ; IX. 34; X. 41

Tewari, S. P. and Ramesh, K, V. X. 96

Thaplyal Kiran Kumar and Aravind Srivastava IX 6

Thosar, H S. yil. 44 ; IX, 1

H. S. and Thosar, Hingmire, A, K. X, 10

R. Tinimalai, VIII. 31 ; IX. IX. 14; 29 ; X. 55

L. K. Tripathi, IX, KJQ

S. Tripathy, IV. 70; V. 115; VII. 120

S. Mrs. and K. Tripathy, Rath, B VI. 36

Trivedi, H. V. y 64 Vcnkatesha , vn.76; 1X78 REVIEW INDEX

Annual Report on Epigraphy, 1967, edited by P. istrv

Pub - by /- -Reviewed by S. S. Ramachandra ~Murthy. IV. 109 Banavasi Kadambaru by Ba Ra Gopal, Pub. Kadamba yana by Samskritika Adhya- Samsthe, Sirsi, North Kanara First and District, edition, 1983, pp. I-XXXVI 1-18. Price Rs.20/- -Reviewed by Madhav, N. Katti. IX. 114

(7%e) and the Chalukyas of Kalyana Kalachurisby B. R. Gopal, Published bv Karnatafc University, Dharwad, pp.459, 1982. Price not given. Reviewed K. R by B.isavaraja VI 1 1. 114

(The) Cholas (Mathematics reconstructs the chronology) by N. Sethuramtm Published the by author, 1977, pp. 193, Price not given. Reviewed K. V. by Ramesh and C. R. Srinivasan. IV. Ill the SatavShanu Coinage of Empire by I. K. Sharma, Published by Again -Cala Prakashan, Delhi, pp. i to xxi and 1-297 with pp. index and twenty "plates, Price Rs. - L980, 140/- Reviewed by K. G. Krislman VIII. 115

Coins Karnataka Dr. A. V- (The) of by Narasimha Murthy, Published by 3eetha Book House, New Statue Circle, Mysore, pp. 254, Price not mentioned, Reviewed by K. V. Ramesh 1.151

Concordance the Names in the (A) of Cola Inscriptions, Vols. I to III by Y. NToboru Karashima, Subbarayalu and Toru Matsui, Published by Sarvodaya llakkiyapannai, Madurai. Reviewed by C. R. Srinivasan VI. 69

the Prakrit and Descriptive Catelogue of Sanskrit Inscriptions in the Epigraphy Ja/lery, Indian Museum by Shyamalkanti Chakravarti, Published by Indian Museum, Calcutta, 1977, pp. 207 and plates 8. Price Rs 15-00 Reviewed by Ajay Mitra Shastri. V. 143 - Early Chdlas Mathemat'cs Reconstructs the Chronology by N. Sethuraman, Published by the author, Kumbakonam Reviewed by K. V. Ramesh and C. R. Srinivasan VI. 70

Epigraphia Andhrica, Vol. II (1974), edited by N. Venkataramanaya and P. V. Parabrahma Sastry, Joint editor, Md. Waheed Khan, Price not given. Reviewed by K. V. Ramesh .111.195

and Epigraphia Andhrica, Vol. Ill (1974), edited by N. Venkataramanayya P. V. Parabrahma Sastry, Joint editor, M. Ramesan, Price not given. Reviewed by K. V. Ramesh MI. 195 138 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. IIJ, Published by Institute of Karma da Studies, University of Mysore, Mysore, 1974, pp. 125, and 990 and 17 plates, Price Rs. 80/- Reviewed by A. V. Narasimha Murthy I. 153

Geographical Names in Ancient Indian Inscriptions, by Dr. Pararnanand Gupta, Published by Concept Publishing Company, Delhi, 1977, pp. 176 and 16 plates Price Rs. 60/~ Reviewed by K. V. Ramesh IV. 10

Hindu Iconography by S. P. Tewari, Published by Agam Kala Prakashan, New Delhi, 1979, pp. i-XIV 4- 117 and 38 illustrations, Price Rs. 100/- Reviewed by K. V. Ramesh V. 143 - (The) Imperial Pandyas Mathmatics Reconstructs The Chronology by Sethuraman. Published N by the author, Kumbhakonam, 1978, pp 252, Price not given. Reviewed by K. V. Ramesh and C. R. Srinivasan V. 144 Indigenous States Northern of India (circa 2CO B. c. to 320 A. D.) by Dr. Bela Published (Mrs.) Lahiri, by University of Calcutta, 1974, pp. XVI and Price Rs. 398, 50/- __Rev j eweci Dy A. V. Narasimha Murthy II. 123 Andhra Inscriptions of Pradesh- Warangal District, edited by N. Venkata-

; General ramanayya editor, N. Ramesan, Published by the Govt. of Andhra

Pradesh, Hyderabad, 1974, pp. XI and 325, plates 14, Price Rs. 86/- Reviewed S. by S. Ramac'.iandra Murthy III. 196 Andhra Pradesh - Inscriptions oj Karjmnagar District edited by P. V. Para- brahma General N. Sastry, editor, Ramesan, Published by the Govt of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad, XXI and 155 and pp. plates, Price not given Reviewed by S S. Ramachandramurthy IV. 110 Jaina Inscriptions of Rajasthan R. V. by Somani, Published by Rajasthan Prakrit Bharati Sansthan, Jaipur, 1-271 and pp. Appendix pp 1 68 Price not given. -Reviewed by S Subramonia Iyer IX 115 Jaina Literature in Tamil A. by Chakravarti, revised by Dr. K. V Ramesh Published by Bharatiya Jnanapitha, New Delhi, 1974, pp. 254, Price Rs. 20/' Reviewed A. V. by Nara'imha Murthy I. 149 Kakatiya Coins and Measures P. V. by Parabrahma Sastry, Published bv Govt of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad, 1975, pp.23, PriC3 not mentioned. Reviewed by A. V. Narasimha Murthy III' 194

u'vorsity of Mysore, Second edition, 1975 DD""' XT! anH no ' HU LJJ .JLX 5 |Q,_ JL-T, Reviewed by K. V. Ramesh II. 124 REVIEW INDEX 139

Karnataka Sasanakale by H. V. Ragliunatha Bhat, Published by Bharati

I'raka^ana, Mysore, pp. XX and 216 and plates and line drawings, Price not given. Reviewed by M. J. Sharma IV. 109 ftauhambi Hoard of Magha Coins by Ajay Mitra Shastri, Published by Nagpur 108 XJniversity, Nagpur, 1979, pp. XVI + -j- IX plates, Price Rs. 60/~ Reviewed by K. V. Ramesh VI. 68

Mahabalipuram Studies, by Michael Lockwood, Gift Siromoney and P. n>ayanandan, Published by The Christian Literature Society, Madras, 1974, V Pp. and 112, Price Rs. 18/. Reviewed by K. V. Ramesh II. 27

Medieval Pandyas (1000-1200 A. D.) by M. Sethuraman, Publised by author

Vgam Kala Prakashan, Delhi, 1982, Price not given. Reviewed by Hema Govindarajan VIII. Ill

(The} Prehistoric Afghanistan : A source book by V. C. Srivastava, > ublished by Tndological Publications, Allahabad, pp. XXV + 244 with 135 igures, 18 maps and 8 charts, 1982, Price Rs 250/- Reviewed by B. K. Gururaja Rao X. 125

Rajendra Vinnngar by R. Tirumalai, Published by Institute of Epigraphy >cpartment of Archaeology, Govt. of Tamil Nadu, Madras, First edition 1980, Annexure etc total Price Rs. p. 1-58 (and , pp. 78), 25/~ Reviewed by Madhav N. Kaiti IX. 112

Sasanamum Tcimilum (Inscriptions and Tamil Studies) by Dr. A. Velupillai, p. 368, Price Rs. 10/- Reviewed by K. G. Krishnan II. 126

Some Aspects of Economic and Social Life in Karnataka (A. D. 1000-1300) y Dr. S. Gururajacaar, Published by Prasaranga, University of Mysore, Mysore, p. 328, Price Rs. 20/- Reviewed by S. S. Ramachandra Murthy 1.150

Studies in ancient townships of Pudukkottai, by R. Tirumalai, Published y the Institute of Epigraphy, Department of Archaeology, Govt. of Tamil fadu, Madras, pp. 1-414, bibliography and index. Price not mentioned. -Reviewed by K. V. Ramesh IX. Ill

Studies in Indian Place Names (Bharatiya Sthalanama Patrika), Vol. I Htcd by Madhav N. Katti, Published by Geelha Book House, Mysore-1. not )ii behalf of the Place Name Society of India), 1979, pp. 100, Price given. Reviewed by S. P. Tewari VI. 69 140 PURABHILEKHA- PATRKA

in South and Slices Mm History Epigraphy, by K, G. Krishnan, Published

Era i-vii and Price Rs, by New Publications, Madras, pp. 184, 70/-

114 -Reviewed by B R, Gopal VIIL

SM/ies In Wiivfl History and Culture by Dr, Gururaja Bhatt, Published by

and 451 and 468 art Price R& the author, pp, LXIV plates, 250J-

fl 125 -Reviewed by A. V, Narasimha Murthy

B, CL Chhabra Smti Sri (Dr, Felicitation Volume) Published by Agam

I, XXVII and 376 1 line Kala Prakashan, Delhi, pp. (with 15 plates and drawing),

Katti X. 125 Price Rs, 350f- -Reviewed by Madhav N

Govt Tftrw Grants fro/n M$h by N, Mulcunda, Rao, Published by the

I 1 32 of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad, pp, to VIII and to and plates 20, 1982,

Katti X, 128 Price not indicated -Reviewed by Madhav N

and ftitefjafa by K, V.Raniesli

behalf of M, J. Sliartna, Published by the Geetha Book House, Mysore (on

239 Rashtrakavi Govinda Pai Memorial Research Institute, Udipi) 1978, pp

Price S, S Ramachaadra VI, 71 and 7 plates, Rs 50/- -Reviewed by Murthy criplion of Kattiyarasa 115 ...M. J. SHARMA...

Wall Inscription of Kalikadevi Temple at Balligavc 117 ...H. R. RAGHUNATH BHAT,,,

e views ; 122 outh Indian History and Society

123 iiiptakalina Abhilekha

16. r Articles Nos. 2, 10, 11, 13, 15 and

Vols, J-X :

Title Index 126

\ \ulhor Index 133

toview Index 137

HONORARY FELLOWS

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Clnii i man : Executive Committee :

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